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Part III
Military Annals of
the Highland Regiments
Section IV
Second Campaign in North
America
Ticonderoga and Crown Point,
1759—Niagara, 1759—Bailie of the Heights of Abraham, and death of Wolfe,
1759—Battle of Quebec, 1760—Surrender of Montreal—Completion of the
Conquest of Canada, 1760.
The Highlanders were
embarked from Guadaloupe for North America, where they arrived early in
July, and about the end of the same month, Major Gordon Graham was ordered
by General Amherst, then at Crown Point, to take the command of the 2d
battalion, and to march them up to Oswego, and afterwards to join either
General Prideaux's expedition, or his own army, as circumstances might
render necessary. After reaching head-quarters, the two battalions were
combined, and served in conjunction during the latter period of this
campaign, which comprehended three very important enterprises.
Major-General Wolfe, who had given such promise of great military talents
at Louisburg, was to attack Quebec from Lower Canada, while General
Amherst, now Commander-in-chief, and successor of General Abercromby,
should endeavour to form a communication, and co-operate with him through
Upper Canada. General Prideaux was to proceed against Niagara, in order to
prevent the enemy from giving any interruption to General Amherst's
operations on that side, and endeavour to get possession of the strong and
important post near the Falls. This great and comprehensive combination,
had it been successful, would, in that campaign, have driven the enemy out
of all their territories in North America. The army under the
Commander-in-chief was first put in motion, and consisted of the Royals,
17th, 27th, Royal Highlanders, 2 battalions 55th, Montgomery's
Highlanders, nine battalions of Provincials, a battalion of light
infantry, and a body of Rangers and Indians, with a detachment of
artillery. When joined by the 2d battalion of the Royal Highlanders from
the West Indies, this army amounted to 14,500 men. At Fort Edward, the
point of rendezvous, the whole were assembled, on the 19th of June; and
the 1st battalion of Royal Highlanders and light infantry of the army who,
a few days before, had been detached in front under the command of Colonel
Francis Grant of the 42d regiment, were ordered to strike their tents and
move forward next day. The main body followed on the 21st, and encamped on
Lake George, on the spot where General Abercromby had encamped the
preceding year, previously to the attack of Ticonderoga. Considerable time
was spent in making the necessary arrangements for attacking this
formidable post, which the enemy seemed determined to defend, and which
had already proved so disastrous to our troops. On seeing the English
General ready to advance, however, the enemy, having set fire to the
magazines and buildings, abandoned the fort, and retreated to Crown Point.
The plan of the campaign, on the part of the enemy, seems to have been, to
embarrass and retard the invading army, but not to hazard any considerable
engagement, nor to allow themselves to be so completely invested as to
make a retreat impracticable; and, in withdrawing from post to post, to
make an appearance as if determined to defend each. By these means they
hoped that the advance of the British would be so far retarded, that the
season for action on the Lakes would pass away without any decisive
advantage on the part of the invaders, whilst their own force would be
gradually concentrating, so as to be enabled to arrest General Amherst in
his progress down the St Lawrence to Montreal. With these views they
abandoned Ticonderoga, which experience had shown to be so capable of
making a good resistance.
But, although the General had reason to
imagine that the enemy would relinquish Crown Point in the same manner as
Ticonderoga, yet he took measures as if he expected an obstinate defence,
or an attempt to surprise him in his march, recollecting, no doubt, how
fatal precipitation and false security had recently proved in that part of
the world. Whilst he superintended the repairs of Ticonderoga, he was also
indefatigable in preparing batteaux and other vessels for conveying his
troops, and obtaining the superiority on the Lakes. Intelligence having
been received that the enemy had evacuated Crown Point, and had retired to
the garrison of Isle aux Noix, on the northern extremity of Lake
Champlain, General Amherst moved forward and took possession of the
garrison which the French had abandoned; and, to augment his disposable
force, the 2d battalion of the Royal Highlanders was ordered up; Captain
James Stewart, with 150 men, being left at Oswego. The General having, by
great exertion, obtained a naval superiority, determined to embark on Lake
Champlain, but a succession of storms compelled him to abandon the further
prosecution of active movements, for the remainder of the season, and
returning to Crown Point, the troops were put into winter quarters.
The great object of the enterprise had been to
form a junction, and co-operate with General Wolfe in the reduction of
Quebec. Though this plan was frustrated, very important advantages were
derived, and a cooperation so far effected, as to prevent the enemy from
sending a larger force to oppose General Wolfe in his more arduous
undertaking. Before advancing towards Ticonderoga, General Amherst had
detached General Prideaux with the 44th and 46th regiments, the 1st
battalion of Royal Americans, and some provincial corps and Indians, under
the command of Sir William Johnson, to attack the fort of Niagara, a most
important post, which secures a greater number of communications than any
in America. The troops reached the place of their destination without
opposition, and investing it in form, carried on the siege by regular
approaches. In a few days after the commencement of the siege, Prideaux
was killed by the accidental bursting of a mortar, and the conduct of the
operations devolved on Sir William Johnson, who had, on several occasions,
given satisfactory proofs of ability. To relieve a post of such
consequence, great efforts were made by the French, and a considerable
body of troops drawn from the neighbouring garrisons of Detroit, Verango,
and Presque-Isle. Apprized of their intention, Sir William Johnson made
dispositions to intercept them on their march. In the evening, he ordered
the Light infantry to post themselves on the left of the road leading to
the fort, and reinforcing them the following morning with the Grenadiers
and 46th regiment, under Colonel Eyre Mas-sey, and with the 44th regiment,
under Lieutenant-Colonel Farquhar, as a reserve, he ordered them to wait
the approach of the enemy, who soon appeared in sight, and immediately
attacked with great impetuosity. The Indians commenced with the war whoop,
which had now lost its ef-feet upon the British soldiers, and met with
such a reception in front, while the Light infantry and Indians in the
British service attacked them in flank, that, in little more than half an
hour, their whole army was put to the rout, and M. D'Aubray the commander,
with a number of officers, taken prisoners. This battle having been fought
in sight of the French garrison, Johnson sent Major Harvey to the
commanding officer with a flag of truce, and a list of seventeen officers
taken. He immediately surrendered, and the garrison, consisting of 607
men, marched out with their baggage on the 24th of July, and were
perfectly protected from insult, plunder, or outrage, from our Indian
allies; the conduct of the British thus exhibiting a remarkable contrast
to the treatment which our garrisons had, in similar circumstances,
experienced, and refuting the vague pretence, that the excesses and
cruelties of the Indians could not be restrained. This was the second
victory Sir William Johnson had gained over the enemy, and on both
occasions their commanders had fallen into his hands. During this war,
Lord Clive and Sir William Johnson, both self-taught generals, evinced, in
a series of successful actions, that genius, although uninstructed, will,
by its native power, compensate the want of military experience and
discipline. The services of the latter were particularly valuable, from
the influence which his justice, honour, and conciliating manners, had
acquired over the Indians. [The services of Sir William Johnson were
equally useful and important. On two occasions he had taken the commanders
of the enemy whom he fought, and had materially crippled their power. As a
reward for these services, he was raised to the rank of Major-General, and
received a Parliamentary grant of L.5000, to which his Majesty added the
title of Baronet. Throughout the war he proved himself an active and
useful partisan, and displayed peculiar talents for that species of
warfare which is best calculated for the woods and swamps of America. His
strict integrity and conciliating manners gave him great influence over
the Indians and provincial troops, whom he managed so as to render them
exceedingly useful to the service. He was a native of Ireland, and had
been early sent to America by his uncle, Admiral Sir Peter Warren, to
manage an estate which he had purchased there.]
In this campaign General Amherst was
successful in every enterprise which he undertook. [The following was the
opinion of an Indian Sachem, of the state of affairs at the close of the
campaign of 1759: "The English, formerly women, are now turned men, and
arc thick all over the country as the trees in the woods. They have taken
Niagara, Cataraque, Ticonderoga, Louisburg, and now lately Quebec, and
they will soon eat the remainder of the French in Canada, or drive them
out of the country."] His progress, though slow, intimidated the enemy to
such a degree, that, except at Niagara, they made little resistance; and
the unimpaired strength of his army afforded the best prospect of success
in his future operations. But, however important the reduction and
possession of these posts might be, from the extent of the country which
they commanded, they were exploits of easy accomplishment in comparison of
the conquest of Quebec, the object to which all these operations were
subordinate. That being considered as the main undertaking, it seems
somewhat extraordinary, that, while General Amherst headed a force of
14,500 men, the division intended for the reduction of Quebec comprehended
only the following regiments, 1.5th, 28th, 35th, 43d, 47th, 48th, 58th,
Fraser's Highlanders, the Rangers, and the Grenadiers of Louisburg, in all
not more than 7000 effective men. But the spirit, intrepidity, and
firmness of the officers and soldiers, more than supplied the deficiency
of numbers. This army, so small in comparison of the importance of the
service expected, was fortunate in being placed under the command of
Major-General Wolfe, who had borne so active a share in the conquest of
Louisburg. He was well supported by the Brigadiers Monckton, Murray, and
Townshend, (late Marquis Townshend), who executed his boldest and most
desperate enterprises with that gallantry and promptitude which his own
example was so well calculated to inspire.
Conformably to my intention of noticing the
service of all the Highland corps in this war, I shall now give a few
particulars of this expedition, in which Fraser's Highlanders served. A
detail of the whole would lead me to a more extended narrative than my
plan would admit of. The fleet under the command of Admirals Saunders and
Holmes, with the transports, reached the Island of Orleans in the end of
June, when the troops were disembarked without opposition. The first
attempt was to take possession of Point Levi, situated within cannon-shot
of the city. For this service General Monckton, with four regiments,
passed the river at night, and next morning advanced and took possession
of the post, after driving in some of the enemy's regular troops, who
skirmished with his advanced guard. Meanwhile, Colonel Carlton took
possession of a post in the western point of Orleans. The difficulties of
the enterprise were at this time fully ascertained. Co-operation was not
to be expected from General Amherst, of whose movements no intelligence
had been received. The enemy, more numerous by many thousands, were
commanded by the Marquis de Montcalm, an able, and hitherto fortunate
leader, who posted his army on a piece of ground rendered strong by
precipices, woods, and rivers, and defended by entrenchments where the
ground appeared the weakest. Apparently determined to risk nothing, and
relying on the strength of his position, he waited for an opportunity to
take advantage of his opponent: General Wolfe seemed fully sensible of the
difficulties which he had to surmount, but they served only to inspire his
active mind with fresh vigour. However arduous the undertaking, "he knew
that a brave and victorious army finds no difficulties." [General Wolfe's
Despatches.] Perceiving the impossibility of reducing the place, unless he
could erect his batteries on the north of the St Lawrence, he used many
military manoeuvres and stratagems to draw his cautious adversary from his
stronghold, and decide the contest by a battle. But Montcalm was not to be
moved. General Wolfe, therefore, determined to cross the river
Montmorency, and attack the enemy's entrenchments. Accordingly six
companies of Grenadiers and part of the Royal Americans were ordered to
cross the river, and land near the mouth of the Montmorency, while
Generals Murray and Townshend were to land higher up. The Grenadiers were
to attack a redoubt situated near the water's edge, in the hope that the
enemy would make an effort in its defence, and thus bring on the
engagement so much desired. The possession of the place was likewise a
desirable object, as it would enable the English General to obtain a full
view of the French position. The Grenadiers, who first landed, had orders
not to attack till the first brigade was sufficiently near to support
them. These orders were, however, disregarded. Rushing forward with
impetuosity, before they were regularly formed, to attack the enemy's
entrenchments, they were received with so steady and well-directed a fire,
that they were thrown into confusion, and sustained considerable loss
before they retreated. They were again formed behind the brigades, which
advanced under General Wolfe, who, seeing the plan of attack totally
disconcerted, gave orders to repass the river, and return to the Isle of
Orleans. The loss on this occasion was severe, being 54.3 of all ranks
killed, wounded, and missing. The whole loss, after the landing of the
army till the 2d of September, was 3 captains, 6 lieutenants, 1 ensign, 9
Serjeants, and 160 rank and file, killed; and 4 field officers, 16
captains, 23 subalterns, 20 Serjeants, and 570 rank and file, wounded. Of
Fraser's Highlanders 18 rank and file were killed; Colonel Fraser,
Captains M'Pherson and Simon Fraser, and Lieutenants Cameron of Gleneves,
Ewan M'Donald, and H. M'Donald, and 85 rank and file, wounded. That
General Wolfe keenly felt this disappointment, would appear from the tenor
of the following general orders, which were issued on the morning after
the attempt: "The check which the Grenadiers met with yesterday will, it
is hoped, be a lesson for them for the time to come. Such impetuous,
irregular, unsoldier-like proceedings destroy all order, make it
impossible for the commanders to form any disposition for attack, and put
it out of the general's power to execute his plan. The Grenadiers could
not suppose that they alone could beat the French army; and, therefore, it
was necessary that the corps under Brigadiers Monckton and Townshend
should have time to join, that the attack might be general. The very first
fire of the enemy was sufficient to repulse men who had lost all sense of
order and military discipline. Amherst's (15th regiment) and the
Highlanders alone, by the soldier-like and cool manner they were formed
in, would undoubtedly have beaten back the whole Canadian army, if they
had ventured to attack them."
It was thought advisable,, after this check,
that, in future, their efforts should be directed to a landing above the
town; but as no opportunity offered of annoying the enemy from that
quarter, a plan was formed, among a "choice of difficulties," for
conveying the troops farther down, and landing them by night, in the hopes
of being able to ascend the Heights of Abraham, and so gain possession of
the ground on the back of the city, where the fortifications were weakest.
These heights rise abruptly from the banks of the river, and, in a great
measure, command the city from that quarter. The dangers and difficulties
attending the execution of this design were particularly discouraging; but
the season was considerably advanced, and it was necessary to attempt
something, however desperate. The late check, though it had taught them
caution, had in no degree damped the courage, or shaken the firmness of
the troops. The ardour of the General was unabated, notwithstanding his
great debility of body, occasioned by disappointment and agitation of mind
on account of the last failure. On the ] 2th of September, about an hour
after midnight, four regiments of infantry, with the Highlanders and
Grenadiers, were embarked in flat-bottomed boats, under the command of
Brigadier-Generals Murray and Monckton. General Wolfe accompanied them,
and was among the first that landed. The rapidity of the stream carried
some of the boats beyond the mark. Colonel Howe, who was first on shore
with the Light infantry and the Highlanders, ascended the woody
precipices, and dislodged a captain's guard, which defended a small
entrenched narrow path, by which the rest of the forces could reach the
summit. They then mounted without much farther molestation, and General
Wolfe formed them as they arrived on the summit. Some time was necessarily
occupied in the ascent, as the precipice was so steep, that the soldiers
were obliged to scramble up by the aid of the rugged projections of the
rocks, and the branches of the trees and shrubs growing on the cliffs. By
day-break the order of battle was formed. When Montcalm heard that the
British were on the Heights of Abraham, he considered it merely as a feint
to force him out of his stronghold. But he was soon convinced of the
truth, and, comprehending the full force of the advantage gained, he saw
that a battle was no longer to be avoided, and that upon the issue
depended the fate of Quebec. He accordingly made the necessary
preparations with judgment and promptitude; and quitting the camp at
Montmorency, moved forward to attack the English. His right and left wing
were equally formed of regular and provincial corps, while his centre
consisted of a column of Europeans, with two field-pieces. Some brushwood
in his front and flanks he filled with Indians and marksmen, the rest of
the Indians and Canadians extending to the right. The British front line
was composed of the Grenadiers, 15th, 28th, 35th, Highlanders, and 58th.
The left of the line was covered by the Light infantry, and the 47th
regiment formed the reserve. The irregular fire of the Canadians and
Indians was extremely galling to the English line, and was particularly
directed against the officers, whose dress and conspicuous exertions
exposed them the more to the enemy. The troops were ordered to reserve
their fire till the main body of the enemy were within forty yards. At
that distance the whole line poured in a general discharge of musketry.
This was repeated, and completely checked the enemy in front. Foiled in
this attempt, they immediately directed an attack on the left of the
British line, where they were as warmly received, and as effectually
checked. Unable any longer to withstand the continued and well-directed
fire poured in upon them, they began to give way. At this critical moment
General Wolfe was mortally wounded, having before received two wounds,
which he had concealed. Nearly at the same time the Marquis de Montcalm,
who had placed himself on the left of his line, immediately fronting our
right, where General Wolfe stood, experienced the same fate. Soon
afterwards the two seconds in command, Generals Monckton and Severergues,
were respectively carried wounded from the field. These disasters, instead
of discouraging, seemed only to animate the troops, and every separate
corps appeared to exert itself for his own peculiar honour. Brigadier
Murray briskly advanced with the troops under his command, and soon broke
the centre of the enemy, "when the Highlanders, taking to their
broadswords, fell in among them with irresistible impetuosity, and drove
them back with great slaughter." [General Account] General Townshend, on
whom the command had now devolved, hastened to the centre, where he found
some confusion from the rapid pursuit. Scarcely had he reformed the line,
when Monsieur de Bougainville appeared in rear, leading on 2000 fresh men,
with whom he had marched from Cape Rouge the moment he heard of the
landing at the Heights. Two regiments were immediately ordered against
this body, which retired on their approach. The victory was now complete.
The. enemy retired to Quebec and Point Levi.
On the 12th of September the town surrendered.
Of the enemy 1500 men were slain, the greatest part of which loss fell on
the European troops, who made a most gallant stand. Their most irreparable
loss was that of their brave and able commander. When this gallant officer
was informed that his wound was mortal;—"So much the better," said he, "I
shall not live to see the surrender of Quebec." On the side of the British
the loss was also severe, not less from the number, than from the rank and
character of those who fell. The death of the young commander was a
national loss. Possessing by nature a heroic spirit and an extraordinary
capacity, he was eager to acquire every species of military knowledge
which study or actual service could bestow. "Brave, above all estimation
of danger, he was also generous, gentle, complaisant, and humane; the
pattern of the officer, the darling of the soldier. There was a sublimity
in his genius which soared above the pitch of ordinary minds; and, had his
faculties been exercised to their full extent by opportunity and actions,
had his judgment been fully matured by age and experience, he would,
without doubt, have rivalled, in reputation, the most celebrated captains
of antiquity." As he lay on the field, he was told, "They fly." He opened
his eyes, and asked, "Who are flying?" When answered it was the enemy,
"Then," said he, "I die happy!" and he immediately expired.
The loss of the British
consisted of 1 major-general, 1 captain, 7 subalterns, 3 Serjeants, and 45
rank and file, killed; and 1 brigadier-general, 4 staff-officers, 12
captains, 26 subalterns, 25 Serjeants, 4 drummers, and 406 rank and file,
wounded. Of these the Highlanders had Captain Thomas Ross of Culrossie,
Lieutenant Roderick Macneil of Barra, Alexander Macdonell, son of
Barrisdale, 1 serjeant, and 14 rank and file, killed; and Captains John
Macdonell of Lochgarry, Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, Lieutenants
Macdonell, son of Keppoch, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Campbell, son of
Barcaldine, John Douglas, Alexander Fraser senior, and Ensigns James
Mackenzie, Malcolm Fraser, Alexander Gregorson, 7 Serjeants, and 131 rank
and file, wounded.
The disproportion in the number of the killed to that of the wounded in
this action is remarkable, and must be ascribed to the unsteady and
distant fire of the enemy. In the affair of Ticonderoga, when the enemy
were covered and sufficiently near to take a proper aim, the number killed
of the Royal Highlanders was within a few of the number wounded; whereas,
on this occasion, Eraser's Highlanders had more than nine men wounded for
every one killed. On the Heights of Abraham, our army seems to have
suffered from the want of sharpshooters, a species of force of which the
proper use was not then fully understood. Whilst our line stood waiting
the advance of the enemy, many were wounded by the straggling and
bush-fire of the Canadians and Indians; but when our line opened their
fire, and push-ed forward, the enemy were soon thrown into confusion, and
their fire afterwards had little effect.
The intelligence of this victory was received
with great exultation in England; the more so, as the previous accounts
transmitted, and the well-known difficulties of the undertaking, had given
too much cause to doubt of the success of the enterprize. The official
intelligence was followed by many private letters, communicating and
explaining circumstances which did not appear in the public despatches.
Several of these private communications contained statements in
commendation of the conduct of different corps, and among the rest of
Fraser's Highlanders. By these it appears that they well supported the
character which they had, the preceding year, gained at Louisburg.
[Various anecdotes of this
celebrated expedition, which has indeed afforded themes for many ballads
and songs, were detailed in the newspapers of the time. In a publication
of the day it is stated, that an old Highland gentleman of seventy years
of age, who had accompanied Fraser's regiment as a volunteer, was
particularly noticed for the dexterity and force with which he used his
broadsword, when his regiment charged the enemy. On two occasions small
parties of them were ordered to advance sword in hand, and drive the
sharpshooters out of some brushwood on the right, from which they galled
the line. This old man's conduct particularly attracted the notice of
General Townshend, who sent for him after the engagement, and, praising
his gallant behaviour, expressed surprise how he could leave his native
country at such an advanced age, and follow the fortune of war. He was so
struck with the old man's magnanimity, that he took him to England along
with him, and introduced him to Mr Pitt. The minister presented him to the
King, who was graciously pleased to give him a commission, with leave to
return home on full pay. This gentleman was Malcolm Macpherson of Phoiness,
in the county of Inverness. A long and ruinous lawsuit, and, as he himself
said, a desire of being revenged on the French for their treacherous
promises in 1745, made him take the field as a soldier, A near relation of
his, Kenneth Macpherson, when well advanced in years, (for he had also
joined the Rebellion in 1745,) acted nearly in a similar manner. In the
year ]770 he formed the resolution of going to India, where he was
appointed a cadet, and living to a great age, attained the rank of
lieutenant-general, and died there in the year 1815, leaving a handsome
fortune to his relations in Badenoch.]
In a letter from a general officer, it is
remarked that "the Highlanders seem particularly calculated for this
country and species of warfare, requiring great personal exertion: their
patience, sober habits, and hardihood,—their bravery, their agility, and
their dress, contribute to adapt them to this climate, and render them
formidable to the enemy."
To conclude the events of this campaign, which
ended in giving Britain the possession of the principal part of the
richest, most populous, and most important colony of France, General
Townshend entered Quebec, and soon afterwards embarked for England. The
Honourable General James Murray, with 5000 men, was left to defend the
town and the conquered country, which were then threatened by Monsieur
Vandreuil, the Governor-General of Canada, with a force of nearly 14,000
men, stationed in Montreal and the neighbouring territory. General Murray
was indefatigable in repairing the fortifications, and putting the town in
the best possible state of defence; but, through the severity of the
season, and a long subsistence on salt provisions, the troops had been so
reduced by disease and scurvy, that in the month of April he had only
3.000 effective men. In this state of things, intelligence was received
that General de Levi, who succeeded Montcalm, had arrived at Point au
Tremble, with 10,000 French and Canadians, and 500 Indians, and that his
first object was to cut off the posts which the English had established in
the neighbourhood. Upon this information, General Murray ordered the
bridges to be broken down, and the landing-places to be secured and
strengthened. He then marched out with a strong detachment, and took
possession of an advanced position, which he retained till all the
outposts were withdrawn, and returned to the town with little loss,
although his rear was smartly pressed by the enemy. Sensible of the
dangerous posture of his affairs, with a sickly and reduced garrison,
amidst an unfriendly people, unprotected by works calculated for defence
against an enemy so superior in numbers, and impatient of a protracted
siege, the General took a resolution suited to his high spirit and ardent
mind, and determined to try the event of a battle. Accordingly, he marched
out, on the 28th of April, with his little army, and formed them on those
heights which had witnessed their former success. The right wing,
commanded by Colonel Burton, consisted of the 15th, 48th, 58th, and second
battalion of the 60th; the left, under Colonel Simon Fraser, was formed of
the 43d, 47th, Welsh Fusileers, and the Highlanders; the 35th and third
battalion 60th composing the reserve. Major Dalling, with a corps of Light
infantry, covered the right, and Captain Donald M'Donald of Fraser's the
left. This order had scarce been completed, when the enemy was seen in
full march. The General wishing to engage before they formed line from
their columns, advanced to meet them, and sent forward the Light infantry,
who immediately drove their advance back on their main body; but, having
pursued too far, they were fiercely attacked and repulsed in their turn,
and fell back with such confusion on the line, as to impede their fire. In
passing round by the right flank to the rear, they suffered much by
several vollies from a party of the enemy who were attempting to turn that
flank. At the same moment a body having advanced on the line in front,
made two bold attempts to charge; and, although repulsed, produced such an
impression, that it became necessary to call up the 35th from the reserve.
In the mean time, the enemy made several desperate attacks on the left
wing, their superior numbers enabling them to attempt turning that flank
in the same manner as the right. In this they so far succeeded, that they
penetrated into two redoubts, but were driven out from both by the
Highlanders sword in hand. The enemy, pushing forward fresh numbers, at
last succeeded in forcing this flank to retire, the right wing giving way
at the same time. Neglecting, or being unable to follow up this advantage,
they allowed the English to retire quietly, and to carry away the wounded.
These amounted to 82 officers, 679 non-commissioned officers and privates:
6 officers and 251 rank and file were killed. Of this number the
Highlanders had Captain Donald Macdonald, [Captain Macdonald was an
accomplished high-spirited officer. He was a second son of Clanranald. He
entered early in life into the French service, and, following Prince
Charles Edward to Scotland in 1745, he was taken prisoner, and, along with
O'Neil, afterwards a lieutenant-general in the service of Spain, and
commander of the expedition against Algiers in 1775, was confined in the
Castle of Edinburgh; but, being liberated without trial, he returned to
France, where he remained till 1756, when he came back to Scotland, and
was appointed to a company in Fraser's Highlanders. On the expeditions
against Louisburg and Quebec, he was much in the confidence of Generals
Amherst, Wolfe, and Murray, by whom he was employed on all duties where
more than usual difficulty and danger was to be encountered, and where
more than common talent, address, and spirited example, was required. Of
this several instances occurred at Louisburg and Quebec.] Lieutenant Cosmo
Gordon, and 55 non-commissioned officers, pipers, and privates, killed;
Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, Alexander Fraser,
Alexander Macleod, Charles Macdonnell, Lieutenants Archibald Campbell, son
of Glen-lyon, Charles Stewart, [This officer engaged in the Rebellion of
1745, and was in Stewart of Appin's regiment, which had seventeen officers
and gentlemen of the name of Stewart killed, and ten wounded, at Culloden.
He was severely wounded on that occasion, as he was on this. As he lay in
his quarters some days afterwards, speaking to some brother officers on
the recent battles, he exclaimed, " From April battles, and Murray
generals, good Lord deliver me!" alluding to his wound at Culloden, where
the vanquished blamed Lord George Murray, the commander-in-chief of the
rebel army, for fighting on the best field in the country for regular
troops, artillery, and cavalry; and likewise alluding to his present
wound, and to General Murray's conduct in marching out of a garrison to
attack an enemy, more than treble his numbers, in an open field, where
their whole strength could be brought to act. One of those story-retailers
who are sometimes about head-quarters, lost no time in communicating this
disrespectful prayer of the rebellious clansman. General Murray, who was a
man of humour and of a generous mind, called on the wounded officer the
following morning, and heartily wished him better deliverance in the next
battle, when he hoped to give him occasion to pray in a different manner.]
Hector Macdonald, John Macbean, Alexander Fraser senior, Alexander
Campbell, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser junior, Simon Fraser
senior, Archibald M'Alister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm, Simon Fraser
junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald M'Neil, Ensigns Henry Monro, Robert
Menzies, Duncan Cameron (Fassafern), William Robertson, Alexander
Gregorson, and Malcolm Fraser, and 129 non-commissioned officers and
privates, wounded.
General Levi, although he did not attempt an immediate pursuit, moved
forward the same evening, and took up a position close to the town, upon
which he opened a fire at five o'clock. A regular siege was now formed,
and continued till the 10th of May, when it was suddenly raised, the enemy
decamping and taking the route towards Montreal, and leaving all their
guns and stores in the trenches. This event was hastened by two causes:
the expected advance of General Amherst on Montreal, and especially the
sudden appearance of Commodore Lord Colville with a squadron from Halifax,
who instantly attacked and destroyed the enemy's ships above Quebec. The
enemy now began to see themselves in danger of being soon between two
fires, certain accounts having been received of General Amherst's
preparations to descend the St Lawrence from the Lakes.
General Amherst, as I have already stated,
being compelled by the inclemency of the weather to relinquish his
intention of proceeding down the St Lawrence to co-ope-rate with Wolfe,
had placed his troops in winter quarters in the month of October. In May
following, he again commenced operations, and made the necessary
arrangements for the junction of his army with that of General Murray at
Montreal. This was the only place of strength which the enemy now
possessed in the country. Colonel Haviland was detached with a body of
troops to take possession of the Isle aux Noix, and from thence to
penetrate, by the shortest route, to the banks of the St Lawrence. General
Murray had orders to proceed up the river with all the forces he could
muster. On the 7th of August, Colonel Haldimand was sent with the
Grenadiers, Light infantry, and a battalion of the Royal Highlanders, to
take post at the bottom of the Lake, and assist the armed vessels in
passing to La Galette. On the 10th of August, the whole army embarked, and
proceeded on the Lake towards the mouth of the St Lawrence; and after a
difficult navigation down the river, in which several boats were upset,
and about eighty men lost, landed, on the 6th of September, six miles
above Montreal. On the evening of the same day, General Murray appeared
below the town; and so admirably were all the arrangements executed, that
Colonel Haviland came down on the following day on the south side of the
river; and thus, after traversing a great tract of unknown and intricate
country, three armies united, and were ready to attack Monsieur Vandreuil,
who saw himself thus surrounded and unable to move. If he attempted to
march out of the town to attack either of the opponents who were advancing
upon him, the other was ready to march in, and thus he would be exposed in
the open fields to the attack of the three divisions. He therefore entered
into a correspondence, which ended in a surrender, upon what were
considered favourable terms. Thus was completed a conquest the most
important that the British arms had achieved in the Western World, whether
we consider the extent and fertility of the country acquired, the safety
it yielded to the English colonies, or the security it afforded to the
Indian trade. Lord Rollo was immediately sent with a body of troops to
take possession of the outposts, and to receive the submission of the
inhabitants, who came in from all quarters. The judicious arrangements of
the Commander-in-chief, and the spirit and enterprise of General Murray,
command our admiration. Much praise is likewise due to the justice and
humanity of Sir William Johnson, who, by his unbounded influence over the
Indians, so controlled them, that, from the time the army entered the
enemy's country till the close of the campaign, there was no act of
barbarity or plunder committed. |
