The middle class of society in Scotland was, a century ago, very imperfectly defined. The farmer was head of the house, while his hinds were held as members of the family. Except the married servants, every one connected with the farm dined together at the same board. The farm kitchen was termed the ha'; it was the dining-room of the establishment. The farmer or gude-man sat at the upper end of the table; next him sat the gudewife, and at each side of the upper end were arranged the children and visitors. The hinds were seated at the lower end of the board. In some farmhouses a line drawn with chalk distinguished the upper from the lower end of the table. In others the family salt-dish was placed so as to denote the boundary line-between the members of the family and their dependants. Dinner was commenced with broth, better known as kail. There was no tureen; the plates were filled direct from the kail-pot by the maid-servants, who supped their own share on their knees, seated on stools at the fireplace. When any of the hinds desired a second supply of broth he rose from his place, and proceeded to the kail-pot. All sat at table with unwashen hands. The hinds retained their bonnets, unless when the gudeman asked a blessing, when each drew his bonnet over his eyes. The broth was supped with short spoons from plates of timber or pewter. The spoons were made on the premises from the horns of slaughtered cattle.

After the kail a joint of beef or mutton was placed on a wooden trencher before the gudeman, who took from his pocket a clasped knife and fork, with which he "divided" it. The expression divide had a literal significance, for the joint was not sliced, but cut into lumps proportioned to the capacities of the different consumers. Knives and forks were presented to strangers, but the ordinary company separated and ate their portions with their fingers. When the joint was eaten, the broth which remained in the pot was placed upon the table, and was served along with a copious allowance of oatcakes and barley bannocks.

Butcher meat was not a uniform part of the farmhouse dinner. It appeared just thrice a week, while its place was on other days supplied with such dairy produce as butter, cheese, and eggs. Those days on which animal food was not presented were termed meagre. Twice or thrice a year the farmer dined alone. These were the occasions of the parochial clergyman's annual visitation, or when some notable friend from a distance chanced to arrive. At such times the gudewife served her husband and the guests. Dinner being brought in, she proceeded to wipe the- chairs with a fine linen towel, and invited the company to sit. Then placing herself behind her husband's chair she gently reminded him from time to time of his duties as a host, and in the intervals of serving snatched from his plate with her fingers a potato or portion of meat. She joined freely in the conversation, and sat down to serve the haggis or pudding.

The morning and evening meals at the farmhouse consisted of porridge or brose. Porridge was made of oatmeal boiled in water to a proper consistence. Brose was prepared by mixing a few handfuls of meal with hot water in a wooden dish. The latter description of food was prepared by the hinds for their own use.

At breakfast and supper the members of the family took their viands apart; but all assembled together in the ha' for evening worship. The practice of family devotion was during the last century nearly universal. The farmer and his wife breakfasted and supped on porridge; but the dish was rendered more palatable by the rich cream with which it was supped. The gude-man prefaced the matutinal meal by swallowing a glass of whisky, which was designated his morning. In upland districts a second dram, or "mindram," was administered at noon. A laird in Forfarshire, who died within the recollection of the writer, took eight drams as his ordinary allowance daily.

In upland districts the natives subsisted chiefly on venison. The ancient Highlander prepared his venison without fire. The steaks or slices were simply compressed between two battens of wood, so as to force out the blood. This species of food was acceptable at all hours. In the county of Perth salmon was so abundant that the farm hinds stipulated on engaging that it should not be presented to them as food oftener than thrice a week. The great-grandfather of the writer engaged his farm servants on this stipulation.

Tea was introduced into Scotland in the spring of 1682 by the Duke of York. He was residing at Holy-rood as Commissioner to the Scottish Parliament, and in order to conciliate the nobility, he caused his Duchess and the Princess Anne to provide a grand entertainment for the ladies of the court. Tea formed part of the fare; it had not been seen in Scotland before. It was sold at Edinburgh twenty-five years later at 25s. per pound. Physicians prescribed it to their delicate and more opulent patients. A century ago tea was sparingly used in the Scottish farmhouse. Some of the gudewives dispensed with the liquor, and entertained their guests with the leaves mixed with butter.

With the exception of tea and sugar, farmers seldom obtained any articles of food from the shops. Ale was brewed on the premises. The household bread was baked by the gudewife and her maidens. A bullock, called the mart, was killed at Martinmas; a few crock ewes were killed about the same season. These were carefully cured, and constituted the family provision in beef and mutton during the year. Whisky and other potent liquors were obtained from the smugglers; the casks were concealed underground.

The family garments were, like the household food, prepared upon the farm. Both wool and lint were spun on the premises. The parish tailor made periodical visits, and remained till he had fashioned or restored garments for all the male portion of the establishment. He was recompensed with the daintiest food, and wages varying from twopence to fourpence a day. The females of the family were expected to fabricate their own apparel, and to keep the household in stockings.

The costume of the Scottish farmer a hundred years ago may be described. His head was protected by a round blue bonnet, the flat circle of which was in front raised to an angle, terminating in a point. Hats were introduced for Sunday wear about the beginning of the last century. The neckcloth or overlay consisted of a square of tweeling or coarse yarn, which, after twice enclosing the neck, was buttoned in front to one of the vests. Two vests were worn, the lower of which was termed the surcoat. This garment was made of plaiding, and was closely buttoned over the breast. The upper vest or waistcoat was provided with skirts extending to the thighs. It was made secure to the loins by a belt of buff leather. The coat, or uppermost garment, was worn only on Sundays or holidays, or when visitors were expected. It was a capacious garment, liberally adorned with gilt or brass buttons. The coat and upper vest were of hodden grey, or dark blue, the wool having been procured and spun on the farm. The trousers, fashioned of the same material, descended a little below the knee, where they were met by hose of grey plaiding, to which they were buttoned. The feet were enclosed in shoes of neat leather, fastened with brass buckles. Highland farmers wore brogues, composed of half-dried leather, with holes to admit and let out moisture. The ancient brogues were constructed by huntsmen, who encompassed their ankles with undressed deer's hide, hair outwards. These were laced upon the feet and limbs with leathern thongs.

The farmer's wife was unambitious of showy attire. Her gown, a garment worn only on Sundays, was of homespun material. Her outer dress usually consisted of a short gown, which rested loosely on the shoulders, and otherwise resembled the farmer's upper vest. She wore hoggens, or stockings, which enclosed the ankles, leaving the feet uncovered. When she proceeded abroad, she threw round her person a plaid, in the ample folds of which she was enabled entirely to enshroud herself. The wives of traders adopted a similar outdoor attire. An English tourist,* who visited Edinburgh in 1746, thus describes the street costume of the citizens' wives:—

"The women here use the Scots plaid3 about their heads and shoulders, exactly of the shape and worn after the same manner with the Flemmingers' veils; only these are of different colours, made of worsted, and the foreigners' always black silk : these are very good cover-sluts, and serve to hide the nastiness of their undress."

The imperfect condition of the roads prevented the use of coal in districts far apart from the coal-fields. Except the highway from Glasgow to Edinburgh, and from Edinburgh to Berwick, there were no turnpike roads in Scotland before 1750. Bridges were rare, and many travellers perished in attempting to cross the fords of rivers. In 1760 the Marquis of Downshire, in attempting to make a journey through Galloway in his family carriage, was obliged to stop near Wigton and remain in his vehicle during night. When the roads were impassable, carts were in little use. Carriers conducted the transmission of goods in sacks suspended on the backs of their horses. The horse of the farmyard was used in carrying the master and mistress to church, or in aiding to carry seedcorn to the fields. Horses, being little used, were imperfectly attended to. The carrier and hawker fed their horses on bruised thistles ; the farm horse had his pease-straw in winter, and in summer the straw of oats and barley.

Oxen were used for draught and tillage. In hard and clayey soils, eight oxen were yoked together to drag a single ploughshare. The unwilling ox was goaded by a long rod pointed with a sharp instrument. When manure began to be used in husbandry, women were employed to carry it to the fields in wicker baskets. In certain localities sledges drawn by cattle were early substituted.

The tenantry possessed no stimulus to the cultivation of their waste lands. They had no leases, and might be removed at the landlord's will. The poverty of the landowners ultimately led to a better state of things. On entering a farm, the tenant was expected to pay a grassum, and the payment of this impost was turned to account by the lessee to extort leases from reluctant proprietors. When a large grassum was offered, leases extending to three lives would have been conceded.

The payment of cane or dairy tribute was a burden which considerably oppresed the tenantry. The tenant became bound to provide eggs and butter and a certain number of fowls for the landlord's table at all seasons and on the shortest notice. Farmers were not unfrequently obliged to purchase fowls and dairy produce at high prices, to fulfil the stipulations of their lease. The system of thirling the tenantry to particular mills was one of the latest restrictions on Scottish husbandry.

Nearly every farm consisted of two portions, which were styled infield and outfield. The infield portion was enclosed, and in the immediate vicinity of the homestead. It was entirely under tillage, the crops raised consisting chiefly of oats and bear, or barley. Wheat was seldom raised, and always in small quantities. The outfield, or unenclosed portion, was no better than moorland, from which "the hardy black cattle could scarcely gather herbage enough in winter to keep them from starving." Towards the latter part of last century an entire change was effected. Through the exertions of Lord Karnes, Sir John Sinclair, and others, an impulse was given to agricultural improvement. The Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland, established in 1783, has fostered enterprise and encouraged competition, and under its auspices Scottish husbandry has become popular throughout the world.

Attachment to the ancient owners of the soil was formerly cherished among the rural population with the warmth of a passion. Clansmen acknowledged the Mac-nab, or the Mackintosh, or Glengarry, long after these chiefs had ceased to possess any territorial importance. The Scottish lowlander also was proud of the old families, and rejoiced to uphold their importance. The departure of a landed family from their possessions was a cause of deep lamentation to the tenantry, even though the departing owners had extorted rack-rents and possessed no personal virtues. The successors of old families were proportionately obnoxious. The most abundant beneficence on the part of new comers did not propitiate the favour of those who, remembering the old folks with a species of loyalty, could only regard their successors as intruders. Early in the present century Mr. Izzet, an opulent hat manufacturer at Edinburgh, purchased an estate in Perthshire, and proceeded to reside on his possession. He was persecuted; his windows were broken ; he was assailed with threatening missives, and was denounced as a trader who had no right to occupy a manor-house. Old hats were thrown into his policies and placed upon his gateposts. He sold the property in disgust, and returned to the capital.

In 1783, Mr. William Forbes, a prosperous trader in London, purchased the estate of Callander, which had formerly belonged to the noble house of Callander and Linlithgow. Mr. Forbes was a person of most liberal views, and at once indicated his intention to employ many labourers on his demesne, to attend to the interests of his tenantry, and liberally to support the poor. Weekly at Callander House a number of indigent persons received a supply of clothes, food, and money. The new landowner was foremost in every scheme for the benefit of the neighbourhood. His efforts to reconcile the inhabitants to his possession of the Callander estate altogether failed. He was abused by old and young. He was occasionally mobbed. People broke into his demesne, destroyed his fences, and violated his flower-gardens. Mr. Forbes bore all these indignities with composure; he overcame prejudice at the last.

Respecting the convivial habits of the Scots much has been written. About a century ago the ordinary beverage of the people was a light home-brewed ale. This liquor was manufactured in every hamlet. The brewers were generally the publicans' wives, and the occupation would seem to have thriven with them, for "a brewster wife" became a designation for any female who was enormously fat. In 1661 twelve brewster wives, all of portly condition, undertook a race to the top of Arthur's Seat, for the prize to the winner of a cheese weighing one hundred pounds.

The ale produced at the public breweries was of three qualities; it was distinguished at the country residence as ostler ale, household ale, and best ale. The first was drunk in the stable, the second was the ordinary beverage of the domestics, and the best or strong ale was prepared for the family table. But the upper classes usually drank claret. The price averaged fivepence per bottle. When a vessel laden with the precious liquor arrived from Bordeaux at the port of Leith, the owners immediately notified the intelligence by carting a number of hogsheads through the streets, and causing an attendant to proclaim where the liquor might be purchased. Casks were also hurled about on wheelbarrows, and the claret sold in stoups. The "stoup of old claret" is frequently mentioned by Sir Walter Scott.

Claret was formerly imported from the mainland into the Western Isles. This was forbidden in 1609; but finding that the practice continued, the Privy Council in 1616 issued an "Act agans the drinking of wynes in the Yllis." Of this ordinance the tenor was as follows:—

"Apud Edinburgh xxvj of Julij 1616.

"Forsamekle as the grite aud extraordinar excesse in drinking of wyne commonlie vsit amangis the commonis and tenentis of the Yllis is not onlie ane occasioun of the beastlie and barbarous cruelteis and inhumaniteis that fall is oute amangis thame to the offens and disple-sour of God and contempt of law and justice, bot with that it drawis nvmberis of thame to miserable necessite and powertie sua that they ar constraynit quhen thay want of thair nichtbouris. For remeid quhairof the Lordis of Secrete Counsell statvtis and ordanis, that nane of the tenentis and commonis of the Yllis sail at ony tyme heirefter buy or drink ony wynes in the Yllis or continent nixt adiacent, vnder the pane of twenty pundis to be incurrit be euery contravenare toties quoties. The ane half of the said pane to the Kingis Maiestie and the vther half to thair maisteris and landis-lordis and chiftanes. Commanding heirby the maisteris landislordis and chiftanes to the saidis tenentis and commonis enery ane of thame within thair awine boundis to sie thir present act preceislie and inviolablie kept and the contravenaris to be accordinglie pvnist and to vplift the panes of the contravenaris and to mak rek-ning and payment of the ane halff of the said panes in [his] Maiesteis excheckar yierlie and to apply the vther halff of the saidis panes to thair awne vse."

A more stringent ordinance was passed in 1622. We present it entire.

"ACT THAT NANE SEND WYNIS TO THE ILIS.

"Apud Edinburgh 23 Julij 1622.

"Forsamekle as it is vnderstand to the Lordis of Secreit Counsell that one of the cheiff caussis whilk procuris the continewance of the inhabitantis of the His in their barbarous and inciuile form of leeving is the grite quantitie of wynes yeirlie caryed to the His with the vnsatiable desire quhair of the saidis inhabitantis are so far pos-sesst, that quhen their arryvis ony ship or other veshell thair with wynes they spend bothe dayis and nightis in thair excesse of drinking, and seldome do they leave thair drinking so lang as thair is ony of the wyne rest and sua that being ouercome with drink thair fallis out mony inconvenientis amangis thame to the brek of his Maiesteis peace. And quihairas the cheftanes and principallis of the clannis in the Yllis ar actit to take suche ordour with thair tenentis as nane of thame be sufferit ta drink wynes, yitt so long as thair is ony wynes caryed to the His thay will hardlie be withdrane from thair evil custome of drinking, bot will follow the same and continew thairin whensoeuir thay may find the occasioun. For remeid quhairof in tyme comeing The Lordis of Secreit Counsell ordanis lettres to be direct to command charge and inhibite all and sindrie marsheantis skipparis and awnaris of shippis and veshellis, be oppin proclamation at all placeis neiclful, that nane of them presoume nor tak vpoun hand to carye and transporte ony wynes to the His nor to sell . the same to the inhabitantis of the His except se mekle as is alloued to the principall chiftanes and gentlemen of the His vnder the pane of confiscatioun of the whole wynes so to be caryed and sauld in the His aganis the tenour of this proclamatioun or els of the availl and pryceis of the same to his Maiesties vse."

These repressive measures deprived the Hebrideans of the wines of Bourdeaux, but did not render them more temperate. They had recourse to more potent beverages. Their ancestors extracted a spirit from the mountain heath; they now distilled usquebaugh, or whisky. Whisky became a greater favourite than claret, and was drunk copiously, not only in the Hebrides, but throughout the Highlands. It did not become common in the Lowlands till the latter part of the last century. The Lowland baron or yeoman, who relished a liquor more powerful than claret, formerly used rum or brandy.

The old nobility, when they had tired of claret at their feasts, introduced the punch-bowl. Several bottles of brandy were poured into it. Sugar and hot water were added, the latter sparingly. The merchants of Glasgow prepared punch of rum, which was drunk cold.

The ancient drinking vessels consisted of horns mounted with silver. During the reign of James III. mazers or goblets were used by the sovereign and nobles. Certain families possessed drinking vessels of peculiar construction. Sir Walter Scott mentions, as the prototype of the Poculum Potaiorium of the Baron of Bradwardine, a massive silver beaker in the shape of a lion, which was preserved at Glammis Castle, the ancient seat of the Earls of Strathmore. It contained an English pint, and it was the established rule that when the vessel was set before a guest, he should drain off its full measure of wine in honour of the noble owner.

Sir Walter Scott furnished in his own person some materials for an anecdote in connection with the lion beaker of Glammis. He has recorded that, during a visit to the castle, he had the honour of swallowing the contents of the vessel. But the occurrence had a sequel for which we are indebted to another informant. The contents of the lion proved somewhat too potent for the great Minstrel, who, on leaving the castle, lost his way. He called at the parish manse to receive directions, but in remounting his horse dropped his whip, which next day was picked up by the clergyman's wife. This lady, Mrs. Agnes Lyon, was an accomplished verse-writer; she celebrated Neil Gow, by composing his "Farewell to Whisky," and she was afterwards induced to try her powers of song somewhat at the expense of the author of "Waverley." We quote Mrs. Lyon's verses :—

"Within the towers of ancient Glammis
Some merry men did dine,
And their host took care they should richly fare,
In friendship, wit, and wine.
But they sat too late, and mistook the gate
(For wine mounts to the brain).
Oh, 'twas merry in the hall, when the beards wagg'd all,
Oh, we hope they'll be back again,
We hope they'll be back again.

"Sir Walter tapp'd at the parson's door,
To find the proper way;
But he dropt his switch though there was no ditch,
And on the steps it lay.
So his wife took care of this nice affair,
And she wiped it free from stain;
For the knight was gone, nor the owner known,
So he ne'er got the switch again;
So he ne'er got the switch again.

"This wondrous little whip remains
Within the lady's sight;
(She crambo makes, with some mistakes,
But hopes for further light);
So she ne'er will part with this switch so smart,
These thirty years her ain;
Till the knight appear, it must lie here,
He will ne'er get his switch again,
He will ne'er get his switch again."

In a note appended to "The Pirate," Sir Walter Scott thus describes a large drinking vessel kept at Kirkwall:—"The bicker of St. Magnus, a vessel of enormous dimensions, was preserved at Kirkwall, and presented to each bishop of the Orkneys. If the new incumbent was able to quaff it at one draught, which was a task for Hercules or Rorie Mhor of Dunvegan, the omen boded a crop of unusual fertility." In a "Description of the Isles of Orkney," published in 1700, the bicker of St. Magnus is referred to in these terms:—"Buchanan tells a story which is still believed here, and talked of as a truth, that in Scapa—a place about a mile from Kirkwall to the south—there was kept a large cup, which, when any new bishop landed there, they rilled with strong ale, and offered to him to drink, and if he happened to drink it off cheerfully, they promised to themselves a noble bishop, and many good years in his time."

In the beginning of the sixteenth century, the dining rooms of country landowners were neither lathed nor plastered. The dining tables were supported on tressels, which at the conclusion of the dinner were "closed," or folded up, the boards being raised against the wall. When served up, dinner was announced by the clangour of horns and trumpets. At the beginning of the repast, and at its close, a servant proceeded round the table, carrying a basin; another followed, bearing a towel. This arrangement was needed, since knives and forks were unused. Two persons were served from one plate. The plates or trenchers were commonly of wood, but occasionally consisted of thick slices of barley bread. These were afterwards thrown into the alms-basket, and distributed to the poor. One drinking vessel, which was usually composed of timber, served the entire company. The more recherche viands consisted of swans, cranes, and sea-gulls, which were eaten with bread, sweetened with honey, and flavoured with spices. "Redfische," as salmon was then called, was partially used, but the porpoise was considered a greater delicacy.

When James ascended the English throne, knives had been introduced at table, but forks were still unknown. The knife used was the JocHeleg, derived from the name of its original maker, John of Liege, a celebrated cutler of the sixteenth century. The clergy carried a knife and fork with them when they expected to be asked to dine in the course of their pastoral visitations. Glasses were rare even in good families within a century and a half. Armstrong of Sorbie, a celebrated border laird of the last century, used to remark that "the world was better when there were more bottles and fewer glasses! "

There were special occasions of rural festivity. The more notable were when the country squire succeeded to his inheritance, when the heir was christened, and when each young member of the family left the parental home to begin the battle of life. About a year after the death of his predecessor, every landowner gave a grand entertainment to his dependants and neighbours. The birth of the firstborn was celebrated by bonfires on the hills and a banquet to the tenantry. When a young member of the family was proceeding to leave home for the city or a foreign shore, he received his foy (feu-de-joie), that is, his father handed him a sum of money for the entertainment of his companions. The Scottish fashionable dinner- party early in the last century was attended with proceedings differing essentially from those which obtain in modern society. When dinner was announced, the ladies proceeded from the drawing-room together. The gentlemen followed in single file. When the members of both sexes reached the dining-room, partners were chosen, each gentleman selecting a lady as his associate at table. These old-fashioned dinners displayed a vastness unknown at modern tables. Barley broth was invariably presented as the first course. It was composed of the liquor of beef, boiled with greens and thickened with barley. During winter the beef was salted; the summer beef was of the coarsest quality, since the cattle were fed during winter on straw and the hay of natural grasses, turnips and artificial grass being yet unknown. Cabbages were boiled with their stems. The barley was ill prepared; it was neither milled nor scaled, but simply bruised in a trough, rubbed with a coarse cloth, and partially winnowed. Friars' chicken, a dish so named from being a favourite in the religious houses, was always presented; it consisted of chickens cut into small pieces, and boiled with eggs, parsley, and cinnamon. Cocky-leeky was equally popular; a well-fed cock was boiled with young leeks. A boiled pig frequently occupied the centre of the board. The haggis was an unfailing accessory. Along with the broth cabbiclaw was occasionally presented. This was a salted cod-fish served up with horse-radish and a sauce, prepared with eggs and butter. Roasted provisions were not common, since the culinary appliances for their production were imperfectly understood. A spit was the only instrument used in roasting; it was turned by the younger handmaiden, or by a dog specially trained for this cruel service.

The following extracts from the treasurer's book of the Edinburgh Town Council, in relation to the cost of a corporation dinner in October, 1703, may be read not without interest:—

At the entertainments of the country gentry, liquor was used sparingly during the progress of the repast. A dram was swallowed after fish, and the haggis was jocularly said to deserve a second. Port and sherry were placed on the table, but were seldom used. Champagne appeared only at the tables of the nobility.

When the ladies rose to depart, they bade farewell to the society of their male friends for the remainder of the evening. "The retiring of a guest to the drawing-room," writes Dr. Strang, "was a rare occurrence indeed; and hence the poor lady of the house was generally left to sip her tea in solitude, while her husband and friends were getting royal over their sherbet."

Even in more polished circles the after dinner conversation was boisterous. Oaths were common. The jests were petty and loathsome. Potations were protracted for six or eight hours. Those who joined the ladies hastened back to their boon companions to resume the revelry they had left. When the dinner hour was four o'clock, the loud merriment of the company began to subside about eleven. At that hour most of the guests were asleep under the table. Before midnight, the entire party sank into a drunken slumber. While these convivial practices existed among gentlemen, the manners of the gentler sex were only slightly in advance. Dames of the highest rank indulged in conversation which would now be characterised as indecorous or profane. A Scottish gentlewoman, describing the ladies of Edinburgh during the earlier portion of the last century, remarks that " many of them threw aside all restraint." The following letter addressed to Mr. Archibald Dunbar, of Newton, by Mrs. Brodie, of Brodie, wife of the Lyon King at Arms, is sufficiently curious. It is dated " Brodie House, June 6th, 1749."

"Sir,—The bearer is sent with one of our mares to your neighbourhood in order to be carryed to your horse, if you please to allow it; I know you will not refuse the horse without a good reason, but if there is any that makes it inconvenient, I beg you will send the mare back with the same freedom that I sent her.

"There are two other mares here that I am told should be sent to a horse, but whether to yours or not shall be determined by your answer, which I again beg may be a refusal, if the thing is improper. I am ashamed to give you so much trouble, and hope you will not take it amiss if we should beg to be alowed some share in the food of a beast that seems full as useful to your friends as to yourself, as was mentioned formerly.

*'It will give me much pleasure to hear that your family at home and abroad are well; you and they have the kindest good wishes of my children as well of, Sir, your most humble and obleged servant

"Mary Brodie."

The absence of female delicacy during the early and middle portions of the last century may be traced to a temporary reaction from that scrupulosity of demeanour which set in soon after the Reformation. The Reformers prohibited as sinful both music and dancing; proscribed minstrelsy and sent pipers and fiddlers into exile. They destroyed or sold church organs, and insisted that a precentor or master of the song could efficiently conduct the psalmody of congregations. To obliterate the recollection of the hymns sung in the choral services, they caused them to be parodied in profane ballads. The tunes of "John come kiss me now," "Kind Robin loes me," and "John Anderson my Jo," were originally adapted to words of sacred song, which were chanted by cathedral choirs. A subsequent attempt to spiritualize some of these secular ballads resulted in a ludicrous failure.

The love of music was anciently a characteristic of the Scottish people. So early as the twelfth century many of the clergy played upon the harp. At festivals the harp was handed round, and the members of the company sang to it by turns. At the coronation of Alexander III., in 1249, a harper, arrayed in a scarlet tunic, discoursed the genealogy of the monarch upon his knees. James I. accompanied songs of his own composition on the harp and lute." He introduced organs into the cathedrals and abbeys ; he composed anthems, and established a choral service for church music.

James III. was a patron of the musical arts. He invited celebrated musicians to his court, and conferred on them emoluments and honours. Of these the most conspicuous was William Rogers, an Englishman, who, having accompanied an embassy of Edward IV., was induced permanently to attach himself to the Scottish Court. Under royal patronage he founded a musical school, in which he inculcated a scientific knowledge of his art. He received the honour of knighthood, and was sworn of the Secret Council; but, like other favourites of his royal master, he was, in 1482, put to death by the nobility.

The musical tastes formed in his boyhood were sedulously cultivated by James IV. He played skilfully on various instruments, and retained a choir of thirty-one English minstrels, under Sir Richard Champlays, as a portion of his household. Queen Mary was an accomplished musician. The enticing strains of David Eizzio, an Italian musician of obscure origin, recommended him to her confidence, and conduced towards those misfortunes which, commencing with the slaughter of that hapless favourite, embittered her future life.

The Scottish harp was doomed at the Reformation. When the lofty music of the organ was put to silence, the strains of the harper no longer rang in the baronial mansion. Harp and church organ disappeared together. Only two specimens of the ancient harp have been preserved. These are retained in the family of Robertson of Lude. One of the instruments was, in 1563, presented by Queen Mary to Beatrice Gardyne, an ancestress of the family.

The clairschoe, an instrument resembling the harp, with strings of brass wire, was anciently used in the Highlands. For several centuries it has been silent. The monicordis was a favourite instrument at the court of James IV. According to Mr. Robert Pitcairn, it was a one-stringed instrument; Dr. Jamieson describes it as having many chords, which the name would imply. It was probably a sort of violin. The bagpipe, used by eastern nations, seems at length to have found a home in the Highlands and islands of Scotland.

About the close of the seventeenth century the Church withdrew its anathemas against dancing, and permitted musicians to practise their art uncensured. On the 22nd November, 1695, the Feast of St. Cecilia, a musical concert was held at Edinburgh. The orchestra consisted of upwards of thirty amateur performers, nineteen of whom were persons of rank. A weekly dancing assembly was established at Edinburgh in 1723; it was numerously attended, and was followed by similar assemblies in other towns. The town-council of Glasgow in 1728 appointed a dancing-master, with a salary of £20, to teach dancing to the families of artisans. In 1762, two hundred gentlemen in Edinburgh subscribed towards the erection of an assembly-room. This was constructed at the junction of the Cowgate with Niddry's Wynd, a locality now sufficiently humble, but then a fashionable centre. It was known as St. Cecilia Hall.

The levity which had characterized the manners of Scottish gentlewomen was followed by a marvellous reaction. From 1760 till the close of the century matrons of rank were remarkable for a dignified reserve. Unless among old and familiar friends, they were difficult of approach and excessively haughty. They taught their daughters to repel the advances of those gentlemen whom they casually met in society. They adopted a style of dress which admirably suited their lofty manners and repulsive behaviour. They wore gowns with lengthy waists, and the skirts distended by hoops to the girth of four and a half yards. They disfigured their faces with patches, and drew their hair down upon their foreheads, which they strewed with hair-powder. Their head-dresses, composed of Flanders lace and ribbons of showy colours, were placed on the front of the head, and towered upwards for six or eight inches. They wore high-heeled and sharp-pointed shoes. In their chairs they sat with an upright stiffness; they always wore gloves. Elderly spinsters were distinguished by wearing small white aprons. They spoke familiarly only to those whom they had long known. To ordinary remarks they replied by an umph! and were careful not to smile. In walking out they were attended by their handmaids in close-fitting, short-sleeved gowns and white mutches, but without shoes or stockings. Instead of parasols, which were unknown, they used green paper fans, nearly two feet long, which they carried attached to their waists by a ribbon. In church they enwrapped their heads and shoulders in plaids of black silk.

Married ladies took snuff, which they carried in small boxes, and handed to their friends. No unusual gift from a young gentleman to the fair object of his affections was a little snuff-box, adorned with devices emblematical of love and constancy.

The Scots were anciently fond of ornamental and ambitious clothing. On this subject we quote from an Act of the Estates passed in 1457, in the reign of James II.