GRAHAM, JAMES, the
celebrated marquis of Montrose, was born in the year 1612, and succeeded
to his father, John, earl of Montrose, in 1626, being then only fourteen
years of age. As he was the only son of the family, he was persuaded by
his friends to marry soon after, which greatly retarded his education.
Preceptors were, however, brought into his house, and by assiduous study
he became a tolerable proficient in the Latin and Greek languages. He
afterwards travelled into foreign parts, where he spent some years in the
attainment of modern languages, and practising the various exercises then
in vogue. He returned to Scotland about the year 1634, with the reputation
of being one of the most accomplished gentlemen of the age. Being a man of
large expectations, and meeting with a reception at court which he
considered not equal to his merits, he, on the fifteenth of November,
1637, joined the Tables at Edinburgh, to the great dismay of the bishops;
who, according to Guthrie, "thought it time to prepare for a storm, when
he engaged."—That the reader may be at no loss to understand our
narrative, it may not be improper here to inform him that the Tables were
committees for managing the cause of the people in the contest they were
at this time engaged in with the court for their religion and
liberties:—they were in number four—one for the nobility, another for the
gentry, a third for the burghs, a fourth for the ministers; anal there was
a special one, consisting of delegates from each of the four. The Table of
the nobility, we may also remark, consisted of the lords Rothes, Lindsay,
Loudon, and Montrose: the two latter of whom were unquestionably the
ablest and probably the most efficient members. In point of zeal, indeed,
at this period Montrose seems to have exceeded all his fellows. When
Traquair published the king’s proclamation approving of the Service Book,
Montrose stood not only on the scaffold beside Mr Archibald Johnston,
while he read the protestation in name of the Tables, but got up, that he
might overlook the crowd, upon the end of a puncheon; which gave occasion
to the prophetic jest of Rothes, recorded with solemn gravity, by Gordon
of Straloch—"James, you will never be at rest till you be lifted up there-
above your fellows in a rope;—which was afterwards," he adds,
"accomplished in earnest in that same place, and some even say that the
same supporters of the scaffold were made use of at Montrose’s execution."
The Tables, having prepared for renewing the national covenant, it was
sworn by all ranks, assembled at Edinburgh, on the last of February and
first of March, 1638; and, in a short time, generally throughout the
kingdom. In this celebrated transaction, Montrose was a leading actor. In
preparing, swearing, and imposing the covenant, especially in the last, no
man seems to have been more zealous. In the fullest confidence of his
faithfulness and zeal, he had been nominated, along with Alexander
Henderson and David Dickson, to proceed to Aberdeen, in order to persuade
that refractory city, the only one in the kingdom, to harmonize with the
other parts of it; but they made very few converts, and were, upon the
whole, treated in no friendly manner. The pulpits of Aberdeen they found
universally shut against them; nor even in the open street, did they meet
with any thing like a respectful audience. This triumph of the northern
episcopalians was carefully reported to Charles by the marquis of Huntly;
and the monarch was so much gratified by even this partial success of his
favourite system, that, at the very moment when he was showing a
disposition to give way to the covenanters, he wrote letters of thanks to
the magistrates and doctors, promising them at all times his favour and
protection. Montrose soon after returned to Edinburgh, and through the
whole of the eventful year 1638, to all appearance acted most cordially in
favour of the covenant.
In the beginning of the
year 1639, when the covenanters had finally set the king at defiance by
abolishing episcopacy, and were preparing to defend their measures by
force of arms, Montrose received another commission to visit the
Aberdonians, and to provide against the probability of their stirring upon
insurrection in the north, when his majesty might be drawing the public
attention wholly towards the south. While Montrose was preparing for this
expedition, having learned that a meeting of the covenanters in that
quarter had been appointed at Tureff, and that Huntly, who had taken
possession of Aberdeen, had written to his friends and followers to
assemble for the purpose of preventing the meeting, be resolved to protect
his friends, and ensure their convocation in spite of Huntly. For this
purpose he collected only a few of his friends upon whom he could depend,
and by one of those rapid movements by which he was afterwards so
much distinguished, led them across that wild mountainous range that
divides Angus from Aberdeenshire; and, on the morning of February the
14th, took possession of Tureff, ere one of the opposite party was aware
of his having left Angus. Huntly’s van, beginning to arrive in the
forenoon, were astonished to find the place occupied in a hostile manner,
and retired to the Broad Ford of Towie, about two miles to the south of
Tureff where Huntly and his train from Aberdeen shortly after joined them.
Here it was debated whether they should advance and attack the place, or
withdraw for the present and being enjoined by his commission from the
king to act as yet only on the defensive, Huntly himself dissolved the
meeting, though it was upwards of two thousand strong. This formidable
array only convinced Montrose that there was no time to lose in preparing
to meet it; and hastening next day to his own country, he began to raise
and to array troops, according to the commission he held from the Tables.
Seconded by the energy and patriotism of the people, his activity was
such, that in less than a month he was at the head of a well-appointed
army of horse and foot, drawn from the immediate neighbourhood; at the
head of which he marched directly north, and on the 29th of March
approached the town of Aberdeen. The doctors who had given him so
much trouble on his former mission, did not think fit to wait his coming
on this occasion; and the pulpits were at the service of any of his
followers who chose to occupy them. It is admitted, on all hands, that
Montrose on this first visit acted with great moderation. Leaving a
garrison in Aberdeen under the earl of Kinghorn, he set out on the 1st of
April to meet the marquis of Huntly, who had now dismissed his followers
and retired to one of his castles. On the approach of Montrose, Huntly
sent his friend, Gordon of Straloch, to meet him, and to propose an
armistice; and for this purpose a meeting took place between the parties
at the village of Lowess, about midway between Aberdeen and the castle of
Strathbogie. The stipulations under which this meeting took place were
strongly characteristic of a semi-barbarous state of society. Each of the
parties was to be accompanied by eleven followers, and those armed only
with swords. Each party, too, before meeting, sent an advance guard to
search the other, in case any of the parties might have forgotten or
overlooked this so far pacific arrangement. After considerable time spent
in rather passionate conversation, it was agreed between them, that
Montrose should march his army from Inverary, where it was now encamped,
to Aberdeen, leaving Huntly and his countrymen in the meantime unmolested.
Guthrie affirms that Huntly subscribed a writ substantially the same with
the covenant. Other writers contradict this, and say that he only signed a
bond of maintenance, as it was called, obliging himself to maintain the
king’s authority, and the laws and religion at that time established,
which indeed appears substantially the same with the covenant; though the
phrase " established religion" was somewhat equivocal, and probably was
the salvo, on this occasion, of the marquis’s conscience. Montrose, on his
return to Aberdeen, without any of the formalities of moral suasion,
imposed the covenant, at the point of the sword, upon the inhabitants of
the town and the surrounding country, who very generally accepted it, as
there was no other way in which they could escape the outrages of the
soldiery. As a contribution might have been troublesome to uplift, a
handsome subsidy of ten thousand merks from the magistrates was accepted
as an equivalent. This is the only instance with which we are acquainted,
in which the covenant was really forced upon conscientious recusants at
the sword’s point; and it is worthy of remark, that the agent in the
compulsion was one of the most idolized of the opposite party. Having
thus, as he supposed, completely quieted the country, Montrose gave it in
charge to the Frasers and the Forbeses, and on the 13th of April, marched
for Edinburgh with his whole army, leaving the Aberdonians, though they
had put on a show of conformity, more exasperated against the covenanters
than ever. Scarcely had the army left the city, than, to testify their
contempt and hatred of their late guests, the ladies began to dress up
their dogs with collars of blue ribbons, calling them, in derision,
covenanters, a joke for which they were, in the sequel, amply repaid.
In the meantime, the
preparations of the king were rapidly going forward, and by the first of
May the marquis of Hamilton, his lieutenant, entered the Firth of Forth
with a fleet of twenty-eight sail, having on board five thousand foot
soldiers, and a large quantity of arms. This circumstance had no real
effect but to demonstrate the utter hopelessness of the king’s cause to
all those who witnessed it; yet, operating upon the highly excited
feelings of the Gordons, they flew to arms, though they had no proper
leader, the marquis of Huntly being by this time a prisoner in Edinburgh
castle. Their first movement was an attack, 18th May, upon a meeting of
covenanters at Tureff, which, being taken by surprise, was easily
dispersed, few persons being either killed or wounded on either side. This
was the first collision of the kind that took place between the parties,
the prologue, as it were, to the sad drama that was to follow; and it has
ever since been remembered by the ludicrous appellation of "The Trot of
Tureff." Proceeding to Aberdeen, the Gordons, as the fruit of their
victory, quartered themselves upon their friends the citizens of that
loyal city, where they gave themselves up to the most lawless license.
Here they were met by the historian, Gordon of Straloch, who endeavoured
to reason them into more becoming conduct, but in vain. Finding that they
intended to attack the earl Marischal, who was now resident at Dunnottar
castle, Straloch hastened thither to mediate between them and the earl,
and if possible to prevent the effusion of human blood. The Gordons
followed rapidly on his heels; but having lain one night in the open
fields, and finding the earl Marischal determined to oppose them, they at
last hearkened to the advice of Straloch, and agreed to disband
themselves, without committing further outrages. Unhappily, however, they
had been joined at Durris by one thousand Highlanders, under lord Lewis
Gordon, third son to the marquis of Huntly, who, though a mere boy, had
made his escape from his guardians, assumed the Highland dress, and
appeared at the head of these outrageous loyalists for the interests of
his father. This band of one thousand heroes it was impossible to send
home till they had indulged their patriotic feelings among the goods and
chattels of their supposed enemies; which they did to such an extent, as
to provoke the deepest resentment. The earl Marischal with his little army
advanced against them, and on the 23d of May entered Aberdeen, thirty
Highland barons making a precipitate retreat before him.
For the suppression of
these insurrections, Montrose had been again commissioned to the north,
with an army of four thousand men, with which he entered Aberdeen on the
25th of May, only two days after the earl Marischal. Having discovered, by
numerous intercepted letters, the real feelings of the inhabitants, and
that their former compliance with his demands had been mere hypocrisy,
practised for the purpose of saving their goods, Montrose imposed upon
them another fine of ten thousand merks,—his men, at the same time, making
free with whatever they thought fit to take, no protections being granted,
save to a very few burgesses, who were known to be genuine covenanters. In
revenge for the affront put upon their blue ribbon by the ladies, not one
single dog upon which the soldiers could lay their hands, was left alive
within the wide circuit of Aberdeen. The Gordons, meanwhile, learning that
the Frasers and the Forbeses were advancing to join Montrose, crossed the
Spay with one thousand foot and upwards of three hundred horse, and took
post on a field near Elgin, where the Frasers and Forbeses lay with an
army superior to theirs in number. A parley ensued, and it was settled
that neither party should cross the Spey to injure the other. Both
parties, of course, sought their native quarters; and the Gordons,
sensible of their inability to cope with Montrose, determined,
individually, to seek each his own safety. Having nothing else to do, and
possessing abundance of artillery, Montrose resolved to reduce
the principal strength belonging to the party, and for this end had just
sat down before Gicht, the residence of Sir Robert Gordon, when he learned
that the earl of Aboyne, second son of the marquis of Huntly, had arrived
at Aberdeen with three ships, having obtained from the king, at York, a
commission of lieutenantcy over the whole north of Scotland. He, of
course, hasted back to Aberdeen, where he arrived on the 5th of June;
Aboyne had not yet landed, but for what reason does not appear. Montrose
left Aberdeen next day, marching southward with all his forces, as did the
earl Marischal at the same time. Aboyne, of course, landed, and raising
his father’s vassals and dependents, to the number of four thousand men,
took possession of Aberdeen—at the cross of which he published the king’s
proclamation, bestowing all the lands of the covenanters upon their
opponents. He then proposed to attack Montrose and the earl Marischal,
marching for this purpose along the sea coast, ordering his ships with the
cannon and ammunition to attend his progress. A west wind arising, drove
the ships with his artillery and ammunition out to sea, so that he came in
contact with Montrose and the earl Marischal advantageously posted on the
Meagra-hill, a little to the south of Stonehaven, without the means of
making any impression upon them. A few shots from the field-pieces of
Montrose, so completely disheartened the followers of Aboyne, that they
fell back upon Aberdeen in a state of utter confusion, with the loss of half their number, leaving to the covenanters a bloodless victory.
Aboyne was rapidly followed by the victors; but with the gentlemen who yet
adhered to him, he took post at the bridge of Dee, which he determined to
defend, for the preservation of Aberdeen. Montrose attacked this position
on the 18th of June, with his usual impetuosity, and it was maintained for
a whole day with great bravery. Next morning Montrose made a movement as
if he intended to cross the river farther up; and the attention of the
defenders being thus distracted, Middleton made a desperate charge, and
carried the bridge in defiance of all opposition. The routed and
dispirited loyalists fled with the utmost trepidation towards the town,
and were closely pursued by the victorious covenanters. Aberdeen was now
again in the hands of the men of whom it had more reason than ever to be
afraid: it had already endured repeated spoliations at the hands of both
parties, and was at last threatened with indiscriminate pillage. At their
first entry into the town, June 19th, the troops behaved with great
rudeness; every person suspected of being engaged in the last insurrection
was thrown into prison, and the general cry of the army was to set the
town on fire. There was some disagreement, however, among the chiefs
respecting the execution of such a severe measure, and next day the
question was not at rest by the news of the pacification of Berwick, which
had been concluded on the 18th, the day that the parties had been so hotly
engaged at the bridge of Dee. Montrose was probably not a little sorry to
be confined in the north, quelling parties of Highland royalists, when
there was a probability of actions of much greater importance taking place
in another quarter, upon which the eyes of all men were fixed with a much
more intense interest than they could possibly be upon the rock of
Dunnottar, the bog of Gicht, or even the "brave town of Aberdeen." Now
that a settlement had taken place, he hastened to the head-quarters, that
he might have his proportion of what was to be dealt out on the occasion,
whether it were public honours, public places, or private emoluments.
It now struck the mind of
the king, that if he could but gain over the nobility to his side, the
opposition of the lower classes would be rendered of little efficacy; and
that he might have an opportunity of employing his royal eloquence for
that purpose, he invited fourteen of the most influential of the grandees,
that had taken part against him, to wait upon his court at Berwick, under
the pretence of consulting them on the measures he meant to adopt for
promoting the peace and the prosperity of the country. Aware of his
design, the states sent only three of their number, Montrose, Loudon, and
Lothian, to make an apology for the non-appearance of the remainder. The
apology, however, was not accepted; and by the king’s special command,
they wrote for the noblemen who had been named to follow them. This the
noblemen probably were not backward to do, but a rumour being raised, that
he intended to seize upon them, and send the whole prisoners to London,
the populace interfered, and, to prevent a tumult, the journey was
delayed. Charles was highly offended with this conduct; and being strongly
cautioned by his courtiers against trusting himself among the unruly
Scots, he departed for England, brooding over his depressed cause, and the
means of regaining that influence of which he had been deprived by his
subjects. Of those who did wait upon him, he succeeded in seducing only
one, the earl of Montrose, who was disappointed in being placed under
general Leslie, and who had of late become particularly jealous of Argyle.
How much reason Charles had to be proud of such an acquisition we shall
see in the sequel, though there can be no doubt that the circumstance
emboldened him to proceed in his policy of only granting a set of mock
reforms to the Scottish people, with the secret purpose of afterwards
replacing the affairs of the kingdom on the same footing as before. In the
spirit of this design, the earl of Traquair, who was nominated his
majesty’s commissioner for holding the stipulated parliament and general
assembly, was directed to allow the abolition of episcopacy, not as
unlawful, but for settling the present disorders; and on no account to
allow the smallest appearance of the bishops’ concurring (though several
of them had already done and did concur) in the deed. He was to consent to
the covenant being subscribed as it originally was in 1580—"provided it be
so conceived that our subjects do not thereby be required to abjure
episcopacy as a part of popery, or against God’s law." If the assembly
required it to be abjured, as contrary to the constitution of the church
of Scotland, he was to yield rather than make a breach: and the
proceedings of the assembly at Glasgow he was to ratify, not as deeds of
that meeting, all mention of which he was to avoid, but as acts of this
present assembly; and to make every thing sure his own way, when the
assembly business was closed, immediately before prayers, he was enjoined
to make protestation, in the fairest way possible, that in respect of his
majesty "not coming to the assembly in person, and his instructions being
hastily written, many things may have occurred upon which he had not his
majesty’s pleasure; therefore, in case any thing had escaped him, or been
condescended upon prejudicial to his majesty’s service, his majesty may be
heard for redress thereof in his own time and place." By these and other
devices of a similar character, Charles imagined that he could lawfully
render the whole proceedings of the assembly null and void at any time he
might think it proper to declare himself. Traquair seconded the views of
his master with great dexterity; and the assembly suspecting no bad faith,
every thing was amicably adjusted.
In the parliament that sat
down on the last day of August, 1639, the day after the rising of the
general assembly, matters did not go quite so smoothly. Episcopacy being
abolished, and with it the civil power of churchmen, the fourteen bishops,
who had formed the third estate of the kingdom in parliament, were
wanting. To fill up this deficiency, the other two estates proposed,
instead of the bishops, to elect fourteen persons from the lower barons;
but this was protested against by the commissioner, and by and by their
proceedings were interrupted by an order for their prorogation till the 2d
day of June, 1640. Against this prorogation the house protested, as an
invasion of their rights; but they nevertheless gave instant obedience,
after they had appointed commissioners to remonstrate with his majesty,
and to supplicate him for a revisal of his commands. Before these
commissioners found their way into the presence of Charles, however, he
had fully resolved upon renewing the war, and all the arguments they could
urge were of course unavailing. Charles, on this occasion, certainly
displayed a want of consideration which was very extraordinary; he had
emptied his treasury by his last fruitless campaign, yet continued his
preparations against Scotland, though he could not raise one penny but by
illegal and desperate expedients, which alienated the hearts of his
English subjects more and more from him every day. The Scots were, at the
same time, perfectly aware of what was intended, and they made such
preparations as were in their power to avert the danger. As the subject of
this memoir, however, seems not to have taken any particular or prominent
part in these preparations, we must pass them over, referring the reader
to the lives of those individuals who at this time took the most active
part in conducting public affairs. Suffice it to say that, to oppose the
army of Charles, which he had with great difficulty increased to nineteen
thousand foot and two thousand horse, the Scots had an army of
twenty-three thousand foot, three thousand horse, and a considerable train
of artillery. Of this army, Alexander Leslie was again appointed
commander-in-chief; lord Almond, brother to the earl of Livingston,
lieutenant. general; W. Baillie, of the Lamington family, major-general;
colonel A. Hamilton, general of artillery, colonel John Leslie,
quarter-master-general; and A. Gibson, younger of Durie, commissary
general. The nobles in general had the rank of colonel, with the
assistance of veteran officers as lieutenant-colonels. Montrose, though
his disaffection to the cause was now no secret, had still as formerly,
two regiments, one of horse and another of foot. All these appointments
were made in the month of April, 1640, but excepting some smaller bodies
for suppressing local risings in the north, the army did not begin to
assemble till the middle of July, and it was not till the end of that
month that it was marched to Chouseley wood, about four miles to the west
of Dunse, and, within six of the border.
The Scots had from the
beginning of these troubles determined to carry the war, should war become
inevitable, into England. This was sound policy; but as they did not wish
to make war upon the English people, who were suffering equally with
themselves, and were making the most praiseworthy exertions to limit the
royal prerogative, it required no ordinary degree of prudence to carry it
into execution. The leaders of the covenant, however, possessed powers
fully adequate for the occasion. Notwithstanding of their warlike
preparations, which were upon a scale equal to the magnitude of the
enterprise, they continued to preserve the most perfect decorum, both of
language and manner, and they sent before the army two printed papers, the
one entitled "Six considerations, manifesting the lawfulness of their
expedition into England," the other "The intentions of the army of the
kingdom of Scotland declared to their brethren of England." In these
papers, which for cogency of argument and elegance of composition may
safely be compared with any similar productions of any age, they set forth
in strong but temperate language the nature, the number, and the
aggravations of their grievances. Their representations coming in the
proper time, had the most powerful effect. If there was yet, at the time
the parliament was convened, in a majority of the people, some tenderness
towards the power of the monarch and the dignity of the prelates, every
thing of the kind was now gone. The dissolution of a parliament, which for
twelve years had been so impatiently expected and so firmly depended on,
for at least a partial redress of grievances, and the innumerable
oppressions that had been crowded into the short space between that
dissolution and this appearance, on the part of the Scots, together with
the exorbitances of the convocation,—that, contrary to all former
precedent, had been allowed to sit, though the parliament was
dissolved,—had so wrought upon the minds of men, that the threatenings
these remonstrances breathed against prelates were grateful to the English
nation, and the sharp expressions against the form and discipline of the
established church gave no offence save to the few who composed the court
faction. So completely did these declarations meet the general feeling,
that the Scots were expected with impatience, and every accident that
retarded their march was regarded as hurtful to the interests of the
public. The northern counties, which lay immediately exposed to the
invasion, absolutely refused to lend money to pay troops, or to furnish
horses to mount the musqueteers, and the train-bands would not stir a foot
without pay.
Anxious to make good their
professions, the Scots were some time before they could advance, for want
of money. The small supplies with which they had commenced operations
being already nearly exhausted, two of the most popular of the nobility,
along with Mr Alexander Henderson, and secretary Johnston, were sent back
to Edinburgh to see what could be done in the way of procuring gratuitous
supplies. As it would have been displeasing to the English, had the army
been under the necessity of cutting down trees, for erecting huts, as had
been the practice in former times, when inroads were made upon their
border, the commissioners were instructed to use their influence with
their countrymen, to provide as much cloth as would serve for tents during
their encampments in that country. It was late on a Saturday night when
the commissioners arrived in Edinburgh, but the exhortations of the
ministers next day were so effectual, that on Monday the women of
Edinburgh alone produced webs of coarse linen, vulgarly called harn,
nearly sufficient for tents to the whole army; and the married men,
with equal promptitude, advanced the sum of one hundred and twenty
thousand pounds, with a promise of remitting as much more in a few days,
which they did accordingly. Having obtained these supplies, and a
considerable train of black cattle and sheep to be used as provisions, the
Scottish army moved from Chouseley wood towards Coldstream, where they
intended to enter England by a well-known ford over the Tweed. The river
being swollen, they were obliged to camp on a spacious plain called Hirsel
Haugh, till the flood should subside; and here they first proved the cloth
furnished them for tents, by the good women of Edinburgh. On the 20th, the
river having sunk to its ordinary level, it was resolved that the army
should march forward. This, however, was considered so momentous an
affair, that not one of the leading men would volunteer to be the first to
set hostile feet upon the English border; and it was left to the lot to
decide who should have the honour, or the demerit of doing so. The lot
fell upon Montrose, who, aware of his own defection, and afraid of those
suspicions with which he already saw himself regarded, eagerly laid hold
of this opportunity to lay them asleep. Plunging at once into the stream,
he waded through to the other side without a single attendant, but
immediately returned to encourage his men; and a line of horse being
planted on the upper side of the ford to break the force of the stream,
the foot passed easily and safely, only one man being drowned of the whole
army. The commanders, like Montrose, with the exception of those who
commanded the horse employed to break the force of the water, waded at the
head of their respective regiments, and though it was four o’clock, P. M.,
before they began to pass, the whole were on the English side before
midnight. They encamped for that night on a hill that had been occupied by
a troop of English horse, set to guard the ford, but which had fled before
the superior force of the Scottish army; large fires were kindled in
advance, which, says one of the actors in the scene, "rose like so many
heralds proclaiming our crossing of the river, or rather like so many
prodigious comets foretelling the fall of this ensuing storm upon our
enemies in England;" contrary to the intentions of the Scots, "these fires
so terrified the country people, that they all fled with bag and baggage
towards the south parts of the country," according to the above author,
"leaving their desolate houses to the mercy of the army." Charles left
London to take command of his army, which had already rendezvoused at
York, on the same day the Scottish army crossed the Tweed. This army, as
we have stated above, was said to be twenty-one thousand strong; but from
the aversion of the people in general to the service, there is reason to
suppose, that in reality it fell far short of that number. The earl of
Northumberland was nominated to the command, but he felt, says an English
historian, disgusted at being called forth to act the most conspicuous
part in a business which no good man in the kingdom relished; and taking
advantage of a slight indisposition, he declared himself unfit to perform
the duties of his function. Stafford, of course, exercised the supreme
command, though only with the title of lieutenant-general, not caring to
assume that of general, because of the envy and odium that attended him.
Lord Conway, who commanded under Stafford, had been stationed at Newcastle
with a strong garrison to protect the town, which it was supposed he might
easily do, as it was fortified, and well stored with provisions.
On the 21st, the Scottish
army marched in the direction of Newcastle, and encamped for the night on
Millfield Race. On the 22d, they proceeded to the river Glen, where they
were joined by about seven thousand of their brethren, who had entered
England by Kelso. The whole marched the same night to Middleton Haugh. On
Thursday the 27th, they came in sight of Newcastle. During this whole
march, the Scots acted up to their previous professions; every Englishman
that came into the camp, they caressed and loaded with kindness, and now
they despatched a drummer to Newcastle with two letters, one to the mayor,
and another to the military governor of the city, demanding in the most
civil manner liberty to pass peaceably through, that they might lay their
petition at the feet of their sovereign. The messenger was, however, sent
back with his letters unopened, because they were sealed; and before he
reached the army in his return, the general had determined to pass the
Tyne at Newburn, about five or six miles above Newcastle. The principal
ford below the village of Newburn, as well as two others, Conway had
commanded by trenches, but as the river was passable in many other places
not far distant, he had resolved on a retreat. Stafford, however, who
undervalued the Scots, was anxious for a battle, if it were only to see
what was the mettle of the parties, and commanded him to abide at his
post. In approaching Newburn, general Leslie and a few of the chief
noblemen, riding a little in advance, narrowly escaped being cut off by a
party of English horse, that had crossed the Tyne for the purpose of
reconnoitering. At sight of each other, both parties called a halt, and
some more of the Scottish horse appearing, the English judged it prudent
to retreat. The Scots during the night, encamped on Hadden Law, a rising
ground behind Newburn, having a plain descent all the way down to the
water’s edge. The English were encamped on the opposite side of the Tyne,
on a perfect level, that extended behind them to the distance of more than
half a mile. The Scottish position was deficient in water, but in return
they had abundance of coal from the pits in the neighbourhood, with which
they made great fires all around their camp, which tended not a little to
magnify their appearance to the enemy. In the morning it was found that
their camp overlooked completely that of the English, and they were able
from the nature of the ground to plant their cannon so as to command
completely the trenches cast up by the English at the fords. The morning
was spent coolly in making preparations, both parties watering their
horses at the river, (the tide being up,) without molestation. As the
river became fordable, however, they became more jealous, and about midday
a Scottish officer watering his horse, and looking steadily on the
entrenchments on the opposite side, was shot dead by an English sentinel.
This was the signal for battle; the Scottish batteries immediately opened,
and the trenches thrown up by the English at the fords were soon rendered
untenable. A few horsemen volunteers under a major Ballantyne, sent over
the water to reconnoitre, with orders only to fire at a distance, and to
retreat if necessary, found the whole of the breast-works abandoned. The
general’s guard, consisting of the college of justice’s troop, commanded
by Sir Thomas Hope, with two regiments of foot, Crawfurd’s and Loudon’s,
were then sent across; and a battery being opened at the same time from a
hilt to the eastward, directly upon the great body of the English horse on
the plain below, a retreat was sounded, the cannon were withdrawn from the
trenches, and the Scots passed in full force without farther opposition.
The English foot sought refuge in a wood, and the horse in covering their
retreat, were attacked by a fresh body of Scots, defeated with some loss,
and their commanders made prisoners. The scattered parties escaped under
cover of night, to carry dismay and confusion into the main body. The loss
was inconsiderable, but the rout was complete. The English horse, who but
the day before had left Newcastle with their swords drawn, threatening to
kill each a dozen of covenanters, made their way into the town in a state
of the utmost disorder and dismay, crying, as they rode full speed through
the streets, for a guide to Durham; and having strewed the roads behind
them with their arms, which they had thrown away in their haste to escape.
The Scottish army rested that night upon the ground which the English had
occupied, one regiment being still on the north side of the Tyne with the
baggage, which the return of the tide had prevented being brought across.
Despatches for the governor and mayor of Newcastle, of the same respectful
character as had been formerly sent, were prepared on the morning of
Saturday; but the committee learning that the garrison had abandoned it
during the night, and retired with lord Conway to join the main army at
York, it was thought proper to advance without ceremony. The army
accordingly moved to Whiggam, within two miles of Newcastle, where they
encamped for the night, and next morning, Sunday the 30th of August, the
mayor sent an invitation to enter the town. The troops were accordingly
marched into a field near the suburbs, after which the gates were thrown
open, and the committee, with the principal leaders, entered the town in
state, Sir Thomas Hope’s troop marshalling the way, and the laird of West
Quarter’s company of foot keeping the post at the end of the bridge. The
whole company were fronted at the house of the lord mayor, who was
astonished to observe that they all drank his majesty’s health. After
dinner the company repaired to the great church of St Nicholas, where a
thanksgiving sermon was preached by Mr Henderson. In the town they found
next day between four and five thousand stand of arms, five thousand
pounds’ weight of cheese, some hundreds of bolls of pease and rye, a
quantity of hard fish, with abundance of beer; which had been provided for
the king’s troops, but now was taken possession of by his enemies.
Nothing could be more
encouraging than the prospects of the covenanters at this time. The same
day in which they gained the victory at Newburn, the castle of Dumbarton,
then reckoned an impregnable fortress, surrendered to their friends in
Scotland, as did shortly after that of Edinburgh; and the capture of
Newcastle was speedily followed by the acquisition of Durham, Tynemouth,
and Shields. The number and the splendour of these successes, with the
delightful anticipations which they naturally called forth, could not fail
to strike every pious mind among the Scots; and a day was most
appropriately set apart by the army, as a day of fasting and prayer, in
acknowledgment of their sense of the divine goodness. Stafford who, from
bad health, had not yet come into action, was hastening to the combat,
when he met his discomfited army at Durham; and, from the ill-timed
haughtiness which he displayed, was soon the only enemy his army was
desirous to overcome. His soldiers even went the length of vindicating
their conduct at Newburn; affirming, that no man could wish success to the
war against the Scots, without at the same time wishing the enslavement of
England. The prudent magnanimity of the Scots, who, far from being elated
with the victory, deplored the necessity of being obliged to shed the
blood of their English brethren, not only supported, but heightened the
favourable opinion that had been from the beginning entertained of them.
Their prisoners, too, they treated not only with civility, but with such
soothing and affectionate kindness, as insured their gratitude, and called
forth the plaudits of the whole nation. Eager to profit by this state of
things, in restoring order and concord between the king and his people,
the Scottish committee, on the 2nd of September, sent a letter to the earl
of Lanark, his majesty’s secretary of state for Scotland, enclosing a
petition which they requested him to lay before the king. To this
petition, which was couched in the most delicate terms, the king returned
an answer without loss of time, requiring them to state in more plain
terms the claims they intended to make upon him; informing them, at the
same time, that he had called a meeting of the peers of England, to meet
at York on the 24th instant. This was an antiquated and scarcely legal
assembly, which Charles had called by his own authority, to supersede the
necessity of again calling a parliament,—the only means by which the
disorders of the government could now be arrested, and which the Scottish
committee in their petition had requested him to call immediately. To this
communication, the committee replied; "that the sum of their desires was,
that his majesty would ratify the acts of the last Scottish parliament,
garrison the castle of Edinburgh and the other fortresses only for the
defence and security of his subjects, free their countrymen in England and
Ireland from further persecution for subscribing the covenant, and press
them no further with oaths and subscriptions not warranted by law—bring to
just censure the incendiaries who had been the authors of these
combustions—restore the ships and goods that had been seized and condemned
by his majesty’s orders; repair the wrongs and repay the losses that had
been sustained; recall the declaration that had been issued against them
as traitors— and, finally, remove, with the consent of the parliament of
England, the garrisons from the borders, and all impediments to free
trade, and to the peace, the religion, and liberties of the two kingdoms.
These demands were no doubt
as unpalatable as ever to Charles, but the consequences of his rashness
were now pressing him on all sides. His exchequer was empty, his revenue
anticipated, his army undisciplined and disaffected, and himself
surrounded by people who scarcely deigned to disguise their displeasure at
all his measures. In such extreme embarrassment, the king clung, like a
drowning man, to any expedient which presented itself, rather than again
meet, with the only friends who could effectually relieve him, his
parliament. There was unfortunately, too, a secret party among the
covenanters, who, with all the pretensions to religion and to patriotism
they had put forth, were only seeking their own aggrandizement, and were
determined never to admit any pacification that did not leave them at the
head of public affairs. Of these, among the Scots, Montrose was the most
conspicuous. We have seen with what zeal he imposed the covenant upon the
recusant Aberdonians. But he had, since then, had a taste of royal favour
at Berwick, and, as it was likely to advance him above every other
Scotsman, his whole study, ever since that memorable circumstance, had
been how he might best advance the royal interest. For this purpose he had
formed an association for restoring the king to an unlimited exercise of
all his prerogatives, which was subscribed at Cumbernauld, on the sixth
day of the preceding July, by himself, the earl of Wigton, the lords
Fleming, Boyd, and Almond, who held the place of lieutenant-general in the
covenanters’, army; and afterwards by the earls of Marischal, Marr, Athol,
Kinghorn, Perth, Kelly, Home, and Seaforth; and by the lords Stewart,
Erskine, Drummond, Ker, and Napier. Though this association was unknown at
the time, the predilections of Montrose were no secrets, and, of course,
his credit among his friends was rather on the decline; but a circumstance
now occurred which displayed his character in the full light of day, and
nearly extinguished any little degree of respect that yet remained to him
among the members of the liberal party. It had been laid down, at the
commencement of the campaign, that no person in the army should
communicate with either the English court or army, but by letters
submitted to the inspection, and approved of by the committee, under the
pain of treason. In obedience to this rule, when Sir James Mercer was
despatched with the petition to the king, a number of letters from
Scotsmen in the camp to their friends in the royal army, were submitted to
the committee, and delivered to him, to be carried to their proper
destination. Among these letters was one from Montrose to Sir Richard
Graham, which had been read and allowed by the committee; but when Sir
James Mercer delivered Sir Richard the letter, who instantly opened it, an
enclosed letter dropped out and fell to the ground, which Sir James,
politely stooping to lift, found, to his astonishment, was addressed in
the hand-writing of Montrose to the king. Certain that no such letter had
been shown to the committee, Sir James was at once convinced of what had
been for some time suspected, that Montrose was betraying the cause in
which he had been such a fiery zealot; and on his arrival at Newcastle,
instantly communicated the circumstance to general Leslie, who, at a
meeting of the committee, of which it was Montrose’s turn to sit as
president, that same afternoon, moved that Sir James Mercer should be
called in and examined concerning the letters he had carried to court. Sir
James told an unvarnished tale, that would not admit if being denied; and
Montrose, with that constitutional hardihood which was natural to him,
finding no other resource, stood boldly up and challenged any man to say,
that corresponding with the king was any thing else than paying duty to
their common master. Leslie told him that he had known princes lose their
heads for less. He had, however, too many associates to his treason, to
render it safe or rather prudent at the present moment to treat him as
convicted, and he was only enjoined to keep his chamber. While Montrose
was thus traitorously spiriting up the king to stand up to all his
usurpations, on the one side, Strafford was no less busy on the other,
knowing that nothing could save him from the hands of public justice but
the king; nor could the king do so, but by strengthening rather than
abridging his prerogative. The voice of the nation, however, was
distinctly raised, and there was nothing left for Charles but compliance,
real or apparent.
From this period forward,
we know of no portion of history that has a more painful interest than
that of Charles I. Our limits, however, do not allow us to enter into it
farther than what may be necessary to make the thread of our narrative
intelligible. The Scottish committee being sincerely desirous of an
accommodation, the preliminaries of a treaty were, on their part, soon
settled; and commissioners from both sides being appointed, a meeting took
place, October 1st, at Rippon, half way between the quarters of the two
armies; where it was agreed that all hostilities should cease on the 26th
of the same month. Charles was now necessitated to call a parliament, and
on his consenting to this, the peers agreed to give their personal
security to the city of London for a sum of money sufficient to pay both
armies—for Charles had now the Scottish army to subsist as well as his
own—till such time as it was expected the national grievances would be
fully settled by a parliament. The Scottish army was to be stationary at
Newcastle, and was to be paid at the rate of eight hundred and fifty
pounds a day; but the commission for settling the terms of peace was
transferred to London, in order to attend the parliament, which was
summoned to meet on the 3d of November.
Unfortunately for the king,
and latterly for the cause of liberty, the Scots who had attracted so much
notice, and conducted themselves with so much prudence, were now no longer
principals, but auxiliaries in the quarrel. The English parliament
occupied with the grievances which had been so long complained of, and
profiting by the impression which the successful resistance of the Scots
had made, were in no haste to forward the treaty; so that it was not
finished till the month of August, 1641. The Scottish army all this time
received their stipulated daily pay, and the parliament further gratified
them with what they called a brotherly assistance, the sum of three
hundred thousand pounds, as a compensation for the losses they had
sustained in the war, of which eighty thousand pounds was paid down as a
first instalment. The king, so long as he had the smallest hope of
managing the English parliament, was in as little haste as any body to
wind up the negotiations, and, in the meantime, was exerting all his
king-craft to corrupt the commissioners. Montrose, we have seen, he had
already gained. Rothes, whose attachment to the covenant lay also in
disgust and hatred of the opposite party, was likewise gained, by the
promise of a rich marriage, and a lucrative situation near the king’s
person. A fever, however, cut him off, and saved him from disgracing
himself in the manner he had intended. Aware that he was not able to
subdue the English parliament, Charles, amidst all his intriguing, gave up
every thing to the Scots, and announced his intention of meeting with his
parliament in Edinburgh by the month of August. This parliament had sat
down on the 19th of November, 1640, and having reappointed the committee,
adjourned till the 14th of January, 1641; when it again met, re-appointed
the committee, and adjourned till the thirteenth of April. The committee
had no sooner sat down, than the Cumbernauld bond was brought before them.
It had been all this while kept a secret, though the general conversation
of those who were engaged in it had excited strong suspicions of some such
thing being in existence. The first notice of this bond seems to have
dropped from lord Boyd on his death-bed; but the full discovery was made
by the lord Almond to the earl of Argyle, who reported it to the committee
of parliament The committee then cited before them Montrose, and so many
of the bonders as happened to be at home at the time—who acknowledged the
bond, and attempted to justify it, though by no means to the satisfaction
of the committee, many of the members of which were eager to proceed
capitally against the offenders. Motives the most mercenary and mean,
however, distracted their deliberations, and impeded the course of
even-handed justice; the bond was delivered up and burned; the parties
declared in writing that no evil was intended; and the matter was hushed.
At a meeting of the
committee, May 26th, probably as a set off against the Cumbernauld bond,
Mr John Graham, minister at Auchterarder, was challenged for a speech
uttered by him to the prejudice of the duke of Argyle. He acknowledged the
speech, and gave for his authority Mr Robert Murray, minister of Methven,
who, being present, gave for his author the earl of Montrose. Montrose
condescended on the speech, the time, and the place. The place was in
Argyle’s own tent, at the ford of Lyon; the time, when the earl of Athol
and eight other gentlemen were there made prisoners; the speech was to
this effect—that they (the parliament) had consulted both lawyers and
divines anent deposing the king, and were resolved that it might be done
in three cases: - 1st Desertion – 2d, Invasion – 3d, Vendition; adding,
that they thought to have done it at the last sitting of parliament, and
would do it at the next. For this speech Montrose gave for witness John
Stuart, commissary of Dunkeld, one of the gentlemen who were present in
the tent; and under took to produce him, which he did four days afterward.
Stuart, before the committee, subscribed a paper bearing all that Montrose
had said in his name, and was sent by the committee to the castle. In the
castle he signed another paper, wherein he cleared Argyle, owned that he
himself had forged the speech out of malice against his lordship; and that
by the advice of Montrose, lord Napier, Sir George Stirling of Keir, and
Sir Andrew Stuart of Blackhall, he had sent a copy of the speech, under
his hand, to the king by captain Walter Stuart. Argyle thus implicated in
a charge of the most dangerous nature, was under the necessity of
presenting Stuart before the justiciary, where, upon the clearest
evidence, he was found guilty, condemned, and executed.
On the 11th of
June, Montrose, lord Napier, Sir George Stirling, and Sir Andrew Stuart of
Blackhall, were cited before the committee, and after examination
committed close prisoners to the castle, where they remained till towards
the close of the year. Parliament, according to adjournment, having met on
the 15th of July, letters were read, excusing his majesty’s
attendance till the 15th of August, when it was resolved to sit
till the coming of his majesty, and to have every thing in readiness
agaisn the day of his arrival. Montrose was in the meantime summoned to
appear before parliament on the 13th day of August. He
requested that he might be allowed advocates for consultation, which was
granted. So much, however, was he hated at the time, that no advocate of
any note would come forward in his behalf, and from sheer necessity he was
obliged to send for Mr John, afterwards Sir John Gilmour, then a man of no
consideration, but in consequence of being Montrose’s counsel, afterwards
held in high estimation, and employed in the succeeding reign for
promoting the despotic measures of the court. On the 13th of
August, Montrose appeared before the parliament, and having replied to his
charge, was continued to the twenty-fourth, and remanded to prison. At the
same time, summonses were issued against the lord Napier and the lairds of
Keir and Blackhall, to appear before the parliament on the twenty-eighth.
On the fourteenth his majesty arrived in Edinburgh, having visited in his
way the Scottish army at Newcastle, and dined with general Leslie. On the
seventeenth he came to the parliament, and sat there every day afterwards
till he had accomplished as he supposed, the purposes of his journey. The
king, perfectly aware, or rather perfectly determined to break with the
parliament of England, had no object in view by this visit except to gain
over the leaders of the Scots, that they might either join him against the
parliament, or at least stand neuter till he had reduced England, when he
knew he could mould Scotland as he thought fit. He, of course, granted
every thing they requested. The earl of Montrose appeared again before the
parliament on the twenty-fourth of August, and was continued de novo,
as were also the lord Napier and the lairds of Keir and Blackhall, on
the twenty-eighth. In this state they all remained till, in return for the
king’s concessions, they were set at liberty in the beginning of the year
1642.
Thought in prison, Montrose
had done all that he possibly could to stir up an insurrection in favour
of the king while he was in Scotland; and he had also exerted himself,
though unsuccessfully, to procure the disgrace of the marquis of Hamilton
and the earl of Lanark, both of whom he seems bitterly to have envied, and
to have hated almost as heartily as he did Argyle. It is probably owing to
this, that upon his liberation he retired to his own house in the country,
living privately till the spring of 1643; when the queen returning from
Holland, he hasted to wait upon her at Burlington, and accompanied her to
York. He embraced this opportunity again to press on the queen, as he had
formerly done on the king, what he was pleased to denominate the dangerous
policy of the covenanters, and solicited a commission to raise an army and
to suppress them by force of arms, as he was certain his majesty would
never be able to bring them to his measures by any other means. This
marquis of Hamilton thwarted him, however, for the present, and he again
returned home.
Having been unsuccessful in
so many attempts to serve the king, and his services being now absolutely
rejected, it might have been supposed that Montrose would either have
returned to his old friends, or that he would have withdrawn himself as
far as it was possible from public life. But he was animated by a spirit
of deadly hatred against the party with whom he had acted, and he had
within him a restless spirit of ambition which nothing could satisfy but
the supreme direction in all public managements: an ambition, the
unprincipled exercise of which rendered him, from the very outset of his
career, the "evil genius," first of the covenanters, and latterly of the
miserably misled monarch whom he laboured apparently to serve, and whom he
affected to adore. By suggesting the plot against Argyle and Hamilton,
known in history by the name of the Incident, during the sitting of the
parliament, with Charles at its head in Edinburgh, he checked at once the
tide of confidence between him and his parliament, which was rapidly
returning to even more than a reasonable height, and created numberless
suspicions and surmisings through all the three kingdoms, that could never
again be laid while he was in life; and by betraying the secrets of the
covenanters, he led the unwary monarch into such an extravagant notion of
the proofs of treason which might be established against some members of
the lower house, that, forgetting the dignity of his place, he came to the
parliament house in person, to demand five of its members, who, he said,
had been guilty of treason; an unhappy failure, which laid the broad
foundation of his total ruin. With ceaseless activity Montrose, at the
same time, tampered with the leaders of the covenant, who, anxious to
bring him back to their cause, held out the prospect of not only a pardon,
but of their giving him the post of lieutenant-general. Under the pretence
of smoothing some difficulties of conscience, he sought a conference with
the celebrated preacher, Mr Henderson, that he might pry into the secrets
of his former friends; which he had no sooner obtained, than he hastened
to lay the whole before his majesty in a new accusation, and as offering
additional motives for his majesty issuing out against them commissions of
fire and sword.
The king, having now
disengaged himself from the controlling influence of the marquis of
Hamilton, entered into an arrangement, in terms of which the earl of
Antrim, who was at the time waiting upon his majesty, undertook to
transport into Scotland a few thousands of his Irish retainers, at whose
head, and with the assistance of a band of Highland royalists, Montrose
was to attempt the subversion of the existing Scottish government. The
time appointed for the execution of this scheme was the beginning of
April, 1644. Arms and ammunition were in the meantime to be imported from
the continent, and a small auxiliary force procured from the king of
Denmark.
As the time approached,
Montrose, raised to the rank of marquis, left Oxford with the royal
commission, to be lieutenant-general for Scotland, under prince Rupert,
and accompanied by about one hundred cavaliers, mostly his personal
friends. To these he added a small body of militia in passing through the
northern counties of England, and on the 13th of April entered Scotland on
the western border; and pushing into Dumfries, he there erected his
standard, and proposed to wait till he should hear of the arrival of his
Irish auxiliaries. In two days, however, he was under the necessity of
making a precipitate retreat to Carlisle. This so speedy catastrophe did
not tend to exalt the character of Montrose among the English cavaliers,
who had pretty generally been of opinion that a diversion in Scotland in
the then state of the country was utterly impracticable. Montrose,
however, had lost nothing of his self-confidence, and he applied to prince
Rupert for one thousand horse, with which he promised to cut his way
through all that Scotland could oppose to him. This the prince promised he
should have, though he probably never intended any such thing, for he
regarded him in no other light than that of a very wrong-headed
enthusiast. Even his more particular friends, appalled by the reports of
the state of matters in the north, began to melt from his side, and he was
universally advised to give up his commission, and reserve himself for a
more favourable, opportunity. The spirit of Scotland was at this time
decidedly warlike. Leslie was in England with a large army of Scotsmen,
who shortly after performed a prominent part at the decisive battle of
Marston Moor. There was an army in the north, which had suppressed the
insurrection of the Gordons, and sent Haddo and Logie to the block; and
the earl of Callendar, formerly lord Almond, was ordered instantly to
raise five thousand men for the suppression of Montrose. The commission of
the general assembly of the church, in the meantime, proceeded against
that nobleman, with a sentence of excommunication, which was pronounced in
the high church of Edinburgh on the twenty-sixth day of April, scarcely
more than ten days after he had set hostile foot on Scottish ground. Not
knowing well what to do, Montrose made an attack upon a small party of
covenanters in Morpeth, whom he drove out of the town, and secured the
castle. He also captured a small fort at the mouth of the Tyne, and stored
Newcastle plentifully with corn from Alnwick and other places around. He
was requested by prince Rupert to come up to the battle of Marston Moor,
but on his way thither met the prince flying from that disastrous field.
He now determined to throw
himself into the Highlands, where he still had high hopes of assistance
and success. Making choice of two persons only for his companions, Sir
William Rollock and colonel Sibbald, he disguised himself and rode as
Sibbald’s groom, and in this manner, taking the most wild and unfrequented
ways, they arrived, after riding four days, at Tullibalton, near the foot
of the Grampians, the house of his friend, Patrick Graham of Inchbrackie,
where he halted for some days, passing his time through the night in an
obscure cottage, and in the day among the neighbouring mountains. His two
companions in the meantime were despatched to collect intelligence
respecting the state of the country, and privately to warn his friends.
The accounts procured by his friends were of the most distressing kind,
the covenanters being every where in great strength, and the cavaliers in
a state of the most complete dejection. In a few days, however, a letter
was brought by a Highlander to Inchbrackie, with a request that it might
be conveyed to the marquis of Montrose, wherever he might be. This was a
letter from Alexander M’Coll, alias M’Donald, a distinguished warrior, who
had been entrusted with the charge of his retainers by the marquis of
Antrim, with a request that he, Montrose, would come and take the command
of the small but veteran band. This small division had about a month
before landed in the sound of Mull, had besieged, taken, and garrisoned
three castles on the island of that name, and afterwards sailing for the
mainland had disembarked in Knoydart, where they attempted to raise some
of the clans. Argyle, in the meantime, coming round to that quarter with
some ships of war, had taken and destroyed their vessels, so that they had
no means of escape; and, with a strong party of the enemy hanging on their
rear, were proceeding into the interior in the hope of being assisted by
some of the loyal clans. Montrose wrote an immediate answer as if from
Carlisle, and appointed a day not very distant when he would meet them at
Blair of Athol, which he selected as the most proper place of meeting from
the enmity which he knew the men of Athol had to Argyle. On the appointed
day, attended by Inchbrackie, both dressed in the costume of ordinary
Highlanders and on foot, he travelled from Tullibalton to the place of
meeting, and to his great joy found twelve hundred Irishmen quartered on
the spot. They had already been joined by small bodies of Highlanders, and
the men of Athol seemed ready to rise almost to a man. When Montrose
presented himself to them, though he exhibited his majesty’s commission to
act as lieutenant-general, the Irish, from the meanness of his appearance,
could scarcely believe that he was the man he gave himself out to be. But
the Highlanders, who received him with the warmest demonstrations of
respect and affection, put the matter beyond doubt, and he was hailed with
the highest enthusiasm. He was joined the same day by the whole of the
Athol Highlanders, including the Stuarts, the Robertsons, and other
smaller clans, to the number of eight hundred, so that his army was above
two thousand men. Aware that Argyle was in pursuit of the Irish, he led
his army the next day across the hills towards Strathearn, where he
expected reinforcements. Passing the castle of Wiem, the seat of the clan
Menzies, he commenced his career by burning and ravaging all the
neighbouring lands, in revenge for the harsh treatment of one of his
messengers by the family, to strike a salutary terror into all who might
be disposed to offer him violence, and to gratify his followers, whose
principal object he well knew was plunder. Passing through glen Almond
next day, an advanced party of his men were surprised with the appearance
of a large body of men drawn up on the hill of Buckenty. These were men of
Menteith, raised by order of the committee of estates at Edinburgh,
marching to the general rendezvous at Perth, under the command of lord
Kilpont, eldest son of the earl of Menteith. Being mostly Highlanders and
officered by gentlemen of the family of Montrose, or of the kindred clan
Drummond, they were easily persuaded to place themselves under the royal
standard, which increased his force to three thousand men.
Resolving to attack Perth,
where some raw levies were assembled under the command of lord Elcho,
Montrose continued his march all night, intending to take the place by
surprise. Lord Elcho, however, had been warned of his approach, and had
drawn his men to the outside of the town, intending to hazard a battle for
its defence. In crossing the Tippermuir, a wild field about five miles
from Perth, Montrose came in sight of the enemy, upwards of six thousand
in number drawn up in one long line, with horse at either end. Lord Elcho
himself led the right wing, Sir James Scott of Rossie, the only man in the
army who had ever seen service, the left; and the earl of Tullibardine,
the main body. Montrose drew out his little army also in one long line,
three men deep. The Irish who were veteran troops, he placed in the
centre; the Highlanders he placed on the wings to oppose the horse, being
armed with swords, Lochaber axes, and long clubs. He himself led the right
wing, that he might be opposed to Sir James Scott, who was an officer of
good reputation, having served in the wars abroad—from the lords Elcho and
Tullibardine, he apprehended little danger. The covenanters’ horse fled at
the first onset, being overpowered, according to Wishart, by a shower of
stones, but more probably induced by the treachery of lord Drummond, and
his friend Gask. The flight of the horse threw the ill-disciplined foot
into irremediable confusion, and they followed in such breathless haste,
that many expired through fatigue and fear, without even the mark of a
wound. Few were slain in the engagement, but there were upwards of three
hundred killed in the pursuit. Montrose had not a single man killed, and
only two wounded. The whole of the artillery and baggage of the vanquished
fell into the hands of the victors; and Lord Drummond, whose treachery had
chiefly occasioned the rout, joined Montrose as soon as the affair was
over. Montrose entered Perth the same night, where he levied a subsidy of
nine thousand merks, and stipulated for free quarters to his army for four
days. They remained only three, but in these three they supplied
themselves with whatever they wanted, whether it were clothes, arms, food,
money, or ammunition. The stoutest young men were also impressed into the
ranks, and all the horses seized without exception.
On the 4th of September,
Montrose crossed the Tay, and proceeded through Angus for Aberdeenshire.
The first night of his march he halted at Collace, where lord Kilpont was
murdered by Stuart of Ardvorlich, who struck down a sentinel with the same
weapon, with which he had stabbed his lordship, and made his escape.
Proceeding to Dundee, Montrose summoned the town; but it was occupied by a
number of the Fife troops, and refused to surrender. The approach of the
earl of Argyle, with a body of troops, prevented Montrose from venturing
upon a siege. Proceeding towards Aberdeen, the Aberdonians, alarmed at his
approach, sent off the public money, and their most valuable effects to
Dunnotter, and having a force of upwards of two thousand men, they threw
up some fortifications at the bridge of Dee, for the defence of the city.
Montrose however, remembered the bridge of Dee, and, avoiding it, crossed
the water by a ford at the mills of Drum, which rendered all their
preparations vain. A summons was sent into the town to surrender, and the
covenanters’ army being on the march, the messengers who brought the
summons were hospitably entertained and dismissed. By some accident the
drummer on his return was killed; on which Montrose ordered preparations
for an immediate attack, and issued the inhuman orders to give no quarter.
Lord Burleigh and Lewis Gordon, a son of Huntly’s, led the right and left
wings of the covenanters, which consisted of horse, and the levies of
Aberdeenshire, a majority of whom were indifferent in the cause. The
centre was composed of the Fife soldiers, and those who had joined them
from principle. Montrose, still deficient in cavalry, had mixed his
musketeers with his horse, and waited for the covenanters. Lord Lewis
Gordon, who had forced a number of the Gordons to engage in opposition to
the inclination and orders of his father, rushed precipitately forward
with the left wing, which by a steady fire of musketry was suddenly
checked, and before it could be rallied totally routed. The right wing
experienced a similar fate, but the centre stood firm and maintained its
post against the whole force of the enemy for two hours. It too at length
gave way, and, fleeing into the town, was hotly pursued by the victors,
who killed without exception every man they met; and for four days the
town was given up to indiscriminate plunder. Montrose, lodging with his
old acquaintance, skipper Anderson, allowed his Irishmen to take their
full freedom of riot and debauchery. "Seeing a man well cled," says
Spalding, "they would tirr him to save his clothes unspoiled, and syne
kill him. Some women they pressed to deflour, and some they took perforce
to serve them in the camp. The wife durst not cry nor weep at her
husband’s slaughter before her eyes, nor the daughter for the father,
which if they did, and were heard, they were presently slain also." The
approach of Argyle put an end to these horrors. Expecting to be joined by
the marquis of Huntly’s retainers, Montrose hasted to Inverary, but the
breach of faith in carrying the marquis forcibly to Edinburgh after a safe
conduct being granted was not forgotten; and Argyle too being at hand, his
ranks were but little augmented in this quarter. When he approached the
Spey, he found the boats removed to the northern side, and the whole force
of Moray assembled to dispute his passage. Without a moment’s hesitation
he dashed into the wilds of Badenoch, where with diminished numbers, for
the highlanders had gone home to store their plunder, he could defy the
approach of any enemy. Here he was confined for some days by sickness from
over fatigue, but a few days restored him to wonted rigour, when he
descended again into Athol to recruit, MacDonald having gone on the same
errand into the Highlands. From Athol, Montrose passed into Angus, where
he wasted the estates of lord Cowper, and plundered the place of Drum, in
which were deposited all the valuables belonging to the town of Montrose
and the surrounding country; there also he obtained a supply of arms, and
some pieces of artillery. Argyle with a greatly superior force, was
following his footsteps; but, destitute of military talents, he could
neither bring him to an engagement, nor interrupt his progress. Having
supplied his wants in Angus, and recruited his army, Montrose suddenly
re-passed the Grampians, and spreading ruin around him, made another
attempt to raise the Gordons. Disappointed still, he turned to the castle
of Fyvie, where he was surprised by Argyle and Lothian, and, but for the
most miserable mismanagement, must have been taken. After sustaining two
assaults from very superior numbers, he eluded them by stratagem, and ere
they were aware, was again lost in the wilds of Badenoch. Argyle, sensible
perhaps of his inferiority, returned to Edinburgh, and threw up his
commission.
Montrose, now left to act
as he thought proper, having raised, in his retreat through Badenoch,
portions of the clans M’Donald and Cameron, and been joined by the Stuarts
of Appin, whom his friend Alister M’Coll had raised for him, he, with the
consent and by the advice of his associates, prepared to lay waste the
territory of his hated rival Argyle. For this purpose he divided his army
into two divisions, the one consisting of the levies from Lochaber and
Knoydart, under John Muidartach, the captain of the Clanronalds, entered
by the head of Argyle; the other under his own direction, by the banks of
Loch Tay and Glen Dochart. The country on both tracts belonging either to
Argyle or his relations was destroyed without mercy. In this work of
destruction Montrose was assisted by the clans of M’Gregor and M’Nab; who,
whatever might be said of their loyalty, were, the former of them
especially, as dextrous at foraying and fire raising, as the most
accomplished troop in his service. For upwards of six weeks was this
devastation prolonged. Every person capable of bearing a weapon was
murdered, every house was razed, castles excepted, which they were not
able for the want of artillery to master. Trusting to the poverty and
difficulty of the passes into his country, Argyle seems never to have
anticipated such a visit, till the marauders were within a few miles of
his castle of Inverary, when he instantly took boat and sailed for the
Lowlands, leaving all behind to the uncontrolled sway of these insatiate
spoilers, who "left not a four-footed beast in his hale lands," nor, as
they imagined, a man able to bear arms. Having rendered the country a
desert, they bent their way towards Inverness, by Lochaber, to meet the
earl of Seaforth, who with the strength of Ross, Sutherland, and
Caithness, occupied that important station.
Argyle in the meantime
having met with general Baillie at Dumbarton, and concerted a plan with
him, hastened back to the Highlands, and collecting his fugitive vassals
and his dependants, followed at a distance the steps of his enemy,
intending to be ready to attack him in the rear, when Baillie, as had been
agreed between them, should advance to take him in front. Montrose was
marching through Abertarf, in the great glen of Albin, when he was
surprised with intelligence that Argyle was at Inverlochy with an army of,
at least, double the number of that which he himself commanded, and aware
that Baillie and Hurry were both before him, was at no loss to conjecture
his intentions. Without a moment’s hesitation, however, he determined to
turn back, and taking his antagonist by surprise, cut him off at one blow,
after which he should be able to deal with the enemy that was in his
front, as circumstances should direct. For this purpose he placed a guard
upon the level road down the great glen of Albin, which he had just
traversed, that no tidings of his movements might be carried back, and
moving up the narrow glen formed by the Tarf, crossed the hills of Lairee
Thurard. Descending thence into the lonely vale at the head of the Spey,
and traversing Glen Roy, he crossed another range of mountains, came in
upon the water of Spean, and skirting the lofty Ben-nevis, was at
Inverlochy, within half a mile of Argyle, before the least hint of his
purpose had transpired; having killed every person they met with, of whom
they had the smallest suspicion of carrying tidings of their approach, and
the route they had chosen being so unusual a one, though they rested
through the night in the clear moonlight, in sight of their camp, the
Campbells supposed them to be only an assemblage of the country people
come forth to protect their property; and they do not seem to have thought
upon Montrose, till, with the rising sun and his usual flourish of
trumpets, he debouched from the glen of the Nevis, with the rapidity of a
mountain torrent. Argyle, who was lame of an arm at the time, had gone on
board one of his vessels on the lake during the night, but a considerable
portion of his troops that lay on the farther side of that lake, he had
not thought it necessary to bring over to their fellows. His cousin,
however, Campbell of Auchinbreck, a man of considerable military
experience, who had been sent for from Ireland, for the purpose of leading
this array of the Campbells, marshalled them in the best order
circumstances would permit; but they fled at once before the wild yell of
their antagonists, and, without even attempting to defend themselves, were
driven into the lake, or cut down along its shores. On the part of
Montrose, only three privates were killed and about two hundred wounded,
among whom was Sir Thomas Ogilvy, who died a few days after. On the part
of Argyle, upwards of fifteen hundred were slain, among whom were a great
number of the chief men of the Campbells. This victory which was certainly
most complete, was gained upon Sunday the 2nd of February, 1645; and if,
as there are abundant grounds for believing, the letter of Montrose
concerning it to the king, was the means of causing him to break off the
treaty of Uxbridge, when he had determined to accept of the conditions
offered him, it was more unfortunate than any defeat could possibly have
been.
Instead of following his
rival Argyle to Edinburgh, and demonstrating, as he somewhat quaintly
boasted in his letter to the king, that the country was really conquered,
and in danger of being called by his name, Montrose resumed his march to
the north east, and, after approaching Inverness, which he durst not
attempt, made another foray through Morayland; where, under pretence of
calling forth all manner of men, between the ages of sixteen and sixty, to
serve the king, he burned and plundered the country, firing the cobbles of
the fishermen, and cutting their nets in pieces. Elgin was saved from
burning by the payment of four thousand merks, and its fair of Fasten’s
Eve, one of the greatest in the north of Scotland, was that year not held.
The greater part of the inhabitants fled with their wives, their children,
and their best goods, to the castle of Spynie, which only afforded an
excuse for plundering the town of what was left. The laird of Grant’s
people, who had newly joined Montrose, no doubt for the express purpose,
were particularly active in the plundering of Elgin, "breaking down beds,
boards, insight, and plenishing, and leaving nothing that was tursable
(portable) uncarried away." Leaving the Grants thus honourably employed
for the king in Elgin, Montrose with the main body of his army, proceeded
on the 4th of March to the bog of Gight, sending before him
across the Spey the Farquharsons of Braemar to plunder the town of Cullen,
which they did without mercy. Grant having deserted his standard and thus
become as assistant in robbery, as might naturally have been expected in
this sort of warfare, the garrison of Inverness sent out a party to his
house at Elchies, which they completely despoiled, carrying off plates,
jewels, wearing apparel, and other articles; after which they plundered
the lands of Coxtoun, because the laird had followed Montrose along with
the lord Gordon. This compelled all the gentlemen of that quarter to go
back for the protection of their own estates, Montrose taking their parole
to continue faithful to the king or at least never to join the
covenanters. This the most part of them kept as religiously as he had done
the oath of the covenant. At the bog of Gight he lost his eldest son, a
youth of sixteen, who had accompanied him through all this desultory
campaign; and dying here, was buried in the church of Bellie.
Having received a
reinforcement of five hundred foot and one hundred and sixty horse, which
was all that lord Gordon was able to raise among his father’s vassals,
Montrose moved from the bog of Gight, intending to fall down upon the
Lowlands through Banffshire and Angus. In passing the house of Cullen, he
plundered it of every article of plate and furniture, and would have set
it on fire, but that the countess (the earl of Findlater being in
Edinburgh) redeemed it for fifteen days, by paying five thousand marks in
hand and promising fifteen thousand more. From Cullen he proceeded to
Boyne, which he plundered of every article, spoiling even the minister’s
books and setting every ‘biggin’ on fire. The laird himself kept safe in
the craig of Boyne; but his whole lands were destroyed. In Banff he left
neither goods nor arms, and every man whom they met in the streets they
stripped to the skin. In the neighbourhood of Turreff he destroyed sixty
ploughs belonging to the viscount Frenddraught, with all the movable
property of the three parishes of Inverkeithny, Forgue, and Drumulade. He
was met by a deputation from Aberdeen, who "declared the hail people, man
and woman through plain fear of the Irishes, was fleeing away if his
honour did not give them assurance of safety and protection. He forbade
them to be feared, for this foot army wherein the Irishes were, should not
come near Aberdeen by eight miles." And "this," Spalding exultingly
exclaims, along with some other friendly promises, truly and nobly he
kept!" Though he had promised to keep the Irishes at due distance, he sent
one of his most trusty chieftains, Nathaniel Gordon, along with Donald
Farquharson and about eighty well-horsed gentlemen, into Aberdeen, to
seize some stores belonging to the estates, and to look out for Baillie,
whom he expected by that route. These having partly executed their
commission, sat down to enjoy themselves, and were surprised by general
Hurry, who, with one hundred and sixty horse and foot, secured the gates
and avenues of the town, and falling upon the unsuspecting cavaliers,
killed many of them as they sat at their wine, and seized all their
horses. Among those that were slain was Donald Farquharson, "one of the
noblest captains," according to Spalding "amongst all the Highlanders of
Scotland." Hurry retired at his leisure, unmolested, carrying with him a
number of prisoners, who, as traitors to the covenant, were sent to
Edinburgh. Among these prisoners was the second son of Montrose, now lord
Graham, a young boy attending the schools, who along with his pedagogue
was imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh. The corpse of Donald
Farquharson "was found next day in the streets stripped naked, for they
tirred from off his body a rich suit which he had put on only the samen
day. Major-general M’Donald was sent in on the Saturday afternoon with one
thousand Irishes, horse and foot, to bury Donald, which they did on
Sabbath, in the laird of Drum’s Isle." During these two days, though the
Aberdonians were in great terror, M’Donald seems to have kept his Irishes
in tolerably good order, "not doing wrong, or suffering much wrong to be
done, except to one or two covenanters that were plundered;" but on
Monday, when he had left Aberdeen to meet Montrose at Duriss, " a number
of the Irish rogues lay lurking behind him, abusing and fearing the town’s
people, taking their cloaks, plaids, and purses from them on the streets.
No merchant’s booth durst be opened; the stable doors were broken up in
the night, and the horses taken out; but the major hearing this returns
that samen Monday back, and drove all thir rascals with sore skins out of
the town before him; and so both Aberdeens were clear both of him and
them, by God’s providence, who looked both for fire and plundering—yet he
took up his cloth and other commodities, amounting to the sum of ten
thousand pounds and above, to be cloathing to him and his soldiers, and
caused the town to become obliged to pay the merchants, by raising of a
taxation for that affect, whilk they were glad to do to be quit of their
company." On time same Sunday, the 17th of March, Montrose burned the
parish of Durris, "the hail laigh biggins and corns, and spoiled the hail
ground of nolt, sheep, and other guids." The lands of Craigievar lying in
the parish of Fintry, and the minister’s house of Fintry, were served in
the same manner the same day. He proceeded on the 20th to Dunnottar, where
he summoned the earl Marischal to "come out of the castle and join him in
the king’s service." On receipt of the earl’s answer "that he would not
fight against his country," he sent a party who plundered and burned the
whole lands of Dunnottar. They set fire at the same time to the town of
Stonehaven and to all the fishing boats that lay in the harbour. The lands
of Fetteresso, including an extensive and finely ornamented deer park, the
village of Cowie, and the minister’s manse of Dunnottar, shared the same
fate.
After so many burnings and
such reckless plundering, it must by this time have become necessary for
Montrose to shift his quarters. Rapine, indeed, was almost the sole object
of his followers; and when they had either too much or too little of it,
they were sure to leave him. The north having been repeatedly gone over,
he seems at last to have meditated a descent upon the south. A pitched
battle with Baillie and Hurry, who were stationed at Brechin with a
considerable army, he seems also to have thought a necessary preliminary
to his further progress. For this purpose he came to Fettercairn, only
eight miles from their camp, where he purposed to rest till they should by
some movement indicate their strength and their intentions. Baillie and
Hurry were both good officers, and they had a force more than sufficient
to cope with Montrose; but they were hampered in all their movements by a
parliamentary committee sent along with them, without whose advice or
suffrage they were not allowed to act. In consequence of this, their
conduct was not at all times of a very soldier-like character, nor their
motions so prompt as they ought to have been; Montrose, however, was but a
short time in his new quarters, when hurry, who was general of the horse,
came out with six hundred of his troopers to inspect his situation, and,
if possible, ascertain his real strengths. Montrose, apprized of his
approach, drew out all the horse he had, about two hundred, whom he placed
on an eminence in front of his camp, with a strong body of musketeers
concealed in a hollow behind them. Hurry made a dash at the horse, but met
with such a warm reception from the concealed musketeers, as made him
quickly retreat. Hurry, however, who was a brave soldier, placed himself
in the rear of his retreating squadron, and brought them safely back to
the camp with very little damage. This encounter kept both parties quiet
for some days, and induced Montrose to attempt getting into the Lowlands
without fighting Baillie, as he had originally proposed. For this end he
sent back the Gordons, that they might be ready to defend their own
country, in case Baillie should attempt to wreak his vengeance upon them,
after he had thus gotten the slip, he then skirted along the Grampians
with time remainder of his army towards Dunkeld. Baillie made no attempt
directly to stop him. but preserved such a position as prevented him
making his intended descent. After being for two days thus opposed to each
other on the opposite banks of the Isla, Montrose sent a trumpeter,
challenging Baillie to fight, either coming over the water to the north,
or allowing him to come over to the south; it being understood that no
molestation was to be given to either till fairly clear of the water, or
till he declared himself ready to fight. Baillie made a reply, which it
had been well for his own reputation and for his country, that be had at
all times continued to act upon. He would look, he said, to his own
business, and did not require other men to teach him to fight. Both armies
then resumed their march, and respectively arrived at Dunkeld and Perth
nearly at the same time.
Finding that he could not
pass Baillie without a battle, and being informed by his scouts that he
had left Perth and gone to the pass of Stirling; Montrose, as an interim
employment, that would help to pass the time, and encourage his followers
by the abundance of spoil it would afford, determined on a visit to
Dundee,—a place that was strenuous for the covenant, and which had
haughtily refused to admit him after the battle of Tippermuir. Sending off
his baggage, and the less efficient of his men to Brechin, on the 3d day
of April he led a hundred and fifty horse, with six hundred picked
musketeers against that city; and continuing his march all night, arrived
before it by ten o’clock on the forenoon of the 4th. Montrose immediately
gave the place up to military execution; and, perhaps, for a kind of salvo
to his credit, retired to the top of Dundee Law, leaving the command to
lord Gordon and Alister M’Coll. The attack was made at three different
places simultaneously, and all of them in a few minutes were successful.
The town was set on fire in various places. The most revolting scenes of
outrage and rapine followed. The abundance of spoil, however, of the most
alluring description, happily diverted the robbers from indulging in
butchery; and, ere they were aware, Baillie and Hurry were both at their
heels. Had Montrose been in the town, the whole had been surprised and cut
off in the midst of their revel; but from his post on the hill, he was
apprized of the approach of the enemy just in time to recall his men; the
greater part of them being so drunk that it was with difficulty they could
be brought forth at the one extremity of the town as Baillie and Hurry
entered at the other. Placing the weakest and most inebriated in the
front, while he himself with the horse and the best of the musketeers
brought up the rear, Montrose marched directly to Arbroath; and from want
of unity of plan and of spirit in the two commanders opposed to him,
brought off the whole with but a trifling loss. He reached Arbroath,
seventeen miles east of Dundee, long before day. Here, however, he could
not rest without exposing himself and his army to certain destruction; and
anxious to regain the mountains, where alone he judged himself safe from
his pursuers, he wheeled about in a north-westerly direction, right
athwart the county of Forfar, and, before morning, crossed the south Esk
at Cariston castle, where he was only three miles from the Grampians. The
march, which in the two nights and a day this army had performed, could
not be much short of seventy miles, and they must now have been in great
want of rest. Baillie, who had taken post for the night at Forfar,
intending in the morning to fall down upon Montrose at Arbroath, where he
calculated upon his halting, no sooner learned the manner in which he had
eluded him, than, determined to overtake him, he marched from Forfar with
such haste that his horse were in sight of Montrose ere that general was
apprized that he was pursued. His men were in such a profound sleep, that
it was not without difficulty they were awakened; but they were no sooner
so than they fled into the recesses of Glenesk, and Baillie abandoned the
pursuit. The part of Montrose’s troops that had been with the baggage sent
to Brechin, had also by this time taken refuge among the Grampians, and in
the course of next day joined their companions.
The parliamentary committee
seem now to have regarded Montrose as a sort of predatory outlaw, whom it
was vain to pursue upon the mountains, and if they could confine him to
these mountains, which he had already laid in many places waste, they seem
for a time to have been willing to be satisfied. Baillie was accordingly
stationed at Perth, to defend the passes into the southern shires, and
Hurry was to defend, if possible, the northern counties from that
spoliation to which they had been oftener than once subjected. Montrose’s
followers, in the meantime, going home to deposit their plunder as usual,
his numerical force was for a time considerably reduced. He, however, came
as far south as Crief, for the purpose of meeting with his nephew, the
master of Napier, viscount Aboyne, Stirling of Keir, and Hay of Dalgetty,
who, with a few horse, had left their friends in England for the purpose
of joining with him. Here Baillie attacked him, and chased him into the
fastnesses at the head of Strathearn; whence, next day, April the 19th, he
proceeded through Balquhidder to Menteith, where he had the good fortune
to meet with his friends at the ford of Cardross. Here he had certainly
been cut off from the Highlands, but that M’Coll had broken down upon the
lordship of Cupar Angus, killed the minister of Cupar, and was laying
waste the whole lands of lord Bahmerinoch, which attracted the attention
of Baillie. Montrose, in the meantime, learning that Hurry was too many
for his friends in the north, marched through Strath Tay and Athol,
raising the Highlanders every where as he went along; and before Hurry was
aware that he had crossed the Grampians, suddenly appeared behind his
position at Strathbogie. Though thus taken by surprise, Hurry made his
retreat good to Inverness; and being reinforced by the troops lying there,
marched back the next day to Nairn, with the design of attacking Montrose,
who, he learned, was posted at the village of Auldearn. Montrose would now
have avoided a battle, but that he knew Baillie would soon be up, when he
would have both Hurry and Baillie to contend with. It was on the 9th of
May, 1645, that the two armies came in sight of each other. Montrose, who
was deficient in numbers, made an admirable disposition of his troops. One
division, consisting of the Gordons and the horse, he placed on the left,
to the south of the village; the other, comprehending the Irish and the
Highlanders, he arranged on the right, amidst the gardens and enclosures,
to the north. The former he commanded in person, with lord Gordon under
him; the latter was given to M’Coll. Hurry, unacquainted with the ground,
led on his best troops to the attack of the right, as the main body, which
was inclosed in impenetrable lines, and where he was exposed to the fire
of cannon which he had no means of silencing. M’Coll, however, who was no
general, provoked by the taunts of his assailants, came out of his
fastnesses, and overcome by superiority of numbers and discipline, was
speedily put to the rout. Montrose, who was watching an opportunity, no
sooner perceived Hurry’s men disordered by their success, than with his
unbroken strength he attacked them in flank. This unexpected attack,
however, was received with great steadiness by Lothian’s, Loudon’s, and
Buchanan’s regiments, who fell where they fought; and the day might
perhaps have been retained, or at least left doubtful, had not colonel
Drummond, one of Hurry’s own officers, by a treacherous manoeuvre, wheeled
his horse into the midst of the foot, and trampled them down while they
were at the hottest of the engagement with the enemy. In this battle, as
in all of Montrose’s, the carnage was horrid, between two and three
thousand killed, few or none being made prisoners. Sixteen colours, with
all the baggage and ammunition fell into the hands of the victors. Hurry,
though an unprincipled mercenary, had abstained from wasting by fire and
saved the possessions of the anti-covenanters, and consequently had
provoked no retaliations; but Montrose, more ferocious than ever, ravaged
the whole district anew, committing to the flames the gleanings he had in
his former rapacious and merciless visitations been compelled to leave,
through incapacity to destroy. Nairn and Elgin were plundered, and the
chief houses set on fire; Cullen was totally laid in ashes, and "sic lands
as were left unburnt up before were now burnt up." Hurry, in the meantime,
was allowed the quiet possession of Inverness.
On the very day that Hurry
was defeated at Auldearn, Baillie had come to Cairn-a-mount on his way to
join him. He had just ravaged Athol, and the Highlanders were on their way
for its rescue, when he was ordered to the north; and by the Cairn-a-mount
came to Cromar, where he learned the fate of his colleague at Auldearn. On
the 19th of May he broke up his camp at Cromar, having peremptory orders
to hazard a battle. He himself had experience sufficient to instruct him
in the danger of leading a few raw and dispirited troops against an army
of so much experience and so much confidence as that of Montrose; but
having no alternative, he marched to Cochlarachie, whence he could discern
Montrose’s army in number, as he supposed, nearly equal to his own,
encamped among some enclosures in the neighbourhood of that town. The same
night he was joined by Hurry, with a hundred horse, the remnants of the
army that had fought at Auldearn, with whom he had fought his way through
Montrose’s very lines. Next morning he expected to have had an encounter,
but to his surprise Montrose was fled. He was followed at some distance by
Baillie, but he took up an impregnable position in Badenoch, where he
awaited the return of M’Coll and his reinforcements, having it in his
power to draw from the interior of that wild district abundant supplies.
Baillie, on the contrary, could not find subsistence, and withdrew to
Inverness to recruit his commissariat; which having accomplished, he came
south and encamped at Newton in the Garioch.
Montrose, in the meantime,
penetrated as far as Newtyle in Angus, anticipating an easy victory over
the earl of Crawford, who lay at the distance of only a few miles, with a
new army, composed of draughts from the old for the protection of the
Lowlands. When on the point of surprising this force, he was called to
march to the assistance of the Gordons, whose lands Baillie was cruelly
ravaging. On the last day of June, he came up with Baillie, advantageously
posted near the kirk of Keith, and, declining to attack him, sent a
message that he would fight him on plain ground. Baillie still wished to
choose his own time and his own way of fighting; and Montrose recrossed
the Don, as if he designed to fall back upon the Lowlands. This had the
desired effect, and Baillie was compelled, by his overseeing committee, to
pursue. On the 2d of July the two armies again met. Montrose had taken
post on a small hill behind the village of Alford, with a marsh in his
rear. He had with him the greater part of the Gordons, the whole of the
Irish, the M’Donalds of Glengarry and Clanronald, the M’Phersons from
Badenoch, and some small septs from Athol, the whole amounting to three
thousand men. Baillie, on the other hand, had only thirteen hundred foot,
many of them raw men, with a few troops of lord Balcarras’, and Halket’s
horse regiment. Montrose, having double the number of infantry to Baillie,
drew up his army in lines six file deep, with two bodies of reserve.
Baillie formed also in line, but only three file deep, and he had no
reserve. Balcarras, who commanded the horse, which were divided into three
squadrons, charged gallantly with two; but the third, when ordered to
attack in flank, drew up behind their comrades, where they stood till the
others were broken by the Gordons. The foot, commanded by Baillie in
person, fought desperately, refusing to yield even after the horse had
fled; nor was it till Montrose had brought us his reserve, that the little
band was overpowered and finally discomfited. The victory was complete,
but Montrose had to lament the death of lord Gordon, whose funeral he
celebrated shortly after the engagement with great military pomp at
Aberdeen. No sooner had he accomplished this, than he sent a party into
Buchan, which had hitherto, from its insular situation, escaped the
calamitous visitations that had fallen upon most places in the north, to
bring away all the horses, for the purpose of furnishing out a body of
cavalry. It was also proposed to send two thousand men into Strathnaver,
to bring the marquis of Huntly safely home through the hostile clans that
lay in his way. Hearing of the army that was assembling against him at
Perth, however, he laid aside that project, and hastened south to the
little town of Fordun in Kincardineshire, where he waited for M’Coll, who
very soon arrived with seven hundred M’Leans, and the whole of the
Clanronald, amounting to five hundred men, at the head of whom was John
Muidartach, who is celebrated in the Highlands to this day for his
singular exploits. Graham of Inchbrackie brought the Athol Highlanders in
full force, with the M’Gregors, the M’Nabs, the Stuarts of Appin, the
Farquharsons of Braemar, with many other clans of smaller number and
inferior note. With this force, which mustered between five and six
thousand men, about the end of July, Montrose came down upon Perth, where
he understood the parliament was then assembled, hoping to be able to
disperse their army before it came to any head, or even to cut off the
whole members of the government. After he had made frequent flourishes as
if he meant to attack them, the army at Perth, being considerably
strengthened, moved forward to offer him battle, when he once more betook
himself to the hills to wait for reinforcements, Having received all the
reinforcements he was likely to get, and more a great deal than he could
expect to keep for any length of time without action and plunder, he
marched back again, offering the army of Perth battle, which they did not
accept. Not daring to attack their position, he passed to Kinross, hoping
to draw them into a situation where they could be attacked with advantage,
or to escape them altogether and make his way into England. Baillie
followed him by Lindores, Rossie, and Burleigh, and was joined upon his
march by the three Fife regiments.
From Kinross, Montrose
suddenly took his route for Stirling bridge; and in passing down the vale
of the Devon burned castle Campbell, the beautiful seat of the earl of
Argyle; he burned also all the houses in the parishes of Dollar and
Muckhart; and while he and his chief officers were feasted
sumptuously by the earl of Marr, his Irish auxiliaries plundered the town
of Alloa. Stirling being at this time visited by the plague, Montrose did
not approach it, but, going further up the river, crossed the Forth at the
ford of Frew. Baihlie’s army marched close upon his track down the Devon,
passed the Fortb by the bridge of Stirling, and on the 14th of August, was
led forward to Denny, where it crossed the Carron, and from thence to a
place called Hollan-bush, about four miles to the east of Kilsyth, where
it encamped for the night. In the whole warfare that had been waged with
Montrose, the game had been played into his hand, and on this occasion it
was more so than ever. He had taken up his ground with mature
deliberation, and he had prepared his men by refreshments, and by every
possible means for the encounter. The covenanters, on the other hand,
after a toilsome march across the country, took up a position, which the
general was not allowed to retan. Contrary to his own judgment, he was
ordered to occupy a hill which the enemy, if they had chosen so to do,
could have occupied before him. The orders of the committee, however, were
obeyed, the change of ground was made; and while it was making, a company
of cuirassiers, drew from Montrose a remark, "that the cowardly rascals
darst not face them till they were cased in iron. To show our contempt of
them let us fight them in our shirts." With that he threw off his coat and
waistcoat, tucked up the sleeves of his shirt like a butcher going to kill
cattle, at the same time drawing his sword with ferocious resolution. The
proposal was received with applause, the cavalry threw off their upper
garments, and tucked up their sleeves; the foot stripped themselves naked,
even to the feet, and in this state were ready to rush upon their
opponents before they could take up the places assigned them. The
consequence was, the battle was a mere massacre—a race of fourteen miles,
in which space six thousand men were cut down and slain.
The victory of Kilsyth gave
to Montrose almost the entire power of Scotland; there was not the shadow
of an army to oppose him; nor was there in the kingdom any authority that
could direct one if there had. What he had formerly boasted, in his letter
to Charles, would now most certainly have been realised had he possessed
either moral or political influence. He possessed neither. His power lay
entirely in the sword, and it was a consequence of the savage warfare
which he had waged, that he was most odious to his countrymen in general,
few of whom loved him, and still fewer dared to trust him. Notwithstanding
the submissions he received from all quarters, there was nothing that with
propriety he could have done but to have taken refuge for another quarter
of a year in the wilds of Badenoch. He was gratified, however, with
submissions from many quarters during the days he remained at Glasgow and
Bothwell, at both which places he fancied himself in the exercise of regal
authority. He had now his commission as lieutenant-governor of Scotland,
and general of all his majesty’s forces there. He was impowered to raise
and command forces in Scotland, to march, if expedient, into England, and
act against such Scottish subjects as were in rebellion there; also to
exercise unlimited power over the kingdom of Scotland, to pardon or
condemn state prisoners as he pleased, and to confer the honour of
knighthood on whom he would. By another commission he was impowered to
call a parliament at Glasgow on the 28th of October next, where he, as
royal commissioner, might consult with the king’s friends regarding the
further prosecution of the war, and the settlement of the kingdom. He
proceeded to knight his associate Macdonald, and he summoned the
parliament which was never to meet. His mountaineers requested liberty,
which, if he had refused, they would have taken, to depart with their
plunder. The Gordons retired with their chief in disgust, and Alister, now
Sir Alister M’Coll, as there was no longer an army in Scotland, seized the
opportunity to renew his spoliations and revenge his private feuds in
Argyleshire.
To save his army from total
annihilation, Montrose turned his views to the south. Hume, Roxburgh, and
Traquair, had spoken favourably toward the royal cause, and he expected to
have been joined by them with their followers, and a body of horse which
the king had despatched to his assistance, under lord Digby and Sir
Marmaduke Langdale. This party, however, was totally routed in coming
through Yorkshire. A party which these two leaders attempted to raise in
Lancashire was finally dispersed on Carlisle sands, a short while before
Montrose set out to effect a junction with them; and while he waited near
the borders for the promised aid of the three neighbouring earls, David
Leslie surprised him at Philiphaugh, near Selkirk, giving as complete an
overthrow as he had ever given to the feeblest of his opponents, on the
13th of September, 1645. One thousand royalists were left dead on the
field; and one hundred of the Irish, taken prisoners, according to an
ordinance of the parliaments of both kingdoms, were afterwards shot.
Montrose made his escape from the field with a few followers, and reached
Athol in safety, where he was able still to raise about four hundred men.
Huntly had now left his concealment; but he could not be prevailed on to
join Montrose. Disappointed in his attempts to gain Huntly, Montrose
returned by Braemar into Athol, and thence to Lennox, where he quartered
for some time on the lands of the Buchanans, and hovered about Glasgow
till the execution of his three friends, Sir William Rollock, Sir Philip
Nisbet, and Alexander Ogilvy, younger of Inverquharity, gave him warning
to withdraw to a safer neighbourhood. He accordingly once more withdrew to
Athol. In the month of December he laid siege to Inverness, before which
he lay for several weeks, till Middleton came upon him with a small force,
when he fled into Ross-shire. The spring of 1646 he spent in marching and
countermarching, constantly endeavouring to excite a simultaneous rising
among the Highland septs, but constantly unsuccessful. On the last day of
May he was informed of the king’s surrender to the Scottish army, and, at
the same time, received his majesty’s order to disband his forces and
withdraw from the kingdom. Through the influence of the duke of Hamilton,
whose personal enemy he had been, he procured an indemnity for his
followers, with liberty for himself to remain one month at his own house
for settling his affairs, and afterwards to retire to the continent. He
embarked in a small vessel for Norway on the 3d of September, 1646, taking
his chaplain, Dr Wishart, along with him, for whose servant he passed
during the voyage, being afraid of his enemies capturing him on the
passage.
From Norway, he proceeded
to Paris, where he endeavoured to cultivate the acquaintance of Henrietta
Maria, the queen, and to instigate various expeditions to Britain in
favour of his now captive sovereign. It was not, however, thought
expedient by either Charles or his consort, to employ him again in behalf
of the royal cause, on account of the invincible hatred with which he was
regarded by all classes of his countrymen. In consequence of this he went
into Germany, and offered his services to the emperor, who honoured him
with the rank of mareschal, and gave him a commission to raise a regiment.
He was busied in levying this corps, when he received the news of the
king’s death, which deeply affected him. He was cheered, however, by a
message soon after to repair to the son of the late king, afterwards
Charles II, at the Hague, for the purpose of receiving a commission for a
new invasion of his native country. With a view to this expedition, he
undertook a tour through several of the northern states of Europe, under
the character of ambassador for the king of Great Britain, and so ardently
did he advocate the cause of depressed loyalty, that he received a
considerable sum of money from the king of Denmark, fifteen hundred stand
of arms from the queen of Sweden, five large vessels from the duke of
Holstein, and from the state of Holstein and Hamburg between six and seven
hundred men. Having selected the remote islands of Orkney as the safest
point of rendezvous, he despatched a part of his troops thither so early
as September, 1649; but of twelve hundred whom he embarked, only two
hundred landed in Orkney, the rest perishing by shipwreck.
It was about this time,
that in an overflowing fit of loyalty, he is alleged to have superintended
the disgraceful assassination of Dorislaus, the envoy of the English
parliament at the Hague; on which account young Charles was under the
necessity of leaving the estates. When Montrose arrived in the Orkneys in
the month of March, 1650, with the small remainder of his forces, he found
that from a difference between the earls of Morton and Kinnoul, to the
latter of whom he had himself granted a commission to be commander, but
the former of whom claimed the right to command in virtue of his being
lord of the islands, there had been no progress made in the business. He
brought along only five hundred foreigners, officered by Scotsmen, which,
with the two hundred formerly sent, gave him only seven hundred men. To
these, by the aid of several loyal gentlemen, he was able to add about
eight hundred Orcadians, who from their unwarlike habits, and their
disinclination to the service, added little to his effective strength.
After a residence in Orkney of three weeks, he embarked the whole of his
forces, fifteen hundred in number, at the Holm Sound, the most part of
them in fishing boats, and landed in safety near John O’Groat’s house.
Caithness, Sutherland, and Ross had been exempted in the late disturbances
from those ravages that had overtaken every place south of Inverness, and
Montrose calculated on a regiment from each of them. For this purpose he
had brought a great banner along with him, on which was painted the corpse
of Charles I. the head being separated from the trunk, with the motto that
was used for the murdered Darnley, "Judge and avenge my cause, 0 Lord." It
had no effect, however, upon the simple natives of these regions, except
to excite their aversion, and they every where fled before him.
In order to secure a
retreat to the Orkneys, the castle of Dunbeath was taken possession of,
and strongly garrisoned by Montrose. Five hundred men were also sent
forward to occupy the hill of Ord, which they accomplished just as the
earl of Sutherland was advancing to take possession of it. Sutherland
retired rapidly before him, leaving his houses of Dunnechin, Shelbo, Skibo,
and Dornoch, under strong garrisons for the protection of his lands.
Montrose, mortified to find in Sutherland the same aversion to him as in
Caithness, and confident of his strength and of the distance of his
enemies, sent a message to the earl of Sutherland, threatening to subject
his estates to military execution if he continued to neglect his duty and
the royal cause. Colonel Strachan had, however, by this time reached Tain,
where he met with his lordship and his friends the Rosses and Munroes, to
the amount of five or six hundred men. Here it was determined that
Sutherland should get behind Montrose, so as to prevent his retreat to the
north, while Strachan with four troops of horse, assisted by the Rosses
and Munroes, should march up in his front. When within two miles of him,
they concealed themselves in a field of broom, and sent out scouts to
observe the motions and calculate the strength he had brought along with
him. Finding that Montrose had just sent out a party of forty horse, it
was resolved that the whole should keep hid in the broom, one troop of
horse excepted, which might lead him to think he had no more to contend
with. This had the desired effect. Montrose took no pains to strengthen
his position but placing his horse a little in advance, waited their
approach on a piece of low ground close by the mouth of the river Kyle.
Strachan then marshalled his little party for the attack, dividing the
whole into four parts, the first of which he commanded in person; and it
was his intention, that while he himself rode up with his party, so as to
confirm the enemy in the notion that there were no more to oppose, the
remaining parties should come up in quick succession, and at once
overwhelm him with the announcement that he was surprised by a large army.
The plan was completely successful. Montrose no sooner saw the strength of
the presbyterians, than, alarmed for the safety of his foot, he ordered
them to retire to a craggy hill behind his position. Strachan,
however, made such haste that though it was very bad riding ground, he
overtook the retiring invaders before they could reach their place of
refuge. The mercenaries alone showed any disposition to resist—the rest
threw down their arms without so much as firing a shot. Montrose fought
with desperate valour, but to no avail. He could only save himself by
flight. The carnage, considering the number of the combatants, was
dreadful. Several hundreds were slain, and upwards of four hundred taken
prisoners. On the part of the victors only two men were wounded and one
drowned. The principal standard of the enemy, and all Montrose’s papers,
fell into the hands of the victors.
Montrose, who fled from the
field upon his friend the young viscount Frendraught’s horse, his own
being killed in the battle, rode for some space with a friend or two that
made their escape along with him; but the ground becoming bad, he
abandoned in succession his horse, his friends, and his cloak, star, and
sword, and exchanging clothes with a Highland rustic, toiled along the
valley on foot. Ignorant of the locality of the country, he knew not so
much as where he was going, except that he believed he was leaving his
enemies behind him, in which he was fatally mistaken. His pursuers had
found in succession, his horse, his cloak, and his sword, by which they
conjectured that he had fled into Assynt; and accordingly the proprietor,
Neil Macleod, was enjoined to apprehend any stranger he might find upon
his ground. Parties were immediately sent out, and by one of them he was
apprehended, along with an officer of the name of Sinclair. The laird of
Assynt had served under Montrose; but was now alike regardless of the
promises and the threatenings of his old commander. The fugitive was
unrelentingly delivered up to general Leslie, and by Strachan and Halket
conducted in the same mean habit in which he was taken, towards Edinburgh.
At the house of the laird of Grange, near Dundee, he had a change of
raiment, and by the assistance of an old lady had very nearly effected his
escape. He had been excommunicated by the church and forfeited by the
parliament so far back as 1644, and now sentence was pronounced against
him before he was brought to Edinburgh. His reception in the capital was
that of a condemned traitor, and many barbarous indignities were heaped
upon him; in braving which he became what he could never otherwise have
been, in some degree an object of popular sympathy. He was executed on
Tuesday the 21st of May, 1650, in a dress the most splendid that he could
command, and with the history of his achievements tied round his neck;
defending with his latest breath his exertions in behalf of distressed
royalty, and declaring that his conscience was completely at rest. His
limbs were afterwards exposed with useless barbarity at the gates of the
principal towns in Scotland.
Montrose appeared to
cardinal du Retz as a hero fit for the pages of Plutarch, being inspired
by all the ideas and sentiments which animated the classic personages whom
that writer has commemorated. He certainly is entitled to the praise of
great military genius, of uncompromising ardour of purpose, and of a
boldness both in the conception and execution of great designs, such as
are rarely found in any class of men. It is not to be denied, however,
that ambition was nearly his highest principle of action, and that the
attainment of his objects was too often sought at the expense of humanity.
As might be expected, his memory was too much cherished by his own party,
and unreasonably detested by the other; but historical truth now dictates
that he had both his glorious and his dark features, all of which were
alike the characteristics of a great and pregnant mind, soaring beyond the
sphere assigned to it, but hardly knowing how to pursue greatness with
virtue.
The Memoirs of James Marquis of Montrose
1639 - 1650
By the Rev. George Wishart, D.D., translated with Introduction, Notes,
Appendices, and the original Latin (part II now first published by the
Rev. Alexander D. Murdoch and H. F. Morland Simpson (1893) (pdf)
Memoirs of the Marquis of Montrose
By Mark Napier in two volumes (1856) (pdf)
Since the publication of “The Life and Times of
Montrose,” in 1840, the author of the present more complete biography of
that great Scottish worthy edited a voluminous collection of original
documents, entitled “Memorials of Montrose and his Times,” which were
printed under the auspices of that very liberal institution of letters
the Maitland Club. Of this important historical repertory, affording the
most authentic materials for a history of “the Troubles” in Scotland
which led to the fall of the Monarchy, the first volume was completed in
1848, and the second in 1850. The nature of the original documents thus
preserved, and rendered tangible for the benefit both of History and
Biography, and their value especially to a fuller illustration than has
hitherto appeared of the life and actions of the maligned Marquis of
Montrose, will be best explained by some extracts from the editorial
prefaces.
Preface
Volume 1
| Volume 2 |