But the Covenanters, although refraining from political
strife, were, and are still, a most influential body, with very decided
convictions, and their moral influence has been a power to be reckoned
with where questions of right or wrong were concerned.
Mr. Mason says that in the earlier
part of the last century the town was about equally divided between
Democrats and Federalists. The former, of whose opinions Thomas Jefferson
was the exponent, and of which he was the leader, held to universal
suffrage, short terms of office, and state rights. The Federalists, of
whom Alexander Hamilton was the exponent and John Adams the leader,
believed in a suffrage with a property qualification, centralization of
power in the Federal government, and internal improvements under the
direction of Congress. Other questions some of which were of present or
future importance, and others of so little consequence as to have been
long forgotten, divided the people. James Whitelaw was the leader of the
Federalists in this town; his clear and decided opinions concisely and
forcibly expressed, together with the weight which his high character and
position gave him made his influence very great. But he cared little for
politics as such, while James Henderson was a shrewd and sagacious
politician. John Cameron, the leader of the other party, was a ready and
fluent speaker, well-informed as to all the political questions of the
day, and willing at any time to give well grounded reasons for his
political faith. When he was in the legislature he was considered one of
the best speakers in that body, and although his broad Scotch accent was
new and unfamiliar to his audience, they were compelled to give closer
attention to his speeches.
The list of representatives shows
that Cameron represented the town for fourteen years between 1797 and
1832; at two elections there was no representative chosen, and in the
remaining years the Federalists elected their candidates. Mr. Mason says
that in 1819, Cameron and James Henderson were the Opposing candidates,
when the people were so evenly divided that balloting continued till
midnight, when the clerk and constable left the house, leaving the town
without a representative.
We must understand that in those
days people were influenced politically in other ways than they are now.
Personal influence was everything. Jefferson, Jackson, Clay and Webster
represented certain principles and people followed their leaders without
hesitation. In those days there was not probably a daily paper taken in
this state; now every intelligent family has its daily paper. In those
days a Boston paper was several days old when it got here; now the morning
papers are in our hands before noon. There were several short lived
attempts at newspaper publication in eastern Vermont, but none lasted long
or had much influence till 1806, when Ebenezer Eaton began at Danville the
publication of the North Star. Mr. Eaton was a most worthy man,
personally, but a bitter partisan who believed that the welfare of the
country depended entirely on the success of his particular party. He was
honest and fearless, and when he believed a thing was wrong he fought it
with all his might, without calculating the effect upon his subscription
list, an example generally avoided by country editors at the present time.
Danville, from which diverged several lines of stages, was then the County
seat, and the center of considerable trade. For many years, between the
Connecticut River and Lake Champlain, north of Windsor, there was no other
permanent paper, except at Montpelier, and the North Star had
pretty much to itself, a field comprising a population of twenty-flve
thousand, two-thirds of which was in Caledonia County, Orleans and Essex
supplying the rest. Almost every family of any consequence took it. The
late Merrill Goodwin learned to read from the
Star, and other children
did the same. But Mr. Eaton, although an able editor, was not a good
business man; he never owned the printing office where the work was done,
he was negligent in money matters, and always in debt. A man in Danville
took the Star from the first issue for forty years without having
paid for it. One day Mr. Eaton met the man and told him he was out of
money and reminded him that he had never paid a subscription. The man went
home, sold a yoke of oxen, and brought the proceeds to the printer, which
exactly paid the debt.
But the Star was, in its best
days, a power in Caledonia county, indeed the conditions of society have
so much changed that we cannot quite comprehend its remarkable influence.
Mr. Eaton possessed a dignified style, clear and concise, and never
condescended to vulgarity or insinuations. He was a hard fighter, but he
fought fairly, and his blows told. Consequently when in 1827, he espoused
the cause of Anti-masonry, he made Caledonia county the center of the
conflict in New England. To this we shall presently advert.
The North Star was published
at Danville for eighty-five years. George Eaton succeeded his father as
proprietor, but sold the paper to Anson B. Hoyt and W. O. Caswell, and
removed to Troy, N. Y. While the latter were proprietors, Col. George
Harvey, now editor of Harper’s Weekly, began his literary work in
that office and wrote political editorials for them when about sixteen
years of age, and can barely remember old Mr. Eaton setting type there. In
1891 the subscription list was purchased by Arthur F. Stone, the paper was
merged into the Caledonian and the old North Star ceased to
exist. A complete file of it was burned in a house in Danville about
twenty years ago, and it is doubtful if another could be made up from all
the numbers in existence. Two or three bound volumes are in the State
library, and occasional copies are found elsewhere. An examination of a
volume of the Star is chiefly interesting for its contrast to
modern country papers. The news of all the world is given, except that of
Caledonia county. It employed no correspondents, and the only local
events, otherwise than political, which are chronicled, were when some one
took the trouble to write an item for the printer. Consequently the
advertisements are the most interesting part of the paper, and we learn
from them more about Caledonia county in its day than from the paper
itself. The history of Ryegate would not be complete without mention of
the North Star and its influence.
The Anti-Masonic controversy was one
of the strangest episodes in the whole history of American politics. In
its sudden rise, its violence while it lasted, and its sudden termination,
it resembled nothing so much as a tropical tornado. There had always been
those who disapproved of secret societies in general, and Masonry in
particular, considering them a menace to free institutions. They claimed,
and in some instances with reason, that by means of their connection with
the order bad men got into office; that if a criminal was a Mason he would
escape punishment if there was a Mason on the jury; and that while Masonry
included many excellent men, they were so far influenced by their
association with it as to place allegiance to the Order as their chief
duty. They went still further and denounced all secret societies
indiscriminately. If they lived in our day they would probably consider
that societies which give their officers such titles as "High Exalted
Rulers," or "Most Supreme Potentates," were not likely to do any
particular harm.
There were those who went about the
country denouncing Masonry, without attracting any particular attention,
till in 1826 an event in western New York produced an explosion. A man
named Morgan renounced Masonry and published a book which claimed to
reveal the secrets of the Order. A few days later Morgan disappeared, and
it was claimed that he had been murdered by the Masons. It is impossible
to conceive the excitement which followed, and which continued for years.
Masonry was assailed and defended in every hamlet in the country. The
Order was denounced as the source and refuge of all evil and its members
were held up to public scorn as participants in its infamy. Certain adroit
politicians seized the opportunity to advance their interests, pretended
confessions of Morgan’s abductors were printed, and their number and
contradictions should have silenced the clamor. But the public was in no
mood to listen to reason of any kind, and sensible people who went about
their business without joining the outcry were denounced as equally
guilty. For a short time the country was divided into two parties
apparently, Masons and Anti-Masons, and reading the newspapers of the
time, it is hard to say which party excelled in vindictiveness. The
controversy invaded families, entered churches, upset all political
calculations, and "dissolved friendships which had stood the strain of a
life time." A few instances maybe adduced to show the bitterness which was
engendered. At a funeral held in Danville in 1830, the relatives who were
Masons and their sympathizers occupied one room, and their opponents
another, while at the burial one party stood one side of the grave, and
the others ranged themselves on the other side of it, the brothers and
sisters of one party not exchanging a word with their sisters and brothers
of the other. In Bristol, Vt., a gristmill was owned jointly by a Mason,
and by the widow of an Anti-Mason. Mutual hatred was such that it was
decided that Masons should use the mill on one week and their opponents
the next. [North Star, Aug. 26, 1828] In Bradford, Rev. Silas McKeen, who
was a Mason, found it best to accept a call to another state, as so many
would not go to hear him preach. When the excitement was all over they
were glad to recall him. He spent the rest of his long and useful life in
Bradford where his name is held in veneration, his pastorate extending
over forty-three years.
Rev. Soloman Sias, a Methodist
minister of considerable note, whose health had become impaired by his
labors, had retired to Danville, which had been his early home, for rest
and recovery. Mr. Sias was a Mason of high degree, and was commander of
the Knights Templars at the reception of Lafayette in Boston in 1825. On
retiring to Danville, where he had before been held in honor, he found
himself made the target of abuse. He was asked to preach a funeral sermon,
but the officials of the local Methodist church would not allow him to
enter the meeting-house, and the funeral services were held on the common
in the open air. He was summoned before the Methodist Conference and was
ordered to renounce Masonry or be expelled. He conceded so much as to
promise to abstain from attendance at the lodge.
These instances might be multiplied
and there was as much intemperate speech and action on the Masonic side as
on the other. Masonry became a political issue, and in many of the
northern states the Anti-Masons put up candidates for state officers.
To offset the influence of the Star
the Masonic sympathizers in Caledonia County started a paper at St.
Johnsbury called The Friend, whose attitude was apologetic rather
than combative, and which was short lived. In 1828 Dr. Luther Jewett, who
had been a member of Congress, began the publication of the Farmer’s
Herald, at the same place. This paper was not permanent, however.
Haverhill Corner at the time had two newspapers, both ably conducted and
much read in Ryegate—the Democratic Republican, which was Masonic,
and conducted by the Redings, and the Post and Intelligencer, whose
proprietor was Sylvester T. Goss, which was Anti-Masonic. But the attacks
and the defense of these papers were mild indeed compared with the savage
onslaught of the North Star.
Very naturally Danville in 1830
furnished in Hon. William A. Palmer, an Anti-Masonic candidate for
Governor. His vote was large enough to prevent any election by the people,
and Governor Crafts was re-elected by the legislature. In 1831 Palmer and
the Anti-Masons had the largest vote, but not a majority, and Palmer was
elected by the legislature by a majority of one, and the same thing
happened in 1832. In 1833 Palmer was elected by the people. In the
following year the Whig party had become prominent, but Palmer was elected
by the legislature. In 1835, Palmer still held the popular vote, but the
Whigs led by Horatio Seymour were strong enough to defeat him in the
legislature, but could not elect any one else, and after sixty-three
ballots there was no choice and the effort was given up. Silas H.
Jennison, who had been elected Lieutenant Governor on the ticket with
Palmer, had to take the Governor’s chair. Vermont was the only state in
the Union in which the Anti-Masons came into power.
In 1836 the Anti-Masonic party had
gone to pieces, but the Star still continued its attacks on the
order after all parties had wearied of the strife, and in 1837 a few
influential men who disapproved of Mr. Eaton’s course induced A. G.
Chadwick to come from Concord, N. H., and begin at St. Johnsbury in 1837,
the publication of the Caledonian.
Ryegate, having no Masonic lodge was
less affected by the controversy than some other towns, but could not be
wholly insensible to the storm which raged around it. The Covenanters
were, on principle, opposed to secret societies, and Rev. James Milligan
delivered some powerful sermons against them. Rev. Mr. Goodwillie and Rev.
Mr. Pringle are understood to have been Masons.
Only 27 votes were cast at the
election in 1827. In 1828 Gov. Crafts had all the votes but one. In the
next year 60 votes were cast, and in the same year or between Sept. 28,
1828, and Nov. 2, 1829, there were seven Freeman’s meetings held to vote
for a Member of Congress. [Benjamin F. Deming of Danville, father of
Franklin Deming at Wells River, was elected, but died during his term of
office.] In 1830 when the Anti-Mason war was at its height, Wm. A. Palmer
had 57 votes, S. C. Crafts 8, and Ezra Meech 13, showing that the
Anti-Masonic party was in the majority. In the following year Palmer had
67, Meech 1, and Heman Allen 2. It must be remembered that there were some
fifty or more who were Covenanters and did not vote.
In 1832, Palmer had 67 votes and
there were 7 scattering. In 1833, politics ran high and Palmer had 101
votes and Meech 29. In 1834 Ryegate still adhered to Palmer with 67 votes,
Wm. G. Bradley having 37 and Horatio Seymour 1. In 1835, while
Anti-Masonry had passed its meridian, Ryegate still held to Palmer with 60
votes, Bradley having 47. In 1836 the Whig party came to the front,
Bradley had 66 votes and Silas H. Jennison 32.
We have compared this controversy to
a tropical storm, and, like a storm it cleared the air. The old Federal
party passed away, and out of the strife emerged the Whig party; new
leaders with more progressive ideas came to the front, and Anti-Masonry as
a political issue was a thing of the past.
The effect of the conflict upon
Masonry was disastrous. Some lodges dissolved, a few of which were revived
in after years, others maintained an uncertain existence till better times
came, while the larger and stronger ones gained by the desertion of men
who had joined the order for selfish motives, and had been the first to
abandon and vilify it.
At the presidential election of
1832, Addison, Caledonia and Windsor counties were the only ones carried
by the Anti-Masons. In this county the vote for Wirt (Anti-Mason) was
1726; for Clay (Whig) 294; and for Jackson (Democrat) 367. In the state
the Anti-Masons polled 13,106 against 18,910 for all others.
The presidential campaign of
1840—the "Log Cabin Campaign," the "Hard Cider Campaign"—was one of the
most exciting and most picturesque in our political history. It was marked
by great enthusiasm and immense political gatherings. Harrison, the Whig
candidate was born in a log cabin, and miniature log cabins, each with a
cider barrel hoisted up to the gable window were carried on floats in
procession, and every true Whig fastened his coat with "log cabin
buttons." In August a great political mass-meeting was held at Orford,
with Daniel Webster as the orator. The late George Leslie told the writer
that on that morning as early as five o’clock, the main street at Wells
River was filled with teams as close together as they could go, all the
north country headed for Orford to hear the great man. And they heard him,
an event from which people dated the occurrences of years. "The year
Daniel Webster spoke at Orford," was a common phrase forty years ago. In
the election of that year a few Covenanters so far overcame their scruples
as to vote. At the September election the town was equally divided between
Paul Dillingham, Democratic, and Silas H. Jennison, the Whig candidate,
each having 100 votes, one vote being cast for Isaac Fletcher. This was
the highest vote cast in town to that date. Before the presidential
election in November the enthusiasm appears to have cooled, as the Whig
candidates for electors received 86 votes, and the Democratic 92.
In the presidential election of 1848
we note the rise of a new party— the Free Soil Party. The Whig leaders had
opposed any agitation of the slavery question, but the issue could not be
averted. Ryegate was one of the earliest seats of the anti-slavery
movement in the state. Rev. James Milligan and the Covenanters in general
were abolitionists. As we shall see later, the Milligan family was
prominent in the movement for the abolition of slavery, Mr. Milligan being
president of the Ryegate and Barnet Anti-Slavery Society, which was in
existence as early as 1825, and is mentioned in the North Star at
that time. In 1848 the electoral ticket for Cass (Democratic) received 60
votes; that for Taylor (Whig) 49, and for Van Buren, the Free Soil
candidate 24.
Four years later, at the September
election, Erastus Fairbanks, Whig, had 65 votes; John S. Robinson,
Democratic 71, and Lawrence Brainerd, the Free Soil candidate 27.
In 1856 the Whig party had been
dissolved and the Free Soilers were absorbed into the Republican party,
Ryland Fletcher, Rep., having 107 votes, and Henry Keyes, Dem., receiving
50, the corresponding vote in November being about the same.
In the campaign of 1860 the slavery
question was the overshadowing one. The town records do not give the vote
at the presidential election, but at Freeman’s meeting the ballot was 88
for Erastus Fairbanks (Rep.) and 44 for John G. Saxe (Dem.)
At the state election of 1861, the
first year of the Civil war, Frederick Holbrook (Rep.) had 73 votes, and
Andrew Tracy (Dem.) 40. In the next year the pressure of the war began to
be felt, and the first "War Meeting" was held on the 2d of Sept., "For the
purpose of encouraging "enlistments to complete the quota of said town of
Ryegate of 300,000 "men recently called for by the President to serve in
the army of the "United States for the term of three years. Also for the
quota of said "town of 300,000 men to serve for nine months. To see if the
town "will offer a bounty to all persons so enlisting, and if thought
expedient, "to fix the amount and appropriate money." At this meeting, of
which James White was moderator, the sum of $100 was voted to each
volunteer who enlisted for three years before the 14th of August,
previously, and $200 for each one enlisting since that date, also $100 for
each volunteer for nine months.
At the state election, Frederick
Holbrook received 94 votes. No other vote for Governor is given.
There seems to have been some
irregularity about the meeting on the 2d of September, as on the 8th of
December another meeting confirmed the previous vote as to bounties, and
raised a tax of 70 cts. on the dollar of the grand list to pay them.
At the state election in 1863, J. G.
Smith (Rep.) had 86 votes, and T. P. Redfield (Dem.) 42 votes. On the 2d
of December in that year a town meeting was held to raise bounties for
volunteers who should enlist under the last call for men. It was voted to
pay a bounty of $300, to each volunteer, when mustered in, and the
selectmen were instrusted to hire the money on the credit of the town.
NOTE. It is singular that the town
records do not give the names of the candidates for town representatives,
or the vote for each, only the name of the successful one.
On the 20th of Feb. 1864, another
town meeting raised a tax of $1.20 on the dollar of the grand list to pay
the bounties previously voted.
We hear a great deal in these days
about the sacrifices of the men who went to the army; it is by cold
figures like these that we comprehend the pressure of the war on those who
remained at home.
On the 14th of June in the same
year, a bounty of $300 was voted to all who would enlist under the last
call for men to fill the town’s quota, the same amount to any drafted man
or substitute. At a later meeting on the 27th of July, a further bounty of
$400 was voted in addition to that previously promised to all who would
enlist for three years, $200 additional for two years, and a bounty of
$300 for enlistment of one year.
The pressure upon the country for
men to serve in the army during the last year of the war is shown by the
vote of the town on the 7th of September, to pay a bounty of $900 each to
three men who enlisted under the last call. Under the stimulus of these
high bounties there arose a despicable species of men called "bounty
jumpers," who enlisted for the bounty and deserted at the earliest
opportunity, to re-enlist in a new place under other names.
A class of men upon whom the
exigencies of the time fell heavily were drafted men who could not leave
their families or business, and were unable to pay the high price of
substitutes, and for the aid of such several town meetings were held. The
last of the eleven special war meetings which Mr. Miller records was held
on Feb. 21, 1865, at which a tax of $2.50 on each dollar of the grand list
to pay war indebtedness was voted, but an article relating to further
enlistments was laid on the table, for the war was fast hastening to its
close.
The town records do not give the
amount paid by the town for soldier’s bounties, but a paper in the hand
writing of Wm. J. Nelson gives the amount paid volunteers as $10,382.50,
for substitutes $5,325.00, and for necessary expenses $522, making a total
of $16,229.50.
Surely Ryegate paid its full share
for the maintenance of the Union. But who can calculate the loss to the
town of the young men who never returned, or came home only to die; who
can measure the terror and dread of those four years of war to the
parents, the wives and children of those who went to the army? "The pomp
and circumstance of war" are very fine to read about, but the cost, the
suffering, the irreparable loss are fearful to contemplate. Writers who
discuss the decaying population of the hill towns of New England fail to
consider that thousands of young men who might have reared families and
grown old among them "gave their lives that the nation might live." We
ought also to say that several citizens beyond the age of military
service, provided substitutes at their own expense for the war. It is not
possible to give their names, or the expense incurred by them.
The political history of the town,
subsequent to the civil war, does not seem to be worthy of special
mention.