i.
WHETHER the earliest inhabitants of the Lews are
named Dicaledones, Albanich, or Picts, it seems generally admitted
that they were a pure Celtic race.
After continued inroads from the Norsemen over a
lengthened period, the islands were conquered by Harald Harfager in
888. The following year they rose in rebellion, but were again
crushed by a Vikingr named Ketil, who was king of the isles till his
death. In 938 Aulaf Mac Sitric, son of the Danish king of
Northumberland, was king of the isles; he was succeeded by Maccus
Mac Arailt Mac Sitric— Gofra Mac Arailt, another king, dying in 989.
In 990 Sigurd, Earl of Orkney, conquered the Hebrides
and held them through his lieutenant, Gilli. As there is mention of
one Ragnal Mac Gofra, King of the Isles, who died in 1004, while
Sigurd was again in possession of the isles in 1014, there is in all
probability some obscurity, caused by rivals having occasionally
divided the northern from the southern Hebrides, as afterwards
occurred, each retaining the title of “King of the Isles.”
In 1034 Earl Thorfin, son of Sigurd, reconquered the
islands, which seemed to have fallen from the grasp of the Norsemen
after the destructive battle of Clontarf. On his death, in 1064,
they passed under the rule of an Irish prince, Diarmed Mac Maelnambo,
who died in 1072. Next we find Godred, the son of Si trie, who
reigned in the Isle of Man ; then his son Fingal, who was dethroned
about 1077 by a Norse chieftain, Godred Crovan, son of Harald the
Black. Godred Crovan was in turn expelled by the Norse king Magnus
Barefoot, who placed his son Sigurd on the throne in 1093. Upon
Sigurd succeeding his father as King of Norway about 1103, Lagman,
son of Godred Crovan, was elected by the islanders: he afterwards
died a pilgrim at Jerusalem.
Lagman was followed by a kinsman of Mur-chard
O’Brien, King of Ireland, in mi, who was expelled in 1113. He was
succeeded by Olave the Red, youngest son of Godred Crovan, who
enjoyed an unaccountably peaceable and successful reign of forty
years, and was succeeded by his son, Godred the Black, in 1154.
Olave’s daughter Ragnhildis was married to Somerled, Prince of
Argyle, and thus originated the Macdonalds, the family best known
historically as Lords of the Isles. Godred the Black retained Man
and the North Isles, while Somerled took possession of the South
Isles. Reginald, the son of Godred the Black, was King of Man and
the Isles in 1210, and it remained in the family of Godred until the
death of Magnus, King of Man, in 1265.
It was in this year that the Western Isles passed
from the kingdom of Norway under the allegiance of the King of
Scotland; and while the remaining portions of the sub-kingdom of the
isles were divided among the descendants of Somerled, the Lews was
conferred upon the Earl of Ross. Thus the long subjection of the
Lews to Norway, extending over several centuries, ended with the
cession of the Isles to Scotland in 1266.
Lewis seems to have remained in the possession of the
Earls of Ross until it was confirmed by David II. to John of Isla in
1344. It thus once more became a portion of a species of
sub-kingdom, which shortly afterwards comprehended all the
territories formerly held by the Norse jarls, or kings, in fealty to
the King of Norway. From this time the Lewis chiefs were vassals to
the house of Isla.
In 1380 Donald, son of John of Isla and grandson of
Robert II. by the mother’s side, succeeded to his father. By
marriage he claimed and secured also the earldom of Ross. In 1420
Alexander, third Lord of the Isles, entered in possession, and by
the death of his mother in 1429 also became Earl of Ross. He was
twice imprisoned during the life of James I. for rebellious
practices, and was succeeded in 1449 by his son John. After many
vicissitudes John was forfeited and deprived of his titles and
estates in May, 1493 ; from which date the various clans which
constituted his lordship, including the Macleods of Lewis, were
independent of any superior but the Crown.
According to Martin, Lewis is so called from
“Leog” which, in the Irish language (Gaelic), signifies water. It is
also derived from the Norwegian Ltod Huts, windy house; or,
following later authorities, it is Leod’s Land, or land of the sons
of Leod or Loyd, the eldest son of King Olave the Black, brother of
Magnus, last King of Man and the Isles. Such is the received
genealogy of the earliest-known chiefs. Leod’s son, Torquil, was
progenitor of the Lews branch, or Siol Torquil, whose possessions
shortly included Rasay Island, Water-ness in Skye, and Assint,
Coigach, and Gairloch on the mainland.
Assint was acquired by Torquil Macleod, a younger son
of the Lews chief, who married the heiress. He was the third chief
of the Lews, and a grandson of the original Torquil; and the first
charter of his house was the confirmation to him of this barony by a
royal grant in the reign of King David II. Previous to the Macleods,
the Lews was probably held by lieutenants of the island kings; as
the popular belief, that the Macnaughtons were chiefs of the Lews
for three hundred years before the Macleods, seems a complete
misapprehension. Indeed, it is only in the same reign in which the
Macleods obtained their first charter that the Macnaughtons obtained
a grant of portion of the island of Lews, when the possessions of
John of the Isles were forfeited.
According to a native historian, this Torquil, the
third chief, acted as conciliator between the minor chiefs of the
Morrisons of Ness and the Macaulays of Uige. This would place the
battle between these two small clans—which was fought near Barvas—in
the thirteenth century, but would scarcely coincide with the
understanding that the clan Macaulay only date from 1513. We are
also told that “the year after Torquil became chief of the Lews, he
and the Macnaugh-ton were proceeding in their birlins, or large
boats, to Stornoway, when Macleod ran the boat of Macnaughton down
in the Sound of Jaunt, and allowed the whole crew to drown.” By this
simple and effective arrangement, he acquired an undisputed right to
the whole island, and it remained in his possession.
The next chief after Torquil was one Ruari, whose
younger son, Tormod, held Assint in vassalage; while in 1493 his
grandson, another Ruari, whose eldest son was slain in 1481 at the
battle of the Bloody Bay, was head of the clan. He was one of those
chiefs who made their submission to James IV. in 1494. Ruari’s
second son was Torquil, who married Katherine, daughter of the first
Earl of Argyle. As Torquil was thus connected with Donald Dhu, whose
mother was also a daughter of Argyle, he received and protected him
when he escaped from prison, and, braving forfeiture, espoused his
cause. He had previously, by a charter under the Great Seal, been
granted, in August, 1498, the office of bailliary, and eighty merks
of the lands of Trotternish in Skye, on the ground of it having been
formerly held by him under the Lords of the Isles. This was
immediately afterwards revoked.
Although he was nominally forfeited in 1502, the
combination of the island chiefs was not broken until 1506, when
Torquil, as the principal remaining insurgent, was attacked in his
castle at Stornoway. The castle was taken, and the whole island
subjugated.
After this the Lews was restored to Malcolm, a
brother of Torquil, in 1511. This Malcolm seems to have been little
less turbulent than his predecessors, as we find him one of the
principal adherents of Sir Donald of Lochalsh during the five years’
rebellion. The Macleods of Lews and their kinsmen of Rasay also
accompanied Sir Donald when he passed south to attack John Mac Ian
of Ardnamurchan. They defeated the latter at Craig-an-airgid, or the
Silver Craig, in Morven, slaying him and his two sons, John
Sunoirtich and Angus, with many of their followers. Malcolm’s second
son, Malcolm Garbh, was the progenitor of the Macleods of Rasay.
Malcolm’s nephew, John, son of Torquil, who had been
expressly excluded in the charter of restoration, seized the Lews on
his uncle’s death about 1528, and held it during his life. In 1530
he was one of the island chiefs who sent offers of submission to the
king, on occasion of the rebellion of Alexander of Isla. Through a
compromise with Donald Gorme, John was succeeded by his cousin,
Ruari, son of Malcolm, popularly known as Old Rory. In May, 1539,
Ruari, in virtue of this agreement, joined Donald Gorme in an attack
upon Trotter-nish, in order to recover it from the Dunvegan family;
but, passing over to the mainland,'the expedition came to an
untimely end shortly after through the death of the laird of Sleat.
Ruari first married Barbara Stewart, a daughter of
Lord Methven, by whom he had one son, Torquil Eir, or the heir, to
distinguish him from the succeeding sons of the same name by other
wives. This son reached manhood, but perished in a storm along with
200 men, on his way to his property of Vaternish, in Skye. His
mother died six months after his birth, and in another half year the
chief married Janet, Lady Reah, relict of the Mackay, and daughter
of the chief of Kintail.
By this second wife Ruari had another son, Torquil,
afterwards known as Torquil Connanach, from having been reared in
Strathconnan. Lady Reah, however, eloped with a cousin of Ruari,
John Macgillechallum, of Rasay, when she was divorced by the Lews
chief, who at the same time disowned her son, Connanach, as being
her offspring by Morrison, the Breve or Celtic judge of the Lews.
This was the occasion of a protest in 1566, taken by Donald Gormeson,
claiming to be heir of Lewis, with the sanction of the chief, on the
ground of an alleged confession of Hugheoun, the Brew, that Torquil
Connanach was his son. Lady Reah bore Rasay several sons and a
daughter, but, after her death, the chief and all his sons by her
were murdered by Ruari Mac Allan Macleod, of Gerloch, brother of his
second wife, at a feast on the Island of Isay, in Waterness.
His second wife having thus eloped, Ruari married a
daughter of Lauchlan Maclean, of Dowart, by whom he had two sons,
Torquil Dhu and Tormad. Ruari had thus three sons named Torquil by
three separate wives; the first was drowned, the third executed at
Coigach by the Mackenzies; and the second, repudiated by his father,
allied himself with his mother’s relatives, the Mackenzies of
Kintail, who used him as a catspaw to obtain possession of the Lews
for themselves.
Besides these four legitimate, there were five
illegitimate sons. Two of these, Tormad Uigach and Murdo, backed the
claim of Torquil Connanach as heir; while three, Donald, Rory Oig,
and Neil, sided with Torquil Dhu.
This old Ruari was exceedingly turbulent and lawless,
offering an example which his sons were not slow to follow. In 1539
he was engaged with Donald Gorme, of Skye, against Lord Kintail, and
in 1540 we find that James V. took him captive to Edinburgh, on his
visit to the isles, but liberated him on giving hostages. In April,
1555, the Queen Regent, Mary of Guise, commenced a process of
treason against him, but in September of the same year he was
granted a respite; and we next find him specially summoned to join
the Earl of Athole, in 1565, against the insurgents under Argyle.
.
During the bloody disputes between Torquil Connancich,
assisted by Kintail and Mackenzie of Gerloch, on the one hand; and
Ruari, of the Lews, assisted by Donald Gorme of Sleat, Macleod of
Assint, and Ruari Mac Allan, on the other, old Ruari fell into the
hands of Connanach, who kept him prisoner four years. In 1572,
however, before the Earl of Mar and Privy Council, he acknowledged
Connanach as his son and heir, and was thereupon liberated. The
turbulent chieftain was no sooner free than he revoked the deed of
acknowledgment, but was again in 1576 obliged to accept Connanach as
his heir, before Regent Morton and a Privy Council, bestowing upon
him the district of Coigach for his maintenance.
In 1585 the feud again broke out afresh. Tormad Uigach was
slain by Donald, who was in return captured by Murdo, but escaping
seized his captor, and imprisoned him in Stornoway. Connanach now
espoused the cause of his supporter, and, capturing the castle of
Stornoway, again imprisoned the old Lewis chief, placing him in the
castle under the custody of his son John. After a time Rory Oig
retook the castle, killed Connanach’s heir, and liberated old Ruari,
who remained in possession till his death. Torquil, in the meantime,
seized his natural brother, Donald, and executed him at Dingwall.
The piratical conduct of himself and natural sons
towards all vessels touching at the Lews, was one reason for Ruari’s
outlawry, and gave occasion for those attempts at colonisation and
civilisation made by the Fife adventurers. These attempts, as will
afterwards appear, were frustrated by the combined efforts of the
islanders and the Mackenzies, who looked upon the Lews as their
peculiar prey.
On the death of this old freebooter, the chief-ship
fell to Torquil Dhu, who had married a sister of Macleod of Harris.
But Connanach, aided by the Mackenzies, again invaded the Lews, took
the castle of Stornoway, and, with the aid of the Morrisons of Ness,
or Clann-Mhic-Ghille-Moir, secured Torquil Dhu himself. They then
carried him to Coigach, in July, 1597, to ornament a tree at the end
of the castle.
Torquil Dhu was chief of the Lews at the time of the
expedition against the isles in 1596, when the Lews was withdrawn
from the list of disobedient clans, as both Dhu and Connanach agreed
to submit their claims to the authorities. The Government decided in
favour of Connanach, but Torquil Dhu, who had a following of 700 to
800 men, not only kept what he previously possessed, but ravaged
Coigach and Lochbroom.
Torquil Dhu having been destroyed greatly through the
treachery of the Breive, who had enticed him on board a vessel at
Ness, and then handed him over to Connanach, the Breive and his
whole clan were attacked by Neil Macleod, and nearly extirpated.
Although a Celtic institution, this Ness Brew, Breive, or Brehon,
seems to have been adopted by the Norsemen, both from the name
Morrison, which is Scandinavian, as well as from the fact that his
jurisdiction extended over the Hebrides from Isla to the Butt of
Lews, and over the opposite coast to the Ord of Caithness. This was
the acknowledged Norse kingdom of the isles.
With the judge's family the records of the Lews and
adjacent country were destroyed, with the exception of a few scraps
carried to the mainland by some of the fugitives.
Normand or Tormad, brother of Torquil Dhu, who had
long been held a prisoner by Kintail, was now liberated, that he
might be the means of expelling the Fife colonists. These latter had
gained a firm footing on the island, but on the appearance of the
legitimate heir, the natives rose in a body under the leadership of
Neil, expelled the colonists, and maintained Tormad as the leader of
the Siol Torquil until 1605. In this year he gave himself up, on the
return of the Fife men, and never came back to the Lews.
The antagonism of Neil Macleod, who alone remained to
oppose them, at length drove the colonists out of the island; when
they sold their title to Kintail. Thus strengthened, Mackenzie was
stimulated to push his claims to the utmost. Accordingly, armed with
the deeds obtained from Torquil Connanach, whose daughter the Tutor
of Kintail, uncle of the heir, had married, and the still better
credentials of facility for invasion and pacification, Mackenzie
lost no time in securing this extensive property. The king freed him
from all liability to other military service, that he might direct
all his force to this purpose, seeing the purchase of the title from
the Fife adventurers had legalised Kintail’s hitherto shadowy
claims. The price paid the broken colony for their title was equal
to eighty pounds of our present money, being the estimated value of
the oak woods of Letterew; and to the woods was added permission to
erect some furnaces on the mainland opposite.
The only resolute enemy opposed to Kintail was Neil,
the natural son of old Ruari, who maintained an irregular warfare
for some years; but he was at length captured and induced to proceed
to Edinburgh, where he was executed.
When Cromwell’s troops overran Scotland, they took
possession of the Lews and fortified the whole point of Stornoway,
Kintail having previously risen in rebellion. This fortification
they garrisoned with fourteen hundred men! Earl Kenneth, Lord
Kintail, who had always been a sincere Royalist, attacked and routed
the defenders with great slaughter; but as Charles II. succeeded to
the throne shortly thereafter, the Lewsmen escaped the otherwise
inevitable punishment.
Although there are the remains of many ancient
chapels and nunneries in the Lews, evidencing a considerable
population in a comparative state of quiet, the condition of the
inhabitants must have been very degraded towards the end of the
possession of the Macleods. “It is told of Farquhar Macrae, born
1580, who entered the Church, that on his first visit to the island
of Lews, he had to baptize the whole population under forty years of
age.” This points to a wretchedly
disturbed state of the island during the latter end
of the sixteenth century, and towards the close of old Ruari’s
chieftainship; while, if religion was in abeyance during these times
of strife, those which followed sunk the inhabitants who remained
still deeper in degeneracy. Traditions of Saxon thraldom, and
Southern notions of property in land, replaced the simple ties that
bound the clansman to “the head of his house.” We get occasional
glimpses from travellers of steady retrogression, until we arrive at
the time when population was a stock to be sold with the farm, and
kept down by exportation to suit the theories of the purchaser.
For a time, after the island came into the hands of
the Seaforth family, little is heard of it. After the Restoration in
1660 it remained quietly in the hands of its Royalist chiefs, and
although Seaforth was forfeited in 1751 for his share in the
rebellion, the Lews was doubtless too distant to suffer.
The first careful account we have of the country and
people is from Martin, who visited the Lews the beginning of last
century, and he gives us no such hopeless account of their condition
as we get from the Rev. J. Lane Buchanan, about the end of it. In
Martin’s time the crofters seemed comparatively well off: given to
dancing, singing, and drinking home-brewed ale; and leading a free,
if semi-pagan, semipastoral, and wholly barbarous existence. The
following extract from Martin will not be out of place, seeing his
work is now within the reach of few. “ The inhabitants (of Long
Island) had an ancient custom to sacrifice to a sea god called Shony
at Hallowtide, in the manner following. The inhabitants round the
Island come to the church of St. Mulvay, having each man his
provision along with him. Every family furnished a peck of malt, and
this was brewed into ale : one of their number was pickt out to wade
into the sea up to the middle, and carrying a cup of ale in his hand
standing still in that posture, cry’d out with a loud voice saying, Shony, I
give you this cup of ale, hoping that you'll be so kind as to send
us plenty of seaware for enriching our ground the ensuing year ; and
so threw the cup of ale into the sea. This was performed in the
nighttime ; at his return to land they all went to church, where
there was a candle burning upon the altar; and then standing silent
for a little time, one of them gave a signal, at which the candle
was put out, and immediately all of them went to the fields, where
they fell a-drinking their ale, and spent the remainder of the night
in dancing, singing, &c.”
The country was at this time sparsely populated, and
the game, fish, and right of pasturage free to a great extent; so
that, with a few acres under crop, the necessaries of life were
never wanting. But the “tacksmen,” or farmers, gradually extended
their power, and the internal peace of the country brought its own
evils. The clansmen, who had formerly to be conciliated as the
military support of the chief, were now only treated as thralls to
provide for his lavish expenditure. The chiefs, who were only
guardians of the country for their people, gradually exercised the
same proprietorship over their kinsmen as the Norman barons over
their conquered Saxon dependants. Thus the tacksmen now paid heavy
rental for their enlarged farms, and increased their stocks to the
impoverishment of the cotters or subtenants, until abject necessity
drove the latter into their power.
The Rev. John Lane Buchanan, who was intimately
acquainted with the country from 1782 to 1790, writes as
follows:—“It is an invariable custom, and established by a kind of
tacit compact among the tacksmen and inferior lairds, to refuse,
with the most invincible obstinacy, an asylum, on their ground, to
any subtenant without the recommendation of his landlord, or, as he
is very properly called in those parts, his master. The wretched
outcast, therefore, has no alternative but to sink down into the
situation and rank of an unfortunate and numerous class of men known
under the name of Scallags. The scallag, whether male or female, is
a poor being, who, for mere subsistence, becomes a predial slave to
another, whether a subtenant, a tacksman, or a laird. The scallag
builds his own hut with sods and boughs of trees; and if he is sent
from one part of the country to another, he moves off his sticks,
and, by means of these, forms a new hut in another place.
Five days in the week he works for his master; the
sixth is allowed to himself for the cultivation of some scrap of
land, on the edge of some moor or mess ; on which he raises a little
kail, or coleworts, barley, and potatoes. These articles, boiled up
together in one mash, and often without salt, are his only food.
He is allowed coarse shoes, with tartan hose, and a
coarse coat, with a blanket or two for clothing.” He devotes some
space to a comparison between negroes on plantations and the
Hebridean scallags, much to the advantage of the negro in every
detail of treatment.
Again: “Formerly a Highlander would have drawn his
dirk against even a laird, if he had subjected him to the indignity
of a blow. At present, any tyrannical tacksman, in the absence of
the laird or lord, whose presence alone can enforce good order and
justice, may strike a scallag, and even a subtenant, with perfect
impunity.” It may be questioned whether these scallags were a recent
institution, as the Celtic races of Scotland seem always to have had
a race of helots subject to the free vassals!
The day of the tacksmen and sublairds did not last
long. After acting as instruments in crushing out all spirit from
the subtenants, they found kinship and traditional service were not
reckoned when opposed to mainland gold, and none of those families
whose scions formerly came back from France accomplished cavaliers
can hold their places to-day.
It has been argued that the evidences of former
extensive cultivation in the west of the Lews proves a considerable
population; while Buchanan, on the other hand, remarks that the
absence of partridges, blackcock, or many of the granivorous fowls,
is a strong proof that grain has not been long sown here, and that
the country has not been sufficiently cultivated to entice them to
reside in it. This is scarcely an argument, as the country affords
no cover for partridge or blackcock, and only strict preservation
could secure the continued presence even of the heath-fowl in such a
populous country. We are inclined to believe that notwithstanding
emigration, enforced and otherwise, the country has been steadily
advancing in population ever since the succession of the Mackenzies
gave comparative security; while, for a century or two before that
time, the continual wars and clan squabbles must have sadly
depopulated the land. The clergy were driven out, the hereditary
judge and his family destroyed, and all authority, save that of the
strongest, for a time was in abeyance.
Since the beginning of the century, the increase has
been in correspondence with that of the kingdom generally. In 1817,
the population, according to Headrick, as taken by the ground
officers, was 11,534; in 1831 it had increased to 14,541, and the
latest statistics give about 25,000.
This enormous increase in population, without a
corresponding advance in means of livelihood, has necessarily caused
a much greater number to be little removed above pauperism. But,
notwithstanding this, the condition of the people in general, as
regards morality and real elements of civilisation, has infinitely
improved during this century. This progress we must acknowledge to
have been mainly due to the honest endeavours of the clergy, and
more especially those of the Free Church of Scotland, who have
reason to point with pride to the present moral character of the
people under their charge. When Martin visited the island, the
inhabitants were not yet emancipated from the most pagan customs.
Still later, the Rev. Mr. Buchanan gives a most
deplorable account of the gross immorality of the people—viewed in
the light of the accepted code—in which their ministers and elders
showed them a precious example.
After describing the looseness of social ties in
general, as well as in particular instances among the teachers of
the people, he adds : “Presbyteries are for the most part held at
public-houses, and continued sometimes without prorogation or
adjournment for three successive days and nights. The holy fathers
stand in no need of Paul’s advice to Timothy, respecting his weak
stomach. One may form a judgment of their style of living from the
bill of fare for one day in Harris. This was no less than one pound
sterling per head, or three pounds for the three days that the
presbytery lasted. As the meetings of the presbyteries are, for the
most part, scenes of riot, they are attended only by young people of
both sexes, who delight in frolic.” It must be added: “These are not
attended with such abominable excesses as mark the clerical
assemblies in some other quarters”—wherever these may beI
In commenting upon the reverend gentleman’s
observations about Lewis immorality, this would partly spring from
the habits and dwellings of the natives, partly from the degrading
“scallag” system, and, no doubt, greatly to the freer and more
primitive ideas respecting sexual intercourse always current among
the Scottish lower classes.
However this may be, under the inquisitorial rule of
the Free Church clergy, the natural births have fallen to a
fractional percentage ; drunkenness is rare in the country, bad
language is almost never heard, and an intelligent body of people
patiently submit to an arbitrary and not always intelligent control.
The evil effects are, of course, those obtained under a
comparatively under-educated and one-idead priesthood; but we must
be thankful for what they have really done for the social
advancement of the inhabitants.
When the country passed about thirty years ago, by
purchase, into the hands of Mr. Mathe-son, a merchant prince, all
traditional devotion was destroyed. The population felt they had
been purchased; and while losing all feeling of kinship and family
attachment, wholesale eviction and compulsory emigration failed to
ingratiate those who remained. Thus a weird, wild song, with an
infinite charm alike to native and stranger, keeps up in every
“clachan” the wail of the heart-broken wanderer from the roof-tree
of his love.
The tangible benefits in the shape of improved
communication do not come home to those who can race across the moor
with a sack of meal on their backs, who wish nothing to be brought
them, and have nothing to send away. Indeed, it is wonderful how
little advantage roads are to a country as yet unsettled except
around the coast, and without produce or manufactures. Cattle and
sheep, like the natives, travel easier on the moors. Still, improved
communication is a great boon even in a desert, and may enable some
future proprietor, who shall have gone to the West, in place of the
East, for his notions of government, to permanently benefit the
people. |