Formerly known as the
75th and 92nd line battalions, the Gordon Highlanders form a
comparatively young regiment. The first battalion was formed at
Stirling in 1788 under Colonel Robert Abercromby, and was sent to
India for fourteen years of active service in Mysore and Southern
India. The “Royal Tiger,” worn on the badges of the regiment,
commemorates the part they played at the taking of Seringapatam in
1799.
The great Scottish house of Gordon raised the second battalion of
the regiment near the end of the eighteenth century, and this
battalion was first named “Gordon Highlanders” in 1794, when it was
embodied at Aberdeen, with the Marquis of Huntly as its first
colonel. In the Egyptian campaign of 1801, the Gordons played a
conspicuous part in driving Napoleon out of Egypt, and won the
“Sphinx,” inscribed “Egypt,” as a badge, which is now worn on all
the officers’ buttons. In 1807 the regiment took part in the
expedition to Copenhagen, and a year later they were with Sir John
Moore on the retreat to Corunna. Later, in the Peninsular campaign
under Wellington, the Gordons won the admiration of their enemies
and the approbation of their chief. In one action alone, that of the
Maya Pass, the regiment lost over 320 officers and men killed and
wounded.
On to the end of the campaign the Gordons were in the thick of
things, and then, in 1815, they sailed for Belgium in May, arriving
in Brussels at the end of that month. At Quatre Bras, where they
were under the eye of the Duke of Wellington, the 92nd (now the 2nd
battalion of the Gordons) lost heavily, and then at Waterloo itself
the battalion was reduced to 300 men before the memorable charge
took place. The official account of that charge, as given in the
history of the regiment, is worth quoting in its entirety.
“About two o’clock in the afternoon of that memorable day, the enemy
advanced a solid column of 3,000 infantry towards the position of
the regiment. The column continuing to press forward, General Sir D.
Pack galloped up to the regiment and called out—“Ninety-second, you
must charge, for all the troops to your right and left have given
way.” Three cheers from the corps expressed the devoted readiness of
every individual in its ranks, though its numbers were reduced at
this time to less than 300 men.
“The French column did not show a large front. The regiment formed
four-deep, and, in that compact order, advanced till within twenty
paces, when it fired a volley and instantly darted into the heart of
the French column, in which it almost became invisible in the midst
of the mass opposed to it. While the regiment was in the act of
charging, and the instant before it came in contact with the enemy,
the Scots Greys came trotting up in rear of its flanks, when both
corps shouted “Scotland for ever! The column was instantaneously
broken, and in its flight the cavalry rode over it. The result of
this dash, which only occupied a few minutes, was a loss to the
enemy of two eagles and two thousand prisoners.”
The total losses of the Gordons at Waterloo were 119 officers and
men killed and wounded, and what remained of the regiment went on to
occupy Paris, returning to Edinburgh in 1816. In the Crimean
campaign the Gordons had bad luck, as they did not land till after
Sevastopol had fallen. They had their turn in the Mutiny, however,
for they fought their way from Ambala to Delhi, and sat on the
“Ridge” under great John Nicholson from June to September, taking
part in the final assault and storming the Kashmir gate. Later, they
marched to the relief of Lucknow, and then saw general service in
the many engagements that took place in the Northwest Provinces
before the Mutiny was finally quelled.
Then came twenty years of peace for the regiment, after which it was
again called to action in Afghanistan, and took part in the
ever-memorable march from Kabul to Kandahar. In the Egyptian
campaign of 1882, the regiment was included in the Highland Brigade
that fought at Tel-el-Kebir, and then went up with the expeditionary
force to the relief of Khartoum and General Gordon—a fruitless
errand. From that time onward to the end of the century, the Gordons
saw frontier fighting in India. "Chitral" is one of the names
emblazoned on the regimental colours, and in the Tirah campaign the
Gordons won undying fame at the storming of the Dargai
heights—which, however, was but one incident in seven months of
strenuous fighting.
In the South African war, the Gordons shared in the privations of
the siege of Ladysmith, and in the fierce attack made by the Boers
on the Ladysmith defences, on the 6th of January, 1900, the Gordons
sustained some of the fiercest of the fighting. Thus one battalion
upheld the credit of the regiment, while the other, in Smith-Dorrien’s
nineteenth brigade, placed the name “Paardeberg” on the regimental
colours. "During the four months and a half of its existence the
nineteenth brigade had marched 620 miles, often on half rations,
seldom on full. It had taken part in the capture of ten towns, had
fought in ten general engagements, and on twenty-seven other times,
and was never beaten.” Up to the end of the war the Gordons were
doing brilliant work. By the end of 1902 the regiment had thirteen
Victoria Crosses to its credit.
With regard to their work in France in the very early days, the men
of the Gordons have shown some reticence— that is, as regards the
alleged cutting off and cutting up of the regiment. It may be, so
curious is the information that reached this country in September,
that the men of the regiment had not heard of this cutting off and
cutting up. Certain it is that they were in several tight corners in
the first actions of the great retreat—but then, so were other
units, d* 99 and there is plenty of evidence to prove that Gordons
came through to the Marne and the Aisne, though, unfortunately, they
came without their colonel and some of their officers. Round about
Mons the Gordons were heavily engaged, and found the German infantry
firing weak, but their artillery work not to be despised. The
greatest damage was done by the shrapnel, and not by rifle fire— a
statement which concurs with practically all accounts of engagements
on the great retreat. “The losses of the Allies" said a wounded
corporal of the Gordons, “were nothing to those of the Germans, who
came on in a solid mass and were mowed down like sheep—close
formation was their method of attack all along. The men themselves
said they were driven to it by their officers at the point of the
revolver, and they simply tried to be taken prisoners by the
British. We passed through plundered villages, and saw windows
smashed, furniture thrown out on the streets, and churches and other
buildings destroyed/’
Another wounded non-commissioned officer speaks of “what was left of
the battalion after Mons” being in the firing-line, when an order
was given for a general retreat. A dispatch rider gave the message
to a part of the division to which the Gordons belonged, but on his
way to them he was killed by a shell, and the Gordons, not having
received the order, stuck to their position. “ The Germans advanced
in such force that we were at last compelled to retire, and lost a
lot of jolly good fellows. I doubt if any of us would have been left
if it had not been for the 135th Battery of Field Artillery. They
covered our retreat, sending out such a terrible fire that the enemy
were afraid to approach any nearer."
This stands as the most circumstantial account of the cutting-off of
the Gordons that has come to hand among personal letters and
accounts of the men who were there, and, unlike so many letters
purporting to be from “the front,” it bears the stamp of
authenticity. A piper of the regiment corroborates it by saying that
“the Germans came on in great masses, driving us back all the time.”
He tells of being left only with a revolver, his sword having
snapped, after which he crossed a river, and made a stand in a
church. “Eight hundred of us entered that church, the majority never
to come out again, for the Germans’ big 'Jack Johnsons’ shelled us
out.” There was, apparently, an officer in charge, and when he saw
how the shells were causing fatalities he gave the order for all men
who could to bolt for the road and save themselves. “The people at
home will not think any the worse of you, lads, for it,” he is
alleged to have said. According to the piper’s account, some sixty
or more got away to safety in one rush, in which he himself was
wounded in the arm.
The work of signallers has not come into much prominence in the
fighting in France, but one of the signallers of the Gordons, at
least, has had occasion to use his flags. It happened that his
battalion had been in a tight corner for some time, and was running
short of ammunition, in consequence of which the signaller was
ordered by his company officer to signal to the Army Service Corps
for a further supply. He stood up facing to the rear, and, raising
his flags, signalled—“From Captain-” when the message was cut short
by his arm being wounded in two places. As he was trying to bind up
the wounds, another piece of shrapnel came along and lodged in the
same arm:
A good general account of the fighting is given by one
non-commissioned officer who went out at the end of August, and was
first engaged in the fighting which took place immediately before
the advance from the Marne to the Aisne. Here the Gordons were
engaged near a village held by the enemy, and under very hot fire.
The British troops had a hard job in getting the Germans to leave
their trenches, but eventually the artillery fire from the British
guns proved too much for the Germans, who got up and ran. The
Gordons reached the village after the enemy had fled, and were
billeted there for the night—and in this connection the
non-commissioned officer responsible for this account remarks that
the German rifle fire is almost useless, though their machine-gun
fire is good. “Besides, when once they think they are beaten they
are off, and one can scarcely get at close quarters with them. Our
party never got within half a mile of them.”
In this last sentence, it must be remembered, the writer refers to
the German troops who had come down on the tremendous advance which
ended at the position of the Marne. Official reports leave it beyond
doubt that these German troops had undergone three weeks of the
severest strain that has ever been imposed on fighting men, and that
their moral was so far impaired that, after the wheel made by von
Kluck’s army away from Paris, the whole of them had to be drawn back
and replaced by other troops. Since they had been reduced to this
state by their exertions, it is hardly to be wondered at that they
would not face their enemies at close quarters.
The narrative, proceeding, states that on the advance of the British
to the trenches the enemy had occupied, it was difficult to estimate
the number of German dead, for the trenches, filled with bodies, had
been covered in with earth. One German was found by the Gordons
still standing in his trench, with his rifle to his shoulder, quite
dead. He had evidently been shot while in the act of taking aim, and
had been left by his retreating comrades. On the advance, it was
noted that the work of the British artillery had been particularly
deadly, especially among the woods through which the men advanced.
The part of the regiment to which the narrator of these events was
attached was sent back to headquarters in charge of several hundreds
of prisoners, their places in the firing line being taken by others
for the time being; and, after a turn at headquarters duty, the
Gordons were sent on to Lille and La Bassee, opposite to a part of
von Kluck’s force, which had in the meantime moved out to the
north-west to keep pace with the extension of the Allied line. While
the Gordons were lying in an open field, taking part in an attack,
the order was given to retire; but it was unheard by the men of some
sections, and the enemy advanced so near that the position of some
of the men became very critical. But the wretched fire of the German
infantry proved their salvation, for sixteen of the Gordons made
their way across perfectly level, boggy ground, with the Germans
less than 1,000 yards away, and only two were wounded.
The first days on the Aisne, according to another of the Gordons,
must be counted as one of the fiercest examples of warfare under
modern conditions. For days the Gordons were subjected to such a
hurricane of shrapnel fire that they were compelled to lie in their
trenches, merely awaiting developments; and many of the men who were
wounded by shrapnel never fired their rifles, for the enemy was too
far off for rifle fire to have any effect. One man was struck
fourteen times by the shrapnel fire, and still came out from the
trenches to recover. It was not until the British artillery was
reinforced that the infantry were able to advance.
“We were kept so busy,” says one man of the Gordons concerning this
time, “that for three days and nights we had no time to issue the
mail. The men felt the want of a smoke more than of food, and I have
seen more than one man trade away his last biscuit for a cigarette
or a fill of tobacco. When the heaviest of the shelling was going
on, our men were puffing away at fag-ends.’"
From such accounts as these one may glean some idea of what the
Gordons underwent up to the time of the transference of the main
battle to the Flanders area. As for this last, one non-commissioned
officer states that the men were hardly ever out of canals and wet
ditches. One day a section of men lay waist deep in water from nine
in the morning till three in the afternoon, patiently waiting for
dusk to come, that they might get a chance to dry their clothes. “
The Germans generally cease operations at dusk, and on these
occasions the same old order comes along the line— “Dig yourselves
in, men.” And, on the day that they lay in water so long, no sooner
had they dug themselves in than the order to advance was given!
Apparently authentic is the account of the death of Captain Ker of
the Gordons, who, it is stated by eyewitnesses, was in command of
men whom he led up in face of the enemy’s fire at Bethune. The men
gained the shelter of a natural rise in the ground, but before they
reached this point Captain Ker was struck in the head by shrapnel,
and was killed instantly.
The men lay for some time in the position they had won, but
eventually found that it was too dangerous to retain, and risked the
enemy’s fire in place of capture. They doubled back across a couple
of fields to their old position, and eighteen of the twenty-one in
the party got safely back—but only seven of them escaped being hit.
Captain Ker was later picked up and buried on the field.
With regard to Colonel Gordon, V.C., it appears from one account
that he was taken into a barn after having been wounded, but almost
immediately afterwards the barn caught fire, and it was thought that
he had been trapped in the flames. It seems, however, that the wound
was only a body one, and the colonel was able to get clear, though
he was afterwards taken prisoner.
“Keep your heads up, men!” one of the officers of the Gordons
shouted to his men on one occasion. “They can’t no hit you”—pointing
to the snipers up a tree; and with that remark he showed his own
head above the trench. “None of us cared to follow his example, but
his cheery way bucked us up,” says one of the men present at the
time. Yet again the same officer inquired—“Any man wanting to earn a
glass of claret?” and received several enthusiastic affirmatives.
“Well,” he said, “catch me that hen running across the road.” The
offer was not accepted, for the German fire was hot at the time.
Another account refers to a battle which took place about the middle
of October, the 2nd battalion being the one referred to. “I left the
trenches on Saturday night for hospital,” says the writer. “On
Friday afternoon we had a terrible battle with the Germans, who
turned all their artillery and machine guns on our trenches in an
attempt to break through them. It was hell while it lasted, but we
gave them more than they wanted. About three hundred yards in front
of our trenches was a ridge running parallel with them, and every
time the Germans mounted this ridge in mass they were blown into the
air. Ten times they were blown away, losing battalions each time—it
was sickening to see them. Towards night they retired; and my
company lost pretty heavily, five men being killed and thirteen
wounded. Our captain and lieutenant were also wounded. Throughout
all that battle I never got so much as a scratch—I have been very
lucky on two or three occasions.”
This man went into hospital at the finish with a poisoned hand and
head, caused by a graze sustained three weeks before the fight of
which he writes. In his letter, as in all the accounts quoted here,
is noticeable an absolute lack of doubt as to the final result of
the titanic struggle. Not that any one of the men actually voices
confidence, but from the way in which they tell of the doings of
their regiments one may gauge their spirit, and understand that they
see only the one end to this war of world-forces; that there is no
fear of defeat, no thought of other than a steady driving on to a-
fixed end—the overthrow of German militarism. Many of them—many
Gordons, without doubt—have never given the matter a thought, for
they fight, as the Gordons and as the whole British Army always
fights, with a belief in themselves and their leaders that amounts
to such conviction as needs no words for its expression—a settled
knowledge that in good time their task will be accomplished. For
behind all these men are the traditions of those who cried “Scotland
for ever!” men who knew not the meaning of defeat. |