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IT will thus be seen
that the time was not unfavourable for Knox's visit. Some suppose
that he went to Scotland on the invitation of the leading men who
favoured the Protestant cause, but there is no good ground for this
opinion, and he himself gives no countenance to it. On the contrary,
he distinctly declares that his visit was entirely due to the
entreaties of Mrs. Bowes. "You alone," he remarks, "God made the
instrument to draw me from the den of my own ease, you alone did
draw me from the rest of my quiet study." As a matter of fact Knox
came home to be married, and although there is no record of it, it
is generally held that the wedding took place on his arrival at
Berwick, where Mrs. Bowes and her daughter Marjory were then
residing. The betrothal very probably took place before Knox left
England for the Continent, and under the circumstances we can quite
well understand Mrs. Bowes' "entreaties" and Knox's response.
He did not stay long
in Berwick, for we find him almost immediately in Edinburgh, and the
reception accorded to him in the capital was not only a surprise but
a great joy to Knox. In writing to his mother-in-law he says he was
startled by the welcome he received among brethren who with "fervent
thirst were night and day groaning and sobbing for the bread of
life." "Oh! sweet were the death that should follow such forty days
in Edinburgh as here I have had three;" and again, "If I had not
seen it with my eyes in my own country I would not have believed
it." On arriving in the capital he was received as a guest in the
house of one James Syme, "that notable man of God," and there he
preached to all who cared to hear him.
Fresh courage would
be given him on finding among his hearers some of the best-known men
in the country. A question was at this time troubling the minds of
the new converts to the Protestant Faith, and it was one which in
the eyes of Knox had a far-reaching consequence. It was as to
whether they might attend the services of the Reformed religion and
at the same time privately partake of the Mass. Knox had only one
opinion about the matter. He at once made the absolute statement
that "nowise it was lawful to a Christian to present himself to that
idol." A memorable discussion regarding this question took place at
a supper-party in the house of Erskine of Dun. In some respects it
was the most important supper-party that had up till that time been
held in Scotland, for it settled the character of the Reformation
and disowned any compromise with the Romish Church, and declared
that the new movement must be thorough.
The chief among those
invited to meet Knox on this occasion, and to take part in the
debate, were John Willock, Maitland of Lethington, and Erskine of
Dun himself. These three were prominent public characters, and took
a leading part in subsequent events. They were brought into very
close contact with Knox during the years which followed his final
arrival in the country, and it may not, accordingly, be
inappropriate to give a passing glance at each.
John Willock was an
Ayrshire man, and he began his public career as a Franciscan friar.
On renouncing the Romish Church he fled to England, and afterwards
took up residence in Friesland. In both countries he occupied
important positions, and was noted for his piety, learning, and
prudence. After the Reformation he became Superintendent of the
West, and he held this position while he was at the same time a
beneficed clergyman of the Church of England. W e have already
indicated the important part he played in aiding the new movement in
Scotland during Knox's absence on the Continent. The latter held him
in high esteem, and both cooperated in the most cordial fashion for
the attainment of the end which they had in view.
Maitland of
Lethington was, next to Knox, the ablest man of the time in the
country. Randolph, the English Ambassador, in a letter to Cecil
draws his portrait thus: "Lethington bath a crafty wit and a fell
tongue;" and at a later date he added, "He is more given to policy
than to Master Knox's preachings." He was held in high regard by
Mary of Lorraine, and also by her daughter, the Queen of Scots,
under whom he became Secretary of State. Queen Elizabeth once
described him as the "finest wit of any in Scotland," and Knox as "a
man of good learning and of sharp wit and reasoning." He never
really became a thorough convert to the new religion, but he judged
of the movement entirely on its political side. He was one of the
leaders of the English party, and it was because he saw in the
Reformation a powerful agent, which could be used in support of his
policy, that he gave it his countenance. As Mr. Andrew Lang puts it,
"He was a modern of the moderns, cool, witty, ironical, subtle, and
unconvinced." Knox and he had many an intellectual bout and trial of
wit, and although they differed on many points they always
maintained a qualified respect for each other.
Erskine of Dun was
the one layman of that period for whom we feel the deepest regard.
If any man was governed by unselfish motives in adopting and aiding
the new faith, it was surely he, for there was nothing of a worldly
nature that he could possibly gain by becoming a Protestant, and
there was much that he might lose, even life itself. He was one of
those naturally able, level - headed, kind - hearted, patriotic, and
God-fearing men, that have from time to time adorned the eldership
of the Church, and Knox was fortunate indeed in having him on his
side, for his name was of great influence among the best men in
Scotland. Erskine, who was a man of means and of an ancient stock,
belonged to Forfarshire; he was well educated, and had travelled
extensively on the Continent. Strange to say the first glimpse we
get of him is in the Bell Tower of Montrose, where, in early
manhood, he struck a priest to death. The reason we know not. He was
the first to introduce the study of Greek into Scotland; he stood by
Wishart in his evil hour, and clung steadily to the Reformed Faith
during the dangerous time that followed the murder of Beaton; and
now we see him welcoming Knox and giving him every encouragement in
preaching the Reformed doctrines in Scotland.
In the discussion to
which we have referred the case of Paul was adduced, who, to
conciliate the other Apostles, paid a vow in the Temple. Knox said
there was every distinction between paying a vow and bowing before
an idol, nor would he admit that Paul's conduct on this occasion was
prompted by the Holy Spirit, and he drove his argument home by
referring to the unhappy consequences which pursued the Apostle on
this occasion. There could be no opposing masterful argument of this
kind, and so Lethington exclaimed, "I see perfectly that our shifts
will serve nothing before God, seeing that they stand in so small
stead before man."
In the opinion of
some this discussion struck the keynote of the Reformation. It
differentiated between the old religion and the new, showed how they
were radically opposed, and made clear that between them there could
be no compromise whatsoever. Knox in the discussion emphasised the
position for which he had always contended, that the new movement
was Church-Reforming, that it struck at the element of worship,
brushed aside all image worship or anything that flavoured of
idolatry. 'This, as we have seen, was the radical feature of the
Reformed Theology as compared with the Lutheran, which struck as its
keynote Justification by Faith. This, also, was the reason why Knox
saw in one Mass a greater danger than ten thousand armed men
marching down the streets of Edinburgh. He saw clearly that unless
the worship of the Mass, with all that it signified, was stamped
out, the new Scottish Church would be no better than the
ecclesiastical "mingle-mangle" which he found and condemned in
England.
After his stay in
Edinburgh Knox went to the Mearns as the guest of Erskine of Dun. He
stayed a month, and preached with great acceptance. The district was
favourable to the Reformation, for was it not in Montrose and its
neighbourhood that Wishart had done some of his best work? He
afterwards accepted an invitation to Calder House, the residence of
Sir James Sandilands. The Sandilands were a notable family, strong
supporters of the new movement, and at Calder House now, and at a
later date, Knox preached not only to the members of the family but
to many distinguished visitors from Edinburgh and elsewhere. To this
house came Lord Erskine, the Earl of Mar, Lord Lorne, and Lord James
Stuart, Prior of St. Andrews. The last of these, who made Knox's
acquaintance in London in 1552, was born for great things. He was an
illegitimate son of James v. by Lady Margaret Douglas, sister of
Lord Erskine. His father meant him for the Church, and at the early
age of five appointed him Prior of St. Andrews. He never, however,
took Orders, preferring a political to an ecclesiastical career.
Although now in his twenty-fourth year only, he had already given
proof of those qualities which were soon to make him the leading man
in the State, and the chief assistant of Knox, on the political
side, in carrying through the Reformation. Unlike Maitland of
Lethington, he put his religion before his politics, and in taking a
leading part in the revolution which was impending he was absolutely
sincere. His ambiguous position as a member of the royal family,
near the throne and yet separated from it by an impassable gulf,
made him reserved and cautious, and gave a colour to the charge of
subtlety and equivocal dealing which has been made against him. By
his ability, character, and devotion to the interests of the country
he not only gained the
highest position then
open to him in the State, by becoming Regent, but, what is of more
consequence, the affections of the people. He was known at his
death, and has ever since remained in the hearts of all Scotsmen, as
the "Good Regent."
Knox on leaving
Calder House visited Ayrshire, where he spent three months of active
and successful work. The Earl of Glencairn invited him to Finlayson,
where he dispensed the Communion after the Reformed fashion. He
again returned to Calder House, and once more repaired to Dun, every
stage of his progress being marked by fresh adherents to the new
opinions. The Church became alarmed, and summoned him to Edinburgh
on the 15th of May to give an account of himself. Knox, accompanied
by Erskine of Dun and other leading men, was determined to meet any
charges that might be made against him. The Bishops and others who
ought to have taken part in the trial failed to put in an
appearance, and they contented themselves by excommunicating and
burning him in effigy after he had left the country. Glencairn and
others advised Knox at this time to write a letter to the Queen
Regent, in the hope that she might be persuaded to favour the new
religion. Mary of Lorraine accepted the epistle, and handed it with
a joke to the Archbishop of Glasgow, saying, "Please you, my Lord,
to read a Pasquil." Knox on hearing of this was roused to
resentment, and in publishing the letter with additions and an
introduction he gave free vent to his indignation. It has to be
admitted that his outburst of wrath and scorn reads much better than
the original epistle. The fire and vigour of the former contrast
favourably with the somewhat timid and formal tone of the latter.
Knox did not shine as a courtier, his role was that of a Jeremiah.
Just at the moment
when the work would seem to be progressing most favourably, Knox
received a letter from the English congregation at Geneva
"commanding him, in God's name, as he was their chosen pastor, to
repair unto them for their comfort." He did not feel at liberty to
resist this appeal, and having sent on his wife and mother-in-law
before him to Dieppe, he soon afterwards followed. It was rather a
strong step for Mrs. Bowes to take, seeing that she was a wife and
the mother of twelve children, but her departure may have made
things easier at Norham Castle.
Knox's visit to
Scotland at this time gave a great impetus to the Reformation; it
drew together and gave a lead to those who were its prime movers,
and before and after his departure he laid down some rules for their
guidance. 'Those who were associated with him while he was in
Edinburgh and in other parts of the country preaching the Reformed
doctrines were, as we have seen, certain members of the nobility and
gentry, and on the first blush it may seem strange that the chief
movers in the impending revolution were found in that class. We
naturally associate attempts of this kind with the people. It may of
course be true that the Commons of Scotland had not as yet attained
to true consciousness, and that it was the Reformation itself which
was to accomplish this for them ; besides, the people of Scotland
had never hitherto taken action in matters of this kind. The country
was practically governed by the nobles.
While this may be
true, it is not at all unlikely, as has been alleged, that the
nobles were troubled by an itching palm. The wealth of the Church
they well knew to be enormous, and even before this date the
revenues of the great abbeys and priories were held in comendam by
laymen whose services to the State were thus rewarded. The Regent
Arran, who was not supposed to be a political wiseacre, hit the
truth when he said to Sadler that "unless the sin of covetousness
brought them to it he saw no chance of reformation" through the
nobles. What Hallam says of the English nobility was equally true of
the Scotch. "According to the general laws of human nature they gave
a readier reception to truths which made their estates more secure."
Dr. Hume Brown is at considerable trouble to explain that those who
afterwards were known as the Lords of the Congregation were
unselfish men, entirely actuated by the highest religious motives.
This may be true of Erskine of Dun and one or two more, but facts
are against its general acceptance, and he really gives his case
away when he asks, "What were these men to gain by heading the
Reformation? Would it not have paid them much better to have
supported the Queen Regent in her policy of suppression?" It is only
necessary to reply to this that by standing loyally to the Queen
Regent they would have been no better off materially than they were
before, and from the pensions that many of them were not ashamed to
accept from the English Government it is clear that they were poor,
and that what they chiefly desired was an addition to their
resources. What greater temptation, then, could be offered to such
men than the Church lands, which covered the half of Scotland? And
when the hour of trial came they did not for a moment hesitate to
seize the opportunity which it gave them to enrich themselves at the
expense of the Church and Nation. Knox himself was deceived in them.
If he co-operated with them to carry out his religious policy, they
certainly took advantage of him to gain their own selfish ends.
But what were the
people thinking and saying all this time? Had they no share at all
in the movement? In the fourteenth century, when the followers of
Wycliff came to Scotland, it was the commons and peasants of
Ayrshire who were moved to revolt against the Papacy, and to imbibe
the doctrines of a purer faith. George Wishart, too, found a ready
response among the working men of Dundee and Montrose. Had these
working men and peasants now become silent? We shall see on Knox's
return to Scotland that this was far from being the case, and we
have evidence that, at the very time of which we are speaking, they
were being stirred to throw off the rule of a Church which had
become corrupt beyond all remedy. If the better educated looked with
contempt upon the ignorant priests, who could not even read their
own Church Catechism in the Scottish language, the common people
laughed in the face of those clerics who tried to awe them by
superstitions which were now exploded. Carlyle complains that no
clear view is given of the travail of the common people at this
time. What he wished to know was what they were thinking and not
what their betters were doing. The information which lie desired may
not be so full as we might wish, but information there happens to
be.
Knox in his History
gives an amusing and significant account of an incident which shows
the contempt with which the people were now regarding some of the
sacred customs of the Church. A renegade priest inveighing against
his brethren pours ridicule on the "curse" which had once been so
effctive. "When the vicar," he said, "rose on Sunday and cried, "One
hath tint a spurtell, there is a flail stolen from them beyond the
burn; the goodwife on the other side of the gate hath lost a horn
spoon, God's curse and mine I give to them that knoweth of this gear
and restores it not," the people laughed in his face. This shows
what they were thinking. The denunciations of the Church had become
a farce which provoked ridicule. "Will they not give us a letter of
cursing for a plack," continues this same renegade priest, "to last
for a whole year, to curse all that looks over our dyke, that
keepeth our corn better than the sleeping boy who will have three
shillings in fee, a sark and a pair of shoon in the year."
Another indication of
the mind of the people is found in the " Gude and Godlie Ballatis "
of the brothers Wedderburn. These rhymes were printed on broad
sheets and scattered over the country; they were hymns translated in
great part from the German, and they reflect the aspirations of the
middle and lower classes. The common people, whatever they may have
become afterwards, were not at this time greatly enamoured of
Doctrinal Theology, and if the Reformation among them had to be
effected by such works as that of hnox on Predestination, for
instance, they would even yet, we fear, be in the "puddle of
papestry." If the songs of a people are an index to their life and
history, then these "Gude and Godlie Ballatis" give us sonic idea of
what the people were thinking. They were set to popular airs and
were sung on Sunday and Saturday, and being moulded on the Reformed
lines, throwing ridicule on Popish doctrines and pointing to the new
faith, they did more to spread the movement than could ever have
been done by the theological works of Calvin or, as some think, by
the preaching of Knox himself.
Here is a specimen.
It is a denunciation of prayer to Saints
"To To pray to Peter,
James and Johne,
Our Saulis to saif, power haif they none,
For that belangs to Christ allone,
He deit thairfoir, He deit thairfoir."
Purgatory, too, and
the exactions of the Church in freeing the soul therefrom were also
vigorously attacked:
"Of the fals fyre of
Purgatorie,
Is nocht left in ane spunk;
Thairfoir sayis Geddie woe is me,
Gone is Priest, Freir and Monk.
The reik [smoke] sa
wounder deir they solde
For money, gold and landis:
Quhill half the ryches on the molde
Is seasit in their handis."
Other leading
doctrines of the Reformation, both of a destructive and constructive
nature, found homely expression in these popular "Ballatis." During
the next two years they played their part in preparing the soil for
the revolution which was accomplished in 1560. Knox on his next
appearance had not to seek for an audience in the house of James
Syme, "that notable man of God," in Edinburgh, for in Perth, St.
Andrews, and latterly in the capital itself, he found ready to his
hand the "rascal multitude," as he calls them, who were prepared,
not only to listen to his preaching, but to carry that preaching far
beyond the limits that he aimed at. |
