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CHARLES II. had, by 1677,
ruled over Scotland for seventeen years, a period marked chiefly by
attempts to establish himself as supreme in all matters both civil and
ecclesiastical. By the aid of his Privy Council, now presided over by
Lauderdale, - he ruled Scotland as an absolute monarch who,
nevertheless, had not yet learned the temper of his subjects, and was as
far distant as his father had been from understanding the religious
conscience of the Whigs of Western Scotland, who still, as in 1638,
demanded the abolition of bishops and the establishment of a free
General Assembly. To them Presbyterianism meant not only religious but
also civic freedom, while Episcopacy still stood for bondage of
conscience and constitutional slavery. The years of coercion and
repression had served but to render them more determined to resist all
interference with their Scottish Church, and less likely to be easily
reconciled to rulers who had signally failed to gain their religious
sympathies.
Lauderdale, the head of
the King's Government in Scotland, was a fitting instrument for any
measure of tyranny adopted against these unbending Presbyterians;
shortsighted as his master, and as strong in his own conceit, he showed
himself as little aware as Charles himself that all government must
depend ultimately upon the good-will of those governed. In his younger
days, he had been looked upon with favour by the covenanter Baillie, who
had commended him as "a youth that brings, by his noble carriage, credit
to our nation, and help to our cause." [Robert Baillie, Letters and
Journals, edited by Laing, vol. ii. p. 107.] But thirty-five years had
elapsed since these words were written, and this long period of evil
living had sadly altered both outward appearance and moral character,
rendering him one of the least likely of men to appeal to the stern,
ascetic mind of the Covenanters. Abhorred as the author of these acts of
oppression under which they groaned, he was incapable of arousing in
those whose obedience he sought any feelings other than utter loathing
and the deepest hatred. [Sir George Mackenzie, Memoirs, pp. 157, 158.]
Lauderdale, since 1669,
had striven, though with signal want of success, to coerce the
-malcontents. Letters of Indulgence, acts against conventicles, the
declaring of all heritors and masters responsible for the conformity of
their tenants and servants, Letters of Intercommuning—all these acts of
repression had no more than inflamed the zeal of the people and
confirmed them in their stand against the government. [Measures Taken by
Privy Council against Religious Recusants, Register, Privy Council of
Scotland, vol. iv. (Third Series) pp. xv, . xvi, xvii ; vol. v. (Third
Series) pp. ix-xii.] The situation had become serious, and now
conventicles were not only religious meetings but assemblings of armed
men. Lauderdale knew that to the Whig religious liberty and political
freedom were synonymous, and determined at all risks to avert the fear
of another rising. In 1677, therefore, he issued the Bond, which made
heritors and masters responsible for the loyal behaviour of all resident
on their lands, and, to enforce this act, took that step which all are
agreed in regarding as the chief blot on his career in Scotland. To
ensure the acceptance of the Bond and the crushing out of any armed
resistance, he brought into the disaffected districts, to live at free
quarters, a military force composed of highlanders, regulars and
militia, the body of licensed marauders handed down to execration in the
West as " The Highland Host."
The situation in the
South-west of Scotland was indeed grave. There was no need to exaggerate
the determination of the populace to withstand all the demands of armed
Episcopacy. [King Hewison, The Covenanters, vol. ii. pp. 262, 263, 264,
265.] Since, however, the whole situation was the result of the severe
policy of coercion already adopted, it seemed to many that the use of
measures more drastic still must inevitably be the occasion of that
rebellion the outbreak of which was so much dreaded. There were not
wanting those, indeed, who affirmed that the object of the government
was to bring the threatened insurrection to a head, so that there might
be a pretext for the maintenance of a standing army in England. [Burnet,
History of His Own Times, p. 277: "These things seemed done on design to
force a rebellion: which they thought would be soon quashed and would
give a good colour for keeping up an army." Wodrow, Sufferings of the
Church of Scotland, vol. ii, p. 372 n. Memoirs of Rev. John Black-adder,
p. 231: "The policy of Lauderdale and his friends was to incite a
revolt."] Charles, anxious to secure the succession of his brother to
the throne, knew that the presence of an army in his kingdom was of
importance in securing the subservience of the people. An army of
200,000 men had recently been raised in the short space of six weeks,
under pretext that the King was at last to yield to the wishes of his
subjects and declare war on France. Many in England, however, were
persuaded that this army was intended for service not abroad but at
home, and that the Duke of York sought to place himself at the head of
the army in order to secure his brother's absolute rule and his own
succession to the throne. [Laing, History of Scotland, vol. iv. p. 88.]
Barillon, writing to Louis XIV. on April 18th, 1678, says: "Mr. le due
d'York se croit perdu pour la religion si l'occasion presente ne lui
fert a soummettre l'Angleterre." [Extract from letter written by
Barillon to Louis XIV., dated April ,8th, 1678, quoted in Sir John
Dalrymple's Memoirs, vol. ii. pp. 142-3.]
The Duke himself was
seizing eagerly on the pretext of the alliance with Holland to raise an
army, although he was evidently not at all certain of the manner in
which the House of Commons would receive these preparations. In January,
1678, he writes to the Prince of Orange: "We must prepare for war, which
we are doing here, with as little noise as we can, till the Parliament
meets! " [R Dalrymple, Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 145.] When Parliament did
meet, it acted as York had secretly feared, and proved in no mood to
further his projects for the army. On February 2nd, 1678, York again
writes: "Now that his Majesty has done all they desired by their former
address, they chicane and fly off from what they have formerly said;
attack the prerogative and would impose upon his Majesty such things as
cannot subsist with monarchy, and was never before pretended to by a
house of commons." [Ibid] Again, on February 5th, 1678, he writes to the
Prince of Orange: "Those who seemed to be most zealous for a war with
France last session, are those who obstruct most the giving of a
supply." [Ibid] The House proved more and more, obstinate, as the Duke
still demanded supplies of men and money, some of the Commoners
evidently making no secret of the fact that they feared the purpose
which the army might ultimately serve. Thus on March 19th, 1678, the
Duke writes: "Truly the temper of the House seems not to be good, and
looks as if some of them minded more how to get the power from the King
than anything else," and again, on March 22nd, "They have such
groundless jealousies in their heads that they make no advances in the
providing the rest of the money." He makes the position still more clear
when he writes on April loth, 1678: " It is of the last importance to us
(that the war should proceed) and I do not know what may happen if the
war does not go on, considering the temper of the nation and the ill
condition his majesty's affairs must be in for want of money." [Dalrymple,
Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 145.] Since at this very time, Louis and Charles
had already begun to make arrangements of a secret nature with each
other—Barillon asserts the understanding to have dated from May, 1678—it
is evident that the Duke of York, who must have known of these
negotiations, was merely seizing on the opportunity to raise an army
which might secure his own succession. It is also clear that the news of
a revolt in Scotland would have proved at any rate not unwelcome. The
coincidence of events is too clear to admit of any other conclusion than
that Lauderdale, if not actively engaged in inciting a rebellion, was
fully aware that to report a need for troops within his province, would
not bring him into disfavour with his master. This is also the view of
Wodrow. ["I am told by a person I can entirely credit, who was at London
at this time, that he heard from good hands, that the king was now very
much pushed by the Whigs, and the affectors of liberty in this time of
peace, to retrench the charges the kingdom of England was at in
maintaining an army, and wanted a plausible handle for keeping it up;
and that it was concerted in the cabinet council, that all measures
should be taken to exasperate the Scots fanatics, as they were called,
to some broil or other that there might be a pretence to keep up the
standing forces; and that the Duke of Lauderdale was writ to, and
acquainted with the design; and when he came up to court, towards the
end of October, the project of gratifying the prelates In violent
measures, and of bringing down the Highlanders, was brought to a hearing
" (Wodrow, Sufferings of the Church of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 372).]
Whether, however, the
government was acting of set purpose or not, whether a rising was really
desired or not, it is at any rate plain that there was necessity for
vigorous action on the part of the ruling powers. Violent repression of
the people had resulted in violent acts of reprisal on their part, and
prompt action was necessary if those of the clergy who had conformed
were to be protected from the exasperated populace. The West was not in
the peaceful state that many covenanting writers have represented. In
the western shires conventicler were frequent. Burnet states that there
was generally present at the conventicles a body of "armed and desperate
men," who took all military precautions to protect the more peaceable
portion of the assemblage against surprise. [Burnet, History of His Own
Time, p. 277.] Both Blackadder and Kirk-ton admit that people went to
and from worship well armed and sometimes protected by squadrons of
horse, and that the conventicles were not only becoming larger and being
held more frequently but that they had grown much more warlike in their
general aspect. So desperate, indeed, had the situation become that by
November, 1677, it was plainly stated in a letter to Lord Rothes from
the Commissioners charged with putting down conventicles in Ayrshire and
Renfrewshire that "it was not in their power to quyet these disorders."
[Register of Privy Council of Scotland, vol. v. (Third Series) p. 280. ]
Concerning even the City of Glasgow, the Privy Council, in a letter
addressed to the magistrates, dated May, 1677, complained that, in spite
of all laws and acts of Parliament, great numbers of citizens were in
the habit of deserting the public worship within the city for the
purpose of attending conventicles. [Ibid. p. 158.] Lauderdale himself,
writing in September, 1678, to the Earl of Danby, says that he fears
trouble from no part of Scotland except the West, although even there he
fears little so long as the people find no leaders among the gentry and
nobility. His preparations were already being made, however, for any
possible emergency, and he had asked that the English troops in Ireland
might be massed in the northern part of the island, ready, should
occasion arise, for an immediate descent upon the Scottish coast.
[The Earl of Lauderdale
to the Earl of Danby, Lord High Treasurer: 4th September, 1677.
Blessing God that the
country is very quiet; the writer says: "We are well rid of the feild
conventicles except the disaffected West countrey wch hath been quiet a
great while. But of late that villain Welsh with his associats the feild
preachers have kept a great bussel. They have keept scandalous feild
conventicles of multitudes in these parts. They preach and write to open
rebellion, but I doe not feare rebellion seing no gentleman comes near
them; yet we will heir make ourselves ready because they are a set of
fanatick enthusiastick fooles, and no more guided by rules of reason
than Fifthe Monarchie Men. And therefore I have desired the King to send
present orders into Ireland that such a partie of the army in that
Kingdome may march into the North of Ireland under the comand of my Lord
Granard as was formerly to be ready, if there be occasion."
Historical MSS.
Commission, Report IX., Appendix x. p. 452.]
It was not long before
Lauderdale's opinion as to the critical state of affairs in the West
received ample confirmation. Lord Dundonald, in the course of a visit to
the disaffected districts, found that conventicles were held very
frequently, especially in the district of Carrick, that meeting-houses
were being built, and that an armed attack had been made upon the manse
of Tarbolton, the minister escaping only on account of a fortunate
absence from home. These things Dundonald felt it his duty to report.
[Lord Dundonald to the
Earl of Lauderdale.
May it please your Grace,
I had occasion at my comeing west to come beer to the shyre of Ayre ffor
doeing of some of my affaires. At my being beer, I fand such insolent
abuses comitted That I thought it my duety to give your Gr. ane accompt
theirof, ffor not onely are the conventicles very frequent especially in
Carrick where they are keeped in every parosh allmost every week. And
have deserted their oune paroshes which they frequented formerly, Bot
they allso take up the churches that are planted and preaches in ym as
they did in Tarbolitoune on Sabath wes a sevennyt, & its probable will
doe the tyke in other places. I ame certainely informed yesternyt That
Mr. Welsh hes intimat a corFiunion to be cellebrat at Garven wt in
Carrick on Sunday next, And a house building on purpose for yt effect,
And their is a contribution gathering in Mayboil to build ane other
house their; I gote allso advertisement yesternight that seven or eight
armed men brake in at a window of the Minrs house of Tarbolltoune and
searched all the house for the Minr, who wes that night abroad, and they
commanded his servantes to tell him that if ever he preached their
againe he should die the next day. If thir abuses be not tymeously
prevented it may come to a greater hight which I wish may be speediely
thought upon. These are from
Your Gr. most humble
servant,
DUN DONALD.
Auchants, x4th Octor, 77.
Lauderdale Papers, edited Airy, vol. iii. p. 88.]
The hysterical state into
which those at the head of affairs were thrown by such reports as these,
received an added stimulus from the exaggerated rumours of disturbance
which were common at the time. The Duke of Hamilton, writing on October
6th, 1677, to the Duke of Queensberry, disposed of one such
characteristic report by telling him that the current story of an armed
encounter between some of the King's troops and a number of countrymen
who had been surprised at a conventicle, had its origin in a brawl
involving only three soldiers who had become separated from their
comrades and had behaved very rudely towards some of the civil
population, whereupon the countrymen had set upon them, beaten them and
disarmed them. The greater part of the tales of the wild doings of the
Whigs had as little foundation in fact as the one thus exploded.
The Earl of Nithsdale did
a great deal to spread such reports in Edinburgh, where his inventions
created something almost amounting to a panic. Ably assisted by the
bishops, the Earl reported, with much wealth of circumstantial detail,
that the conventicler were armed camps, and that the Whigs were well
equipped with weapons of every kind and mounted on horses brought over
from Ireland for their use, the result being that the government
immediately set on foot preparations for the conflict that seemed so
imminent. [The following is quoted by the Duke of Hamilton to
Queensberry as part of a letter sent him by L.G., "a friend that lives
near Stirling": "Ther wes a great allarom att Edinburgh that the West
was aboutt rysing in arms. The bishops bleu the coill, and Earl
NithsdaIe wes cheaff informer, for he sed ther wer conventickels keapt
consisting off over 3000, wheroff 1000 als weall mounted and armd as any
in the nation to his certen knowledg. Some others told that some
gentlemens houses were provyded with arms far abov the condition of
pryvett families; that in some wer 20 pair off pistols, 20 carbyns,
besyd mussquetts and fyerlocks. Bott the principall poynt wes moir
considerable, which is, that within this year or thereby 7000 horses ar
transported from Ireland; hitherto non can geit account of them bott
that they ar in the hands off disaffected persons in the western and
suthern shyrs."
Historical MSS Commission, Report XV., Appendix viii. p. 230.]
Lauderdale's constant
complaint with regard to the conventicles thus wildly reported, was that
the ministers who officiated at them were not only spiritual guides but
political incendiaries, inciting their flock to rebellion by vehement
denunciation of the King and his representatives in Scotland. That his
fears with regard to the eloquence of these preachers were not unfounded
is evident from the following account of a conventicle, sent by
Lauderdale himself to Viscount Granard, then in command of the English
troops massed on the north east coast of Ireland. The letter
accompanying the report of the meeting is dated November 26th, 16fi7,
and is sent by the hand of Mr. Patrick Menzies, Secretary to Lauderdale.
[Historical MSS. Commission, Marquis of Ormonde (New Series), vol. iv.
p. 69.]
"1677, November 5.
Carrick.—Sunday was sennight, Mr. Welsh kept a most numerous conventicle
in and about their new built meeting-house in the parish of Girvan,
where were present Mr. Dick Cunningham, Gilchryst, Gilbert and Robert
Kennedy, preachers, and about 7000 people, and the communion was
celebrated, and upwards of 2000 persons received it; who, before
communicating, were all engaged solemnly never to hear the orthodox
ministers more, and to adhere to and pursue the glorious ends of the
Solemn League and Covenant. Mr. Welsh preached on John ii., 34, 35, and
amongst other seditious doctrines he said: "The Kings, nobles and
prelates are the murderers of Christ," and then, sitting down in his
chair, said: "Oh! people, I will be silent—speak, oh people, and tell me
what good hath this King done since his home-coming—yea, hath he not
done all the mischief that a tyrant could do both by his life and laws,"
and told the people that the present solemnity was appointed to restore
Mr. Gilbert Kennedy, the Nonconformist, to his cure at Girvan, and that
this was more Christ-like than an erastian indulgence. Monday after they
kept a Presbytery, and chose Welsh moderator, and having published and
received the penitence of one Mr. Cunningham (who had received
ordination from the late Bishop of Galloway), for ever disowning
episcopacy, they appointed him to be ordained by new imposition of
hands. They proceeded to make acts, such as 1°, the people should not
rise in arms till provoked thereunto, and that thereupon the sign should
be given them to make ready: 2°, that people should be dissuaded to hear
the orderly ministers any more, but they are not to hurt their persons
or break their houses till they should be found acting against the cause
of God by complaining to authorities, and that those are to be fallen
upon. This they warranted from the commission the Israelites had to
destroy the Canaanites."
[A somewhat fuller
account of the same gathering is to be found in S.P. Dom. Car. II., vol.
397, No. 146. The paper is headed "An account of the present posture of
affairs in the shires of Ayr and Renfrew." It amplifies the account of
the gathering thus: "The communion was celebrated with silver cups, and
at least soon people received. They distributed tickets to the people by
some chosen to be elders. Many scandalous persons were admitted, such as
William Kelso in Ayr, who since rides well armed in Welch's life
guard.... The people's promise was taken before their admission to the
Sacrament, never to hear curates again, but they should ever adhere to
their League and Covenant.
"On Monday they kept a
Presbytery, when Welch was Moderator, and there were many lay Elders.
Welch was appointed to dispose of the money collected, at his pleasure.
Gilbert Kennedy was removed and censured for not preaching warmly enough
against the wicked ways of the nobles, the prelates, and their
adherents. After this Mr. Cunningham made his repentance for having
owned and served under episcopacy, and got the right hand of fellowship
and is to receive new ordination. It was also enacted that people should
not rise in arms till they should be some way oppressed and provoked,
and that then the signs should be given them to make ready, that all the
world might see they would not invade the rights of the worst pretenders
without just cause and that the Elders and others favouring the Cause
should dissuade the people from hearing the curates, but not to hurt
them or break their houses, till they be found acting against the Cause
of God by complaining to the great ones, and those who did so should be
fallen upon. And this they warranted from the Israelites their
destroying such of the Canaanites, as would not take peace when offered.
Hereupon the breaking of Mr. Naismyth's house was commended, saying he
was an incendiary."]
Since these were the
reports that Lauderdale received and presumably believed, it is little
matter for wonder that he should write that the conventicles were "of a
sudden both more numerous and insolent than formerly" and that he felt
himself justified in suspecting those who attended them to " intend
somewhat more than bare preaching and praying." [Historical MSS.
Commission, Marquis of Ormonde (New Series), vol. iv. p. 61.] He had
also good reason to believe the Whigs to be well able to resort to the
arbitrament of arms should they resolve to do so. He had received
information that at a fair held at Maybole a great many swords had been
sold to the country people. [S.P. Dom. Car. II., vol. 397, No. 146.] A
report from another source had given him reason to believe that arms had
been brought from Holland and were concealed in Glasgow and Edinburgh in
the houses and shops of those favourable to the cause. Neither was money
reported to be wanting among the Whigs, the information being that their
sympathisers in London had already sent some two thousand pounds in view
of a possible rising. [S.P. Ireland Car. II., vol. 338, No. 131.] Most
of the gentry in the east and west of Scotland, but especially those of
Clydesdale and Galloway, were said to be in favour of such a rising, and
common report pointed to the Duke of Hamilton as the leader already
chosen for this imminent rebellion. ["They will now fall upon a way who
shall patronize them in this, and lead when the people are readie ; they
all agree generally upon my Lord Duke Hamilton as the fittest persone,
for severall reasones alleadged by them." Historical MSS. Commission,
Report XI., Appendix vi. p. 157.] The story went that the men of the
conventicles had approached the Duke's factor, who was known to be in
sympathy with them, but that the Duke, when sounded by him on the
matter, had declined to give any decisive answer, contenting himself
with granting them liberty to hold conventicles in the lands under his
jurisdiction, and with a general recommendation to "secresy and
prudence." [Ibid.]
From all the evidence,
therefore, it is clear that Lauderdale had abundant reason to believe
that the West was not in such a peaceful condition as was maintained by
Hamilton and his supporters in their report afterwards made to the King
on "some particular matters of fact relating to the administration of
affairs in Scotland under the Duke of Lauderdale." [Ibid. Report XI.,
Appendix iv. p. 30 (quoted in Appendix).]
Hamilton himself,
although anxious to clear his people from any charge ofmaking
preparations for armed rebellion, was in honesty compelled to
acknowledge to his private friends that, in his opinion, peace would be
maintained only so long as no attempt was made by the Government to
enforce obedience, and that the men of the West would never conform
unless compelled by force of arms. [That itt will be possible to reclame
the people from conventickls or gett them to take this bond I much doubt
of itt. Lett us all do what wee can, so what may be the ishew if other
measurs be not taken that ar not yett tryed, God he knowes." Letter from
Hamilton to Queensberry, 3oth August, 1677. Historical MSS. Commission,
Report XV., Appendix viii. p. 223.] Since Lauderdale and his government
had determined to go forward with the religious policy already adopted,
and were resolved upon the submission of the Whigs, it was evident that
the time for recourse to measures of force was near. Already, on 5th
October, 1677, the Privy Council, in a Report signed by Lauderdale
himself as President, had definitely set forth their position with
regard to conventicles. ["Report of the humble opinion of the Committee
for publick affairs, concerning the way of prosecuting his Majesties
laws against such as disturb the government of the Church." Ibid. Report
XI., Appendix vi. p. 156.] The Council now proceeded to the more active
step of asking the Commissioners of Militia and some other gentlemen of
the shires of Ayr and Renfrew to meet to deliberate how an end might be
put to the seditious courses of the people of these two shires, saying
that this request was made in view of " there having bene frequent
informatiounes sent in heir of the extraordinary insolencies committed
not onlie against the present orthodox clergy by usurping their pulpitts,
threattning and abusing their personnes, setting up of conventickling
houses and keeping of scandalous and seditious feild conventicles, bot
lykwayes of the great predjudice that is lyk to aryse to his Majesties
authoritie and government and to the peace of the kingdome in general."
[Historical MSS. Commission, Report XI., Appendix vi. p. 156.]
Lauderdale had already
faced the questions of the best means of dealing with those who refused
to conform and of suppressing a possible rising. He knew the indomitable
spirit of those with whom he had to deal; he was well aware that the
militia could not be trusted, ["There is not a regiment in all the
militia of Scotland that his Majesty's commissioner puts trust in and
that is his incomparable prudence, for to tell the truth his grace hath
no reason," writes Mr. Matthew Mackail to Sir John Frederick, Member of
the House of Commons. S.P. Dom. Car. I1., vol. 404, No. 194.] since it
consisted chiefly of "commons much inclined to that opinion"; [Sir
George Mackenzie, Memoirs, p. 239.] the regular forces in Scotland were
a mere handful, consisting as they did of a troop of Life Guards under
the command of the Marquis of Atholl, numbering 160 private gentlemen
with their officers, and the regiment of Foot Guards made up of ten
companies of 100 men each, the whole regiment with officers,
non-commissioned officers and men numbering 1100 men. [A Military
History of Perthshire, edited by the Marchioness of Tullibardine, vol. i.
p. ii. " As (owing to condition of public revenue) wee dde now
entertaine but one Regiment of our Foote Guard, so we will only keep up
one Troope of Horse for our Horse Guard." 7th February, 1676. Warrant
Book, Scotland, Car. II., vol. iii. pp. 356 and 357.] Sir George
Mackenzie, in his Memoirs, gives the official view of the strength of
the malcontents, estimating their force, although probably with some
exaggeration, as easily amounting to ten thousand men. ["It was most
easy for two or three conventicles by joining together, to make an army
of ten thousand men, to whom all of that persuasion would probably
gather." Sir George Mackenzie, Memoirs, p. 239.] In spite of such
exaggeration, however, on the part of those who wished to emphasise the
serious nature of the situation, the forces of the Covenanters, who were
shown by the subsequent operations of the Host itself to be well armed
and prepared for war, were certainly more than adequate to meet the
regular forces of the Crown in Scotland. Lauderdale, seeing the crisis
to be at hand, had, on 27th October, 1677, authorised Sir George Munro,
Major-General of the forces in Scotland, [Warrant Book, Scotland, Car.
II., vol. iii., No. 35.] to act as commander-in-chief of any troops
brought together " for opposing any Rebellion or Insurrection there, if
any shall happen to be." [Ibid. vol. iv., No. 261.] Should such a
general rising ensue, however, it was evident that the small body of
Regular troops in Scotland must be supplemented by irregular forces. The
danger was increasingly imminent. It was plain that the West would yield
only to coercion; both landowners and tenants in the shires were
inclined to the covenanting party, and had, with few exceptions, refused
to sign the Bond abjuring their nonconforming ways. Lauderdale, to whom
nonconformity in religion meant disloyalty to the Crown and rebellion
against all settled government, had determined that they must yield. To
enforce his will, troops were necessary. The depleted state of the
public treasury made it undesirable that these troops should come from
without the borders of Scotland. In these circumstances, Lauderdale
bethought him of the military forces of the clans, a source of warlike
strength which many succeeding statesmen were to exploit. |
