MAITLAND, JOHN, Duke
of Lauderdale.—This nobleman, who occupies so unenviable a position during
one of the most disastrous periods of his country’s history, was descended
from the Maitlands of Lethington, a family undistinguished among the barons
of Scotland, until it was brought into notice by that talented and versatile
personage who officiated as secretary to Mary of Guise, and also to her
daughter, Mary Stuart, whom he successively benefited and betrayed, and who
was an adherent and afterwards an opponent of the Scottish Reformation. As
the Macchiavelli of Scotland, he will long continue to be admired for his
rernarkable political talents, as well as wondered at for those manifold
changes of principle that only ended in disappointment and a miserable
death. The subject of our present notice was grandson of John Maitland, Lord
of Thirlstane, the younger brother of the famous statesman; and eldest son
of John, second lord of Thirlstane, and first earl of Lauderdale, by Isabel,
daughter of Alexander Seton, Earl of Dunfermline, and Chancellor of
Scotland.
John Maitland, the future
duke, was born at the ancient family seat of Lethington, on May 24, 1616. In
the learned languages, which at that period constituted almost the whole
round of education, he made great proficiency; and as he was carefully
trained in Presbyterian principles, he entered public life as a keen abettor
of the Covenant, and adherent of its principal champions. On this account,
as well as his talents, he was employed by them in confidential commissions,
and especially in their negotiations with the Presbyterians of England
during the Civil war; and in 1643 he was one of a deputation of the
principal men of Scotland sent to reason with Charles I. on his despotic
views both in church and state government, and endeavour to bring him to
milder measures, as a preparative for the restoration of monarchy. During
the same year, also, he attended, as an elder of the Church of Scotland, the
Assembly of Divines held at Westminister. On the following year, having
succeeded to the earldom of Lauderdale and family estates by the death of
his father, he was sent by the Scottish Parliament, a few weeks after, as
one of their four commissioners for the treaty of Uxbridge. Here his zeal
was so hot and his language so intemperate, that it has been thought the
negotiation was considerably retarded on that account. As events went
onward, he crowned his anti-monarchical and anti-prelatic zeal by being a
party to the act of delivering up Charles I. to the English army at
Newcastle.
Having gone thus far with the
men whose cause he had adopted, and even exceeded them in some of his
proceedings, the Earl of Lauderdale was now to undergo that change to which
extreme zeal is so often subject. The recoil was manifested in 1647, when he
was sent, with other Scottish commissioners, to persuade the king to sign
the Covenant. This was at Hampton Court, while his majesty enjoyed a
temporary liberty; but after Charles was confined as a prisoner in
Carisbrook Castle, Lauderdale and the commissioners so effectually wrought,
that they prevailed with him to sign the Engagement, a secret proposal,
which, formed a separate treaty for Scotland. By the terms of this compact
the king agreed, among other important concessions, that the Scots should be
equally admitted into all foreign employments with the Englisli; that a
third part of all the offices about the king, queen, and prince, should be
bestowed upon Scotchmen, and that the king and prince, or one of them,
should frequently reside in Scotland. But the crowning concession of all was
contained in his consent that the church throughout his dominions should be
subjected to the provisions of what he had already termed their "damnable
covenant." It requires no profound knowledge of that kind of kingcraft which
Charles inherited from his father, to surmise with what facility he would
have broken these engagements, had he been restored to place and power. His
reposition they engaged on their part to do their utmost to effect, by
raising an army for the invasion of England. The Earl of Lauderdale, thus
pledged to become a staunch royalist, and with the restoration of royalty in
full perspective, of which he might hope to reap the first-fruits, returned
to Scotland, and set everything in train for the accomplishment of his
promises. In conformity with the terms of the Engagement, he also went to
Holland, for the purpose of persuading the Prince of Wales to put himself at
the head of the Scottish army destined for the invasion of England; but in
this delicate negotiation he conducted himself with such dictatorial
arrogance of temper, and in such a coarse blustering manner, that the prince
saw little temptation to follow such a leader, especially into the dangers
of a doubtful war, and therefore contented himself with his residence at the
Hague. Here; too, Lauderdale was compelled to remain, just when he was on
the point of embarking for Scotland, for at that critical moment tidings
arrived of the utter defeat of the Scottish army by Cromwell at Preston, the
condemnation of the Engagement by the Scottish Parliament, and the pains and
penalties denounced against its authors and subscribers. He returned to the
little court at the Hague, which he appears only to have disturbed by his
divisive counsels and personal resentments. Such was especially his conduct
in the plan of the last fatal campaign of the Marquis of Montrose, whom he
seems to have hated with a perfect hatred. On Charles II. being
invited to Scotland, to be invested with the ancient crown of his ancestors,
Lauderdale accompanied him, but was so obnoxious to the more strict
Presbyterians for his share in the Engagement, that he was forbid to enter
the royal presence, and even compelled to fly into concealment until the
popular anger had abated. On being recalled to the royal councils, he seems
to have ingratiated himself wonderfully with the young king, who perhaps
found in him a less severe censor than Argyle, and the other leaders of the
Covenant by whom he was surrounded. This favour, however, for the present
was of little advantage to him, as it made him a necessary participator in
the ill-fated expedition into England, where he was taken prisoner at the
battle of Worcester. For nine long years after he was subjected to close
confinement in the Tower of London, Portland Castle, and other places, until
the arrival of Monk in London, in 1660, by whom he was set at
liberty.
On recovering his freedom,
and seeing how the wind was setting in favour of royalty, Lauderdale
repaired to the Hague, and was received by Charles II. with greater favour
than before. To this, indeed, his nine years of bondage must have not a
little contributed. Perhaps the king also saw in Lauderdale the fittest
person through whom he might govern Scotland with absolute authority, and
revenge himself upon the Presbyterians, by whom he had been so strictly
curbed and schooled. Shortly after the Restoration, therefore, he was
appointed secretary of state for Scotland, and soon after, the influential
offices were added of president of the council, first commissioner of the
treasury, extraordinary lord of session, lord of the bedchamber, and
governor of Edinburgh Castle. In the meantime, however, he did not rule
alone; for while his place was the court at London, from which his influence
could only be indirect upon Scotland, the Earls of Middleton and Rothes,
bitter enemies of Presbyterianism, and unscrupulous actors in the
restoration of Episcopacy, had the chief direction of Scottish affairs,
which they signalized by a frightful course of persecution. But on Middleton
being disgraced in 1662, and Rothes in 1667, Lauderdale, who had procured
their removal, was now enabled to rule the north without rival or
impediment.
This change in the government
of Scotland had at first a propitious appearance. Lauderdale had all along
been the advocate of a limited monarchy, as well as a staunch adherent of
Presbyterianism; and it was hoped, by a people who had been trampled into
the dust by the rule of Middleton, Rothes, and Archbishop Sharp, that his
sympathies would have been awakened in their behalf. Nor were these
expectations in the first instance disappointed. He procured the demolition
of those fortresses which Cromwell had erected to overawe the country. He
prevented the establishment of a Scottish Privy Council that was to sit in
London, by which the liberties of Scotland would have been imperilled. He
also obtained the royal pardon for those of his countrymen who had been
arrayed against Charles I. during the Civil war. But more than all, he
steadily resisted the imposition of Episcopal rule upon the country,
disbanded the standing army, by whom the people had been persecuted and
plundered, and dismissed the principal agents under whom this misrule had
been conducted. But events subsequently showed that he cared neither for
religion nor liberty, neither for Presbyterianism nor constitutional
government, but was all for royal supremacy, and his own personal interests
as connected with it; and that for these he was prepared to sacrifice
everything, or worship anything, whether in church or state. He thus became
the most merciless persecutor of the Covenanters, whom he sent "to glorify
God at the Grass-market;" and the most despotic of tyrants, when, upon a
remonstrance of the noblest and highest of the kingdom, he made bare his
arms above the elbows at the council board, and "swore by Jehovah that he
would make them enter into these bonds." In the meantime, the king took care
that so compliant an instrument for the entire subjugation of Scotland to
the royal will, should have ample means and authority for the purpose, for
in May, 1672, he created him Marquis of March and Duke of Lauderdale; a
month afterwards, Knight of the Garter; and in June, 1674, he elevated him
into the English peerage, by the titles of Viscount Petersham and Earl of
Guilford, and appointed him a seat in the English Privy Council.
It was these last honours,
which raised Lauderdale to the culminating point, that occasioned his
downfall. Having now a place in the English government, he endeavoured to
bring into it the same domineering arrogance which had disgusted the people
of Scotland, and was a member of that junto of five ministers called the
"Cabal," from the initials of their names, by which the whole empire for a
time was governed. But he soon became odious to his colleagues, who were
weary of his arrogance; to the people, who regarded him as an upstart and an
alien; and to the Duke of York, who thought he had not gone far enough in
severity, and suspected him of being a trimming Presbyterian and secret
enemy to the divine right of kings. Thus mistrusted and forsaken by all
parties, he was deprived of all his offices and pensions in the beginning of
1682, and thrown aside as a worn-out political tool, that could be
serviceable no longer. These bitter reverses, combined with old age and
gross unwieldiness of body, hastened his death, which occurred at Tunbridge,
in the summer of the same year. It was recorded by Burnet, and eagerly
noticed by the Covenanters of Scotland, whom he had so cruelly betrayed and
persecuted, that when he died, "his heart seemed quite spent; there was not
left above the bigness of a walnut of firm substance; the rest was spungy;
liker the lungs than the heart."
Such is but a brief sketch of
the political life of one with whose proceedings so large a portion of
Scottish biography is more or less connected. The character of the Duke of
Lauderdale is thus severely but truthfully limned by Bishop Burnet, who knew
him well, but was no admirer of his proceedings:—"He was very learned, not
only in Latin, in which he was a master, but in Greek and Hebrew. He had
read a great deal of divinity, and almost all the historians, ancient and
modern, so that he had great materials. He was a man, as the Duke of
Buckingham once called him to me, of a blundering understanding. He was
haughty beyond expression; abject to those he saw he must stoop to, but
imperious to all others. He had a violence of passion that carried him often
to fits like madness, in which he had no temper. If he took a thing wrong,
it was a vain thing to study to convince him; that would rather provoke him
to swear he would never be of another mind. He at first despised wealth; but
he delivered himself up afterwards to luxury and sensuality, and by that
means he ran into a vast expense, and stuck at nothing that was necessary to
support it. . . . .He was in his principles much against Popery and
arbitrary government; and yet, by a fatal train of passions and interests,
he made way for the former, and had almost established the latter; and
whereas some, by a smooth deportment, made the first beginnings of tyranny
less discernible and unacceptable, he, by the fury of his behaviour,
heightened the severity of his ministry, which was liker the cruelty of an
inquisition, than the legality of justice. With all this he was a
Presbyterian, and continued his aversion to King Charles I. and his party to
his death." So unfavourable a disposition and character was matched by his
personal appearance. "He was very big," says the same authority; "his hair
red, hanging oddly about him. His tongue was too big for his mouth, which
made him bedew all that he talked to; and his whole manner was rough and
boisterous, and very unfit for a court."
Although twice married, the
Duke of Lauderdale left no male issue; and his sole heir was Anne, his
daughter, married to John Hay, second Marquis of Tweeddale, while he was
succeeded in the title of his earldom by his brother, whose son Richard was
the author of a poetical translation of Virgil. |