The links between
Scotland and America stretch back over three centuries. Perhaps one can
officially date them from 1650, when a group of Scots gathered in Boston
to create the first Scots’ Charitable Society, an organization to aid
fellow immigrants who had fallen upon hard times. Scottish migration to
the British North American Colonies during the seventeenth century
remained sporadic, but from the early eighteenth century forward,
extended bands of Highland and Lowland Scots settled all through Nova
Scotia, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina. Simultaneously,
wave after wave of Scotch Irish migrants from Ulster landed in
Philadelphia, making their way down the Appalachian valleys into
Virginia and beyond.
Contemporaries were well
aware of this Scots and Scotch Irish migration to the Colonies. As James
Logan, chief advisor to Pennsylvania proprietor William Penn once
observed: "It looks as if Ireland [i.e., Ulster] is to send all her
habitants hither; for last week not less than six ships arrived, and
every day two or three are coming." These Presbyterians, the Quaker
Logan continued, were "audacious and disorderly"; they were
"troublesome settlers to the government, and hard neighbors to the
Indians."
Since the Scots were often educated,
planters in the Chesapeake region frequently hired them as tutors,
although they groused at having their children
acquire a Scottish accent. The Journal kept by Lerwick émigré
John Harrower, who served a four-year indenture as a schoolmaster in
Virginia, illuminates this world. At William and Mary, young Thomas
Jefferson fell under the sway of Aberdonian William Small, to whom he
was ever grateful.
When the American
Revolution broke out, at least in the Scotch-Irish version of the story,
the Ulster natives leaped at the opportunity to attack the British
crown. "Call this war by whatever name you may. . . ,"
observed one Hessian officer, "it is nothing more or less than a
Scotch Irish Presbyterian rebellion." King George allegedly called
the conflict "a Presbyterian war," and another official stated
that cousin "America has run off with the Presbyterian
parson." In spite of these comments, the actual Scotch-Irish
population was a bit more divided in their loyalties than legend would
have it, especially in the South. Still, the Scotch-Irish generally
emerged from the Revolution with an enhanced local reputation.
The same could not be
said for the Scots proper. Although famed poet Robert Burns once wrote
an "Ode for General Washington’s Birthday," the Scots who
had emigrated to Colonial America were seldom convinced by the patriots’
arguments. Many had fought against the Crown only thirty years
previously, but when the Revolution broke out, the majority of Scots
sided with Great Britain. Of this there is little dispute. In 1776
former Paisley cleric John Witherspoon, then president of the College of
New Jersey and a staunch patriot, tried to change this point of view. He
gave an address (later printed as a pamphlet) to the "Natives of
Scotland residing in America" that noted: "It has given me no
little uneasiness to hear the word Scotch used as a term of
reproach in the American controversy." Virginian Thomas
Jefferson included a condemnation of "Scotch and other foreign
mercenaries" in an early draft of the Declaration of Independence,
a phrase that Witherspoon discreetly helped remove.
However, Jefferson continued to rail at the "Scotch Tories"
for over two decades.
During the era of the Revolution,
Americans often denounced the Scots. In his 1776 play, The Patriots, Virginia
author Robert Mumford named characters "M’Flint," "M’Gripe,"
and "M’Squeeze." Local pressure either evicted Scots from
certain regions (such as the Chesapeake) or forced them to return to
Scotland on their own. Flora MacDonald, Scotland’s most famous
heroine, left North Carolina for her native South Uist under these
circumstances. Perhaps as many as five thousand Scots Tories later
migrated to Canada due to their loyalty to the British crown. In the
process they became the spiritual founders of Canada. In 1782 the lower
house of Georgia passed a resolution declaring that the people of
Scotland possessed "a decided inimicality to the Civil Liberties of
America." Any Scot found in the region after three days would be
"committed to Gaol."
But citizens of the new
Republic had short memories and this antagonism quickly passed.
Paisley-born naturalist Alexander Wilson observed that he received great
cooperation on his southward journey from Philadelphia to gather
material for his famed American Ornithology (1807—18). An 1810
traveler to Charleston also noted that the ruling Tory aristocracy of
South Carolina consisted of "chiefly Scotchmen." After the
Peace of Paris in 1783, one finds little criticism of Scottish people.
From c. 1790 to c. 1860
the Scots and Scotch-Irish immigrants generally split their destinations
between Canada and the new American republic. Figures are,
unfortunately, inexact, but the majority probably sailed for Montreal
and Ontario rather than Philadelphia or New York. Even so, a small but
significant number found their way to the various "British
colonies" established in Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, and elsewhere.
When the American Civil War broke out in 1861, many a Confederate
soldier bore a Scotch-Irish surname. On the other side, Chicago and New
York each raised a Scottish-American regiment that fought for the Union.
New York’s 79th, which modeled its uniforms after the famed Black
Watch, remains the most celebrated of these Scots Union military
contingents. In 1893 the city of Edinburgh erected a statue of President
Abraham Lincoln in the Old Calton Hill Burial Ground, the first Lincoln
statue outside the United States. In an impressive ceremony the provost
of Edinburgh and the American consul dedicated the ground as a burial
place for five Scots soldiers who had died fighting for the Northern
cause.
By the middle of the nineteenth
century a number of Scots had risen to prominence in American life. By
the 1840s Aberdonian George Smith had become the most famous banker of
the upper Midwest. Indeed, "George Smith’s money," as it was
termed, often proved more sound than state or federal currency. When
Smith died in 1899, he left a fortune that approached one hundred
million dollars. Fellow Aberdonian Alexander Mitchell, once termed
"the best known Scot in Milwaukee," also gained wealth as a
banker and, later, served two terms in Congress. Clydeside emigré John
Stewart Kennedy played a crucial role in financing the western railroad
boom, especially the Northern Pacific line. A native of Glasgow, Allan
Pinkerton rose to prominence during the Civil War as a purveyor of
information (much of it wrong) to Abraham Lincoln; his name is still
virtually synonymous with "detective agency." Other successes
included Michael Donahoe, who established the largest foundry in Iowa,
and Davis Nicholson and Dugald Crawford, who became prominent mercantile
figures in St. Louis. In 1923 Robert Dollar from Falkirk inaugurated the
first "round the world" passenger service. Undoubtedly, the
most prominent nineteenth-century Scoto American was Andrew Carnegie,
the son of a Dunfermline weaver who ended his career as "the
richest man in the world."
Most Scots and
Scotch-Irish immigrants, one may safely say, did not do quite that well.
But nineteenth-century America had great need of miners, granite
workers, cattlemen, maids, shepherds, bankers, farmers, and
missionaries. Because of their history, the Scots possessed long
experience with all those occupations. If the average Scots immigrant
never quite equaled Carnegie’s success, neither did he or she appear
with regularity on the nineteenth-century welfare rolls.
Such celebrations of ancestral
ties formed an integral part of white middle-class fin de siècle life.
It was during this era that most city libraries established genealogical
divisions, and the figure of the professional genealogist became a
familiar one in the nation’s archives. When Scottish women formed
their own ethnic organization, the Daughters of Scotia, in 1898, they
reflected the same concerns that animated the national Daughters of the
American Revolution (formed in 1890) and the regional United Daughters
of the Confederacy (formed in 1894). By the turn of the century
Caledonian societies, Burns clubs, and St. Andrew’s societies had so
proliferated that hardly any American or Canadian city of size lacked
one. One author claimed that there were more Scottish-American
organizations than their Welsh-, Irish-, or English-American
counterparts. All these organizations helped trumpet "Scottish
contributions" to the formation of both the American nation and
Canada.
The articles, speeches,
and books on this theme naturally varied in quality. Henry Jones Ford’s
The Scotch-Irish in America (1915) probably represented the genre
at its best. A professor of politics at Princeton, a university that had
long prided itself on strong Scottish-American links, Ford detailed the
impact that the Scotch-Irish "race" had on America with
considerable perception. He acknowledged strengths and weaknesses in the
interaction. But George Fraser Black’s Scotland’s Mark of America
(1921) is far more representative of this variety of work. Although
Black admitted at the onset that the task of "positively
identifying certain individuals as of Scottish origin or descent [was] a
very difficult one," he proceeded to do just that, in thirty
chapters, compiling a lengthy list of Scottish men (no women) who had
served in the presidency, vice presidency, senate, house of
representatives, and judiciary. In addition, he listed those who had
been ambassadors, state governors, military men, scientists,
industrialists, bankers, journalists, and so forth). Carefully
distinguishing between the Irish, Scots, and Scotch-Irish, he argued for
the continuous and formative influence of ancestors down to the nth
generation. Black’s volume ranks as the epitome of "Scot
counting," the most prevalent form of late-nineteenth, early
twentieth-century Scottish-American historiography.
Perhaps this is the best place to
deal with the question of numbers. Historians estimate that as many as
2.33 million Scots left Britain between 1825 and 1938. The Scots were
statistically more likely to emigrate than any other European people,
excluding only the Irish and the Norwegians. During the mid-nineteenth
century the main flow seems to have come from Scotland’s rural
Lowlands, due largely to the industrialization of the region. The
typical Lowland emigrant moved first from farm to town and then,
ultimately, overseas. In general the Lowlanders seem to have emigrated
as individuals or in small family groups, while the Highlanders usually
traveled later, more sporadically, and en masse, often seeking to
duplicate their peasant communities in another part of the world. Most
of the emigrants came to North America, although during the American
Civil War (1861—65) and various depressions they tended to go to
Australia and New Zealand.
Historian Roland T.
Berthoff has compiled the following statistics on Scottish-American
Immigration:
As one can see from Berthoff's
tables, these are not extensive figures. But numbers alone can be
misleading. Although the Scots were by no stretch of the imagination a
large American immigrant group, they, like the Jews, Hungarians, Greeks,
Unitarians, Quakers, and Episcopalians, had an impact that often
extended far beyond their numbers. Their presence proved especially
significant in the more sparsely populated West, where virtually every
individual counted because there were so few of them. Moreover, the
impact proved long lasting. The 1990 census listing of Americans of
Scottish ancestry shows that the majority still reside in the various
western States.
One could perhaps date
the arrival of a new historical sophistication in Scottish-American
historiography to Thomas Jefferson Wertenbaker’s March 8, 1945,
lecture to the University of Glasgow, "Early Scotch Contributions
to the United States." A professor at the University of Virginia,
Wertenbaker moved far beyond the mere listing of names and totting up of
contributions. His analysis of Reverend James Blair, Governor Alexander
Spotswood, and Governor Robert Dinwiddie highlighted Scotland’s cultural
impact on American Colonial life. In passing, Wertenbaker noted that
Glasgow tobacco factors had dominated the early Chesapeake tobacco trade
and that the religious revival of eighteenth-century Scotland had
crossed the Atlantic to produce a number of American colleges and
secondary schools. Finally, Wertenbaker argued that after c. 1700 the
Scotch-Irish "more than any other group, created the first western
frontier."
Nine years later, the William
and Mary Quarterly devoted its entire April 1954 issue to links
between Scotland and America. All the articles were of high calibre, but
John Clive and Bernard Bailyn’s "England’s Cultural Provinces:
Scotland and America" has become a classic. Clive and Bailyn argued
that Scots and Colonial Americans both felt themselves on the edge of a
sophisticated, cultured world centered primarily in London.
Consequently, each nation
developed a parallel sense of "cultural inferiority" regarding
its native traditions. But then the stories diverge. The success of the
American Revolution in 1783 allowed the United States to celebrate its
distinctive cultural traditions and, eventually, to flaunt them in
English faces. But the failure of the Stuart uprising in 1746 forced
Scotland to consider its native traditions through a saddened, more
"romantic" lens. Consequently, a shared sense of cultural
inferiority, combined with sullen resentment against the English,
persisted for generations in American and Scottish cultures.
With T. J. Wertenbaker and the
1954 William and Mary Quarterly, a new era of Scottish-American
historiography had begun. On the Scottish side, the foremost scholar was
Professor George Shepperson of the University of Edinburgh. Over many
years, Shepperson published a series of articles on Scottish-American
links in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. He especially focused
on connections between Scots and Americans during the Revolutionary era
and in the abolitionist movement. Until his retirement from the
University of Edinburgh, Shepperson also directed a number of
Scottish-American dissertations, including two excellent ones: Robert
Botsford on Scotland and the American Civil War and Helen Finnie on
Scotland and Reconstruction. Shepperson’s friendly rival at Glasgow
University, Bernard Aspinwall, concentrated on the impact of the Clyde
Estuary on American life. He has also written on the transferable nature
of Scottish religious identity.
Thus, from the 1950s forward,
scholars began to explore the links between the two cultures in a
variety of areas. In 1956 Ian Graham analyzed the impact of Scottish
immigration on North America up to the close of the American Revolution.
He concluded that from 1768 to 1780 about twenty-five thousand Scots—mostly
from the Highlands—had left the British Isles to settle in western
Pennsylvania and North Carolina. In 1971 Douglas Sloan’s The
Scottish Enlightenment and the American College Ideal
argued for the central role that the Scottish universities had played in
forging the American educational system. The largely Presbyterian Scots,
he maintained, had never feared an educated populace as had the leaders
of Anglican England. Thus, Scots were far more congenial to the idea of
mass education. If American education has British roots, Sloan argued,
they rested in Scotland, not in England.
Four years later,
University of Edinburgh professor Andrew Hook’s important Scotland
and America: A Study of Cultural Relations, 1750—1835 explored
early literary links. Hook emphasized the impact of writers Jane Porter,
Sir Walter Scott, and the essayists in The Edinburgh Review on
early American belles lettres. He also argued that most
nineteenth-century Americans viewed Scotland through a double lens:
those of "the land of Rationalism" and "the land of
Romance." His central thesis remains unchallenged.
Specialists in eastern Colonial
America have long acknowledged a prominent Scots connection in North
Carolina, New Jersey, and the Chesapeake. In The Highland Scots of
North Carolina (1961), Duane Meyer sketched part of this story. Both
Thomas M. Devine and Jacob M. Price have written on the crucial
Scots-Chesapeake tobacco connections before the Revolution. Ian C.
Graham, Wilbur Shepperson, Charlotte Erickson, and David Dobson have
done the same for the theme of immigration.
In 1978 sociologist
William C. Lehmann expanded Scottish influence to virtually every area
of Colonial life with his Scottish and Scotch-Irish Contributions to
Early American Life and Culture. In 1980 Charles H. Haws published
his monograph, Scots in the Old Dominion, 1685—1800, while Ned
Landsman added his Scotland and Its First American Colony, 1683—1760
five years later. The recent study by Alan L. Karras, Sojourners in
the Sun (1992), treats the Scots in Jamaica and the Chesapeake
region.
During the last fifteen
years, the literature has steadily expanded. While most historians have
assumed that the Great Awakening of
mid-eighteenth-century America had uniquely Colonial origins, Marilyn
Westerkamp and Leigh Eric Schmidt have convincingly argued that these
Colonial revivals trace their origins to Scots and Ulster Scots festival
communion services. Westerkamp even suggests that revivalism in general
was simply part of a Scotch-Irish religiosity that found a fertile field
in America.
The links between the
Scottish and American Enlightenments have also attracted considerable
attention. Scots historian Archie Turnbull has suggested that Scotland’s
Declaration of Arbroath (1320) formed the "model" for Thomas
Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence (1776). Similarly, George
Shepperson has argued that the writings of William Duncan, Professor of
Natural Philosophy at Marischal College, Aberdeen, and author of Elementc
of Logick, may have contributed to the phrasing of the Declaration
of Independence by his use of the term self evident. The boldest
statement along these lines came from Garry Wills’s Inventing
America (1978), which suggested that Jefferson owed more to Scottish
thinkers such as Thomas Reid than he did to English essayist John Locke.
The essays in Scotus Amencanus: A Survey of the Sources forLinks
between Scotland and America in the Eighteenth Century (1982) and Scotland
and America in the Age of Enlightenment (1980) explore in detail the
numerous theological, political, economic, medical, educational, and
evangelical debts that Colonial America owed to Scotland. If a historian
includes folkways culture, and music in the list, he or she could almost
argue that the Scots and Scotch-Irish had more influence on molding
early American institutions and lifeways than any other European
group, not excluding the English, Irish, Dutch, Swiss, Germans, French,
or Spanish.
The pervasive impact of
Scotland upon America continues to fascinate up to the present day. In
1976, the American bicentennial yeas, Old Dominion University in
Norfolk, Virginia, established an institute of Scottish Studies. Their
scholarly journal, Scotia, dedicated to exploring such links,
first appeared in 1977. Similarly, James McLeod began a program in
Scottish Studies at the College of Northern Idaho in Coeur d’ Alene,
an area of the state that boasted numerous Scottish settlers.
Most of the renewed
interest in Scottish-American scholarship, however, has concentrated on
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Indeed, the brunt of the
American documents held by the Scottish Record Office in Edinburgh falls
into that time frame. But, led by C. Duncan Rice’s study of Scots
abolitionists, a few scholars have attempted to carry the story into the
Victorian era.
By far the most
controversial analyses have come from southern historians Forrest
McDonald, Ellen Shapiro McDonald, and Grady McWhiney. They have combined
forces in a number of articles (and McWhiney has gone solo in Cracker
Culture [1988]) to suggest that a pervasive "Celtic" (very
broadly defined) influence has been the central feature in shaping
southern life. Although Roland Berthoff denounced the descent of a
"Celtic mist" over southern history, the McDonalds and
McWhiney have had the best of the argument to date. Even skeptics have
acknowledged the persistence of Scotch-Irish cultural traits and
physiognomy on the southern frontier, a theme explored in detail by
Ulster folklorist E. Estyn Evans and Ulster television producer Rory
Fitzpatrick. The Museum of American Frontier Culture near Taunton,
Virginia, also makes this a central theme of its exhibits. In 1989
historian David Hackett Fischer joined their campaign with his section
in Albion‘s Seed on the links between the English/Scottish
Borders region and the American frontier. From farming practices to
frontier folklore, from mournful Appalachian ballads to the "rebel
yell," these historians argue, the Scots/Scotch-Irish/Celtic
influence lay just below the surface of antebellum southern society.
After all, Margaret Mitchell did name her heroine in Gone with the Wind
"Scarlett O’Hara."
Except for these studies
of the antebellum South, scholars have paid scant attention to the
impact of Scots immigration on the rest of nineteenth-century America.
After the Revolution, the argument goes, the Scotch-Irish and Scots
largely left their communal identity behind. Thus, the Scots and Scotch
Irish who moved into the Ohio River Valley and Mississippi Delta in the
early nineteenth century lost their distinctive "Scottish"
connections. They moved west as "Americans." Since the
infamous Highland Clearances of the nineteenth century sent immigration
primarily to Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, the American aspect of
the Scottish story simply stops. The Scots lost their visibility and
disappeared into American life. Historian Charlotte Erickson’s study, Invisible
Immigrants, reflects this point of view in title and in argument.
Consequently, few historians have explored the Scottish impact on the
most extensive region of the American nation: the Trans-Mississippi
West.
From Ralph Waldo Emerson’s
time forward, the nation’s western "frontier" has ever been
viewed as the most American section of America. American though it may
have been, the Trans-Mississippi West contained a vast array of diverse
peoples. American Indians, whose cultures ranged from the buffalo
hunters of the northern plains to the settled Pueblo farmers of the Rio
Grande Valley to the Apache and Navajo raiders of the Mexican
borderlands, claimed the region as their own. About seventy thousand
Hispanic farmers in New Mexico and along the Rio Grande corridor
suddenly became American citizens with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo
in 1848. In the Great Basin of Utah the Latter-day Saints (Mormons)
carved out a religio-cultural enclave that still dominates the region.
Later, the Great Plains became home to other ethnic colonies: German
Roman Catholics, Mennonites, Hutterites, Jews, Swedish Lutherans, and so
on. A diversity of cultures has long characterized western life.
So, too, the diversity of
the natural world. Americans east of the Mississippi proudly pointed to
their natural wonders: Niagara Falls, the Natural Arch of Virginia, the
Great Smokey Mountains, the White Mountains, the Valley of the Hudson
River, and the Florida Everglades. Impressive though these might be,
they paled beside the geography of the Far West. When travelers first
enountered the undulating expanse of natural grasses of the Great
Plains, they could only compare them to waves of the ocean. When they
first crossed the Sierra Nevada Mountains or the Colorado Rockies, they
usually likened them to the Italian or Swiss Alps. San Francisco Bay,
the Columbia River Gorge, Yosemite, Yellowstone, and Mount Rainier ever
challenged their descriptive skills.
The American Southwest,
with canyons unmatched in any other part of the globe, seemed the most
marvelous of all. Sunsets over red-rock mesas fascinated the romantic
landscape artists of the era, who tried in vain to capture the moment.
The discovery of abandoned Anasazi villages in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico;
Canyon de Chelly, Arizona; and Mesa Verde, Colorado, further teased the
Euro-American imagination. Who were these people? What had happened to
them?
The Trans-Mississippi
West also abounded with exotic animals and plants. Elk, deer, and
antelope roamed the mountains and prairies, while chum and sockeye
salmon spawned in the great rivers of the Pacific Northwest. Fur-bearing
creatures, such as mink, muskrat, and, especially, beaver, lived
alongside every riverbank. Uncounted (uncountable) bison ranged from the
Canadian Great Plains southward into New Mexico. The gigantic strands of
sequoias, pines, and firs of the Pacific Northwest stood unrivaled
outside of Russia. By the time the forty-niners discovered gold in
California and, later, silver in Nevada, the Trans-Mississippi West had
emerged as a veritable utopia. Even regions that today are deemed of
only marginal aesthetic/economic value—such as the vast, empty desert
of southeast Oregon/northern Nevada—astounded
the initial settlers with their beauty and economic potential. This
mixture of beauty and natural abundance of the North American West, in
writer Wallace Stegner’s words, catered to "the common man’s
dream of something for nothing."
The Scots and
Scotch-Irish were prominent among these "common men." Although
they could claim no familiarity with deserts, those from the Highland
regions surely knew the solace of the mountains. Years of involvement
with the English, plus the far-flung trade network that reached into the
Baltic regions, had attuned Scots merchants to the art of dealing with
people from different cultures. One does not have to look far in western
history before coming across an émigré from Scotland or Ulster.
Still, relatively few historians
have explored these connections. There have been studies of British
immigration to America in general, sometimes to the West in particular,
but they usually mention the Scots only in passing. The two most recent
books on the Scottish-American connection, by Orkney journalist Jim
Hewitson and Isle of Skye historian James Hunter, do not give much
attention to the links between Scotland and the West.
Using a strict
definition, one can find only five monographs that focus on the Scottish
experience in the Trans-Mississippi West: Alexander Campbell McGregor’s
Counting Sheep (1982), the story of the McGregor agricultural
enterprises of eastern Washington State; W. Turrentine Jackson’s The
Enterprising Scot (1968) and W. G. Kerr’s Scottish Capital on
the American Credit Frontier (1976), which treat Scottish investment
in the American cattle industry; Bruce LeRoy’s Lairds, Bards and
Mariners: The Scot in Northwest America (1976); and James Hunter’s
saga of the McDonald family and Montana, Scottish Highlanders, Indian
Peoples, published in Scotland as Glencoe and the Indians (1996).
Similarly, only a few
western Scots have been subjects of biographies. May Reed Porter and
Odessa Davenport have written on nineteenth-century adventurer
Sir William Drummond Stewart in Scotsmen in Buckskin (1963);
Susan Bryant Dakin did a study of Hugo Reid,
A Scotch Paisano in Old
Los Angeles (1978); Leonard Arrington described the career of
a Scottish Mormon millionaire in David Eccles (1974); William
Norwood wrote on naturalist David Douglas in Traveler in a Vanished
Landscape (1973); and Louise Shadduck portrayed Andrew Little,
Idaho Sheep King (1990). The only western Scot to receive extensive
biographical treatment has been naturalist John Muir.
In the pages that follow I will attempt to fill in at
least part of this gap. My overall thesis can be stated at the outset.
For about 130 years, from c. 1790 to c. 1917, the economic and social
conditions in Scotland and Ulster proved especially congruent with those
of the American West. The Scots and Scotch-Irish population pressures,
the economic dislocations, a heritage of wandering, a long-standing
emphasis on formal education, the ancient skills of the drovers,
shepherds, gardeners, ministers, miners, and granite carvers, the newly
created middle-class investment corporations (which needed places to put
their money), the hunting expectations of wealthy Scots lairds, and the
foibles of Scots "remittance men" all meshed nicely with the
American and Canadian Wests. In addition, the rich tradition of Scottish
romance and myth, as seen in the traveling artists, writers,
photographers, and entertainers, provided a ready infusion for what
would eventually emerge as the new republic’s greatest cultural
export: the myth of the American West.
You can purchase this
book -
Scots in the North American West,...
- at amazon.com