"A CERTAIN PARCEL OF LAND CALLED
RYEGATE."
SETTLEMENTS ON CONNECTICUT
RIVER.—OPENING OF THE Coos COUNTRY.—PROSPERITY OF NEWBURY AND HAVERHILL.—
RYEGATE CHARTERED—SALE TO JOHN CHURCH.—NEW YORK CLAIM.—THE SECOND
CHARTER.—THE PAGAN LANDS. —CONDITION OF SCOTLAND. —EMIGRAPION.--WAGES.
—THE SCOTCH-AMERICAN COMPANY.
THE settlement of Vermont begins with
the close of the Old French War. There had, indeed, been a few small
settlements established along the Connecticut River near Brattleboro,
which were maintained only by the intrepidity of the settlers. But in
1759, Quebec was taken, and North America passed into English hands, the
Indians were no longer to be feared, and the "New Hampshire Grants," as
the country between Lake Champlain and the Connecticut was called, were
open for settlement. The fertility of the soil was well known, the land
was cheap, and from all parts of the long settled towns along the coast
men and families prepared to remove to the new lands. Settlements began at
Newbury and Haverhill before any of the towns below them were occupied; in
other words, civilization made a leap of sixty miles into the wilderness.
It is necessary to speak of the settlement of these towns, for it is
certain that Ryegate would not have been selected by the representation of
the Scotch American Company, had it not been for its proximity to a strong
and well established community.
In October, 1760, four officers of
Col. Goff’s regiment, who had been released from service by the surrender
of Montreal, made their way to the great meadows of the Lower Coos. They
were, to call them by the military titles by which they are always
mentioned, Gen. Jacob Bayley, Col. Jacob Kent, Col. Timothy Bedel and
Capt. John Hazen. They spent some time in examining the surrounding
country, and decided that it was, for many reasons, a very desirable
region for settlement. In the summer of 1761, men were sent up to cut and
stack hay on the "Great Oxbow" in Newbury, and the "Little Oxbow" in
Haverhill. In the fall cattle were driven up from Hampstead and Plaistow,
which were sheltered and fed through the winter by men employed by Bayley
and Hazen. In the spring of 1762, families began to settle in both towns
along the meadows, and on the 18th of May, 1763, Newbury and Haverhill
were chartered to Jacob Bayley, John Hazen, and their associates, many of
whom became actual settlers in one town or the other.
In the twelve years that passed before Ryegate was
settled, Newbury and Haverhill had grown very rapidly, and in 1774 their
joint population was about 800, the most important settlement in the
valley north of Charlestown. There were several men in each town who had
seen service in the late war, and these were men of enterprise and
business sagacity. There were also men of liberal education who, with
their families, gave a high tone to the settlements, which were well
established, with good society, a church, schools, mills, taverns, courts
and all the adjuncts of the best communities of that day, while as yet
there was not a habitation of white men, save perhaps a few hunters and
fishermen, in all that is now Caledonia, Orleans and Essex Counties.
We will now speak of the charter of
Ryegate. When the territory, now called Vermont, was opened for settlement
there was a great desire among speculators and men with money to invest to
get hold of wild land. In those days there were few ways in which people
could invest their money, and so wild land was bought as an investment, as
people now buy stocks and bonds, or western land. In order to secure a
legal claim it was very common for a sufficient number of associates to
obtain from the Governor of the province a charter for a town in the
ungranted part of the country, and, having divided the land into "lots" or
"shares", wait for a rise in the value of wild land to realize a profit by
selling their holdings. In this manner some large fortunes were made by
shrewdness in selection of lands, and success in creating a demand for
them by encouraging and promoting their settlement. But there were those
who, through inexperience and credulity, found themselves the owners of
large tracts of wild land which could not be sold readily and finding it
hard to pay the taxes assessed were called "land poor."
On the eighth of September, 1763,
the charter of Ryegate was granted to Richard Jenness and ninety-three
associates, by Benning Wentworth, "Governor and Commander-in-Chief of the
Province of New Hampshire." The township contained 23,040 acres, and there
were 100 shares, which made about 230 acres to each right. Gov.
Wentworth retained for himself a tract of 500 acres in the south-east
corner of the town, which was accounted as two shares. There was also
reserved one share for the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts; one for a Glebe for the Church of England; one
for the first settled Minister of the Gospel, and one for the benefit of a
school.
The Governor’s tract was counted as
two shares, and as his corresponding reservations in Newbury, Haverhill
and Bath lay in the adjacent corners, he held in one body 2000 acres of
land, part of which is now covered by the flourishing villages of Wells
River and Woodsville.
Of the ninety-four grantees of
Ryegate, not one became an actual settler, and in only one instance did a
son of a grantee settle in the town.
Indeed, with the exception of Joseph
Blanchard, it does not appear that any one of them ever set foot within
its limits. Blanchard had been an officer in the late war and afterwards a
surveyor of lands in the new country. He had been disappointed in his
endeavor to secure grants of Newbury and Haverhill for himself and his
friends. His name, however, was inserted in the charters of twelve towns
in this state.
Why the name, Ryegate, was selected
is not quite clear. It is asserted that several of the grantees, among
them William Thomas, whose Sons settled here, lived in Rye, N. H., and
wished the new town called by that name, to which the suffix, "gate," was
added; while another tradition is that the Jenness family, of whom ten
names appear in the charter, originated near Reigate, England, a town of
some importance about 20 miles from London, and wished it to be called by
that name. On old maps, made before its settlement, the name is spelled
Reigate. Most of the grantees lived near Portsmouth, and were merchants
and business men. They did not, however, long retain the land, but on the
3d of July, 1767, through their agent, Col. Israel Morey, of Orford, N.
H., conveyed, for one thousand pounds sterling, all their rights to John
Church of Charlestown, N.H., who sold the south half of it to Rev. John
Witherspoon, D. D., President of Princeton College. Not all the grantees
signed this deed, a circumstance which caused some trouble in later years.
[Whitelaw to William Neilson of New York, Dec. 31, 1798. Whitelaw Papers.]
They were, perhaps, induced to take this step in consequence of the
difficulties between the authorities of New York and New Hampshire, as to
the ownership of what we now call Vermont, and which must now be
explained.
We have seen that the town was
granted to Richard Jenness and his associates by the royal governor of New
Hampshire, the authorities of that province at that time considering its
western boundary to be a line drawn from the northwest corner of
Massachusetts to the southern extremity of Lake Champlain, and up the
middle of the lake to Canada line, thus including all of what is now
Vermont.
But the New York authorities
contended that their province, north of Massachusetts, extended to
Connecticut River and denied the right of Governor Wentworth to make
grants of towns in that region. But in spite of the remonstrance of the
New York authorities, Wentworth continued to make grants of towns in the
disputed territory, which came to be known as "The New Hampshire Grants,"
until he had made grants of one hundred and eighty towns between Lake
Champlain and Connecticut River.
In 1764, the claims of the
conflicting parties were laid before the King in Council, who decided the
case in favor of the New York claimants, and a proclamation was issued
declaring the west bank of Connecticut River, from the province of
Massachusetts Bay to the 45th parallel of north latitude, to be the
boundary line between the provinces of New York and New Hampshire.
William Tyron became Governor of New
York, and with his advisers contended that in consequence of the Order in
Council, all the grants of towns made by Governor Wentworth were null and
void, and the grantees and owners of lands in the Grants were ordered to
surrender their charters and repurchase those lands under grants from New
York. It is not necessary to our narrative to give here any general
account of the troubles which arose, and the determined resistance made by
the "Green Mountain Boys," which is the pride of every Vermonter. At that
early date there were only a few settlements on Connecticut River, and
their inhabitants were far removed from aid and could not well act in
concert with the leaders west of the Green Mountains. Therefore the
proprietors of Newbury, in 1772, considered that their wisest policy would
be to apply for a charter from the governor of New York, which, being
granted on the 19th of February 1772, secured them from all molestation
from that quarter. Acting probably by advice of the leading men of
Newbury, Mr. Church applied for a similar charter, which was granted to
Samuel Wells of Cumberland Co., N. Y., James Cobham, Waldron Blaan, Samuel
Avery, John Fowler, James Abel, John McDowel, Henry Broadwell, John
Campbell, Thomas Campbell, John Abel, William Kennedy, John Kelley, Isaac
BaIl, Jun., Henry Holland, Dennis Carleton, John Broadhead and William
Strong, all of the City of New York, and Samuel Gale of the County of
Cumberland, the same tract which had been granted on the 8th of September,
1763, by the governor of New Hampshire, to Richard Jenness and his
associates, with the same reservations: "To their only proper and separate
use and behoof respectively forever as tenants in common and not as joint
tenants in fee and common socage, as of the Manor of East Greenwich in the
County of Kent, within the Kingdom of Great Britain."
It is to he noted that the names of
Waldron Blaan, Joseph Beck, John Kelley, and James Cobham, are also
affixed to the Newbury charter, and were residents of New York who allowed
their names to be thus used for a consideration. The original charter is
now owned by the Vermont Historical Society.
On the 30th of June, 1775, these
fictitious grantees conveyed all their title to John Church, receiving
each £5 for their services. William Patterson and Malichi Church were
witnesses to an instrument acknowledged before Henry Holland, one of the
Masters of the Court of Chancery for the Province of New York.
This was about eighteen months after
the south half of the town had been sold to the Scotch American Company,
but as we shall see in
the sequel, the legal transfer was
not made till after this date. This charter covered all the interest which
had been conveyed to Dr. Witherspoon. On Jan. 20, 1776, Mr. Church sold to
the Doctor, twenty-eight lots of land in the North Division containing
2,760 3/4 acres for £210, New York money, and a little later 5,212½ acres
in the same section to John Pagan, a merchant of Glasgow. This John Pagan
and others of the name held considerable land in America, whose ownership
and transfer is rather interesting. In 1792, Mr. Pagan, then removed to
Greenock, was owner of a tract of 833 acres in Newbury, another of 2000
acres in Cavendish, and the above-mentioned land in Ryegate, while Dr.
Witherspoon was proprietor of 12,057 acres in Nova Scotia, being a part of
what was called the Philadelphia Grant. [Newbury Town Records.] In that
year the latter, being in London, executed a bond to exchange his land in
Nova Scotia, for the three tracts owned by Pagan in Vermont, transferring
the former to Robert, Thomas and John Pagan, Jun., merchants at Poictou,
Nova Scotia. The rate of exchange was two acres of the Nova Scotia land
for one in Newbury and Cavendish, and four acres for one in Ryegate.
[Ryegate Land Records, Vol. II., pp. 142-149.] It would thus appear that
an acre of Ryegate Land was worth two in Newbury. But the Pagan land in
Newbury lay in the hilly region between the Limekiln neighborhood and the
Centre, so the difference is easily accounted for. This exchange gave the
Doctor 1597 acres in Ryegate, and the remainder he purchased outright.
[Deed now owned by Vermont Historical Society, Ryegate Land Records, Vol.
II., pp. 107-112.] In 1774, he had purchased for his son James a tract of
600 acres, in the northwest corner of the town, of which a further account
will be given in the annals of the Whitehill family.
On the 16th of February, 1792, he
conveyed to Robert Hunter of the City of New York, 2,075 3/4 acres, and on
Dec. 24th of the next year all his remaining land in Ryegate, "described
on a map of Ryegate Township made by William Hammond, surveyor of lands in
October and November, 1775, on a scale of 60 chains to an inch," to
William Neilson, [Many early deeds of land in the north part of the town
are signed by this William Neilson.. From "Old Merchants of New York" we
learn that he came from the north of Ireland before the Revolutionary War,
and became very wealthy. After the war he took his sons into partnership
and the firm name was "William Neilson & Sons." They founded a Marine
insurance Company, of which Mr. Neilson was first president, and which was
very successful. This was the first company in America to keep a complete
register of all vessels trading at American ports. He had a country seat
near Greenwich, now covered with buildings. Mr. Neilson was an elder in
the Second Presbyterian church, and at his death left a large sum to it.
Many of his letters are among the Whitelaw papers.] merchant, of New York.
These with some minor transfers complete the ownership of land to those by
whom it was sold to actual settlers.
We will now consider the
circumstances which led to the formation of the Company under whose
auspices the town was settled, and the condition of the classes in
Scotland from which the first settlers came.
The country had been in a state of
profound peace since the suppression of the rebellion of 1745, and
probably for a longer time than ever before in the history of Scotland,
and with the happiest results. With peace came prosperity, the
accumulation of wealth, and an improvement in the condition of all
classes. The increase in general inteligence was great; schools were
multiplied and the facilities for obtaining a university education had
never been so good. People read more, and the desire of every Scotchman
for knowledge was gratified and increased by the extension of the means of
obtaining it. In 1740, there were but seventeen newspapers published in
all Scotland. In 1774, the number had increased to fifty-six, and the
circulation of one of them, the Caledonian Mercury, exceeded the entire
circulation of all the newspapers in Scotland in 1740 combined. People
learned about foreign lands, and the opportunities for advancement which
were offered in the colonies of North America. The return to Scotland of
several regiments which had seen service in the colonies during the late
war, still further spread the knowledge of the country, and awakened a
condition of unrest. In thousands of homes, the subject of emigration, its
cost and its advantages, was the constant topic of conversation. Every
true Scotchman desires to better his condition, and to secure advantages
for his children, which he has not had for himself, and they felt also,
that the small farmers and artizans were not receiving their share of the
increased prosperity of the country. The wealth of Scotland was mostly in
the hands of the nobility and the landed proprietors, while the common
people were poor. The condition of the laboring classes is nowhere more
clearly set forth than in the writings of Burns. At best, with most people
it was a hard struggle to keep the wolf from the door. The wages of an
unskilled laborer were so low and his work so uncertain, that it was rare
that any one of their class accumulated enough to make himself and his
wife even barely comfortable in old age. It required only a little
misfortune to bring a laboring man and his wife who had toiled all the
days of their lives to poverty and want The wages of skilled laborers, in
the few trades which were then pursued, were higher, and their condition a
little better. Carpenters and masons, according to so good an authority as
Adam Smith, received in 1770, about twice the wages of a plowman or a
reaper and the family of a carpenter or a mason, with good health and
steady employment for all old enough to work, might have a little left
over at the year’s end.
More prosperous than these were
skilled husbandmen, who were often large tenant farmers, or were employed
as managers of the estates of merchants or the nobility. The tenant
farmers of the Scottish lowlands were excellent managers and usually
accumulated some property. The first settlers of Ryegate and Barnet were
drawn from all three of these classes. Sir Walter Scott has left us
pictures of all classes in Scotland whose fidelity is attested by the
memories of those who could, fifty years ago, recall the conditions which
prevailed in the latter half of the 18th century.
Another reason which induced the
desire to leave the country, was the growing unrest over class
distinctions in Scotland. The hereditary aristocracy considered themselves
made of better clay than farmers and mechanics, and between these classes
there was a great gulf fixed. All the land was in the hands of the
aristocracy; all the offices in the kingdom were held by them; no poor man
could aspire to own a little land all his own. In America all this would
be changed. In America a man would be his his own "laird," and there the
toil and frugality which in Scotland would secure only the means to live,
would be rewarded by competence and even wealth. In America too, the
Presbyterian faith, and manner of worship, could be enjoyed as well as at
home. In America there would be no landed aristocracy to lord it over
them, and the poor man’s son had an equal chance with the rich man’s.
These were some of the considerations which led hundreds of families and
individuals to break all the ties that bound them to their native land; to
brave the terrors of an ocean voyage; to incur the hardships and unknown
conditions of settlement in the wilderness.
Not only were there emigrations of
families and individuals, but associations were formed in various parts of
Scotland to purchase land for settlement in America, and there form
communities whose members would be bound together by ties of previous
acquaintance or relationship. Many towns in Nova Scotia, New York,
Pennsylvania and the southern states were settled by colonies so
organized. Sometimes these associations were assisted by some nobleman or
wealthy merchant, but generally they were joint stock companies, in which
the adventurers, as they were called, took shares. Such an association,
called the Scotch-American Company, was organized at Inchinnan in
Renfrewshire, Scotland, on the 5th day of February, 1773, and articles of
agreement drawn up by Robert Nairns, a "writer" of Port Glasgow, were
signed by 137 persons.
From the circumstance that Inchinnan
was chosen as the meeting place of the members of the society, the
association is often called the "Inchinnan Company," to distinguish it
from other Scotch colonies in America, notably that which settled Barnet
under the leadership of Col. Alexander Harvey.