also developments and vicissitudes peculiar to
themselves. An interval of quiet which existed at the beginning of the
period was succeeded by prolonged controversy in the political world. The
Act of Catholic Emancipation in 1829 introduced novel elements into the
British Legislature, and the Reform Act of 1832 created a new franchise in
counties and burghs, bringing with it for ten years the rule of Whig
Governments and the animated discussions which their measures called
forth. Municipal government was likewise transformed. Railways began with
the line from Manchester to Liverpool in 1830. Steamships had previously
been utilised for coasting purposes and for short voyages, but the first
steamers to cross the Atlantic and inaugurate an ocean service made their
voyages in 1838. In the same year the scheme of penny postage proposed by
Rowland Hill forced itself on public attention, and in 1840 the new system
came into operation. The reduction of taxes on newspapers brought down the
price of Scottish journals from sevenpence to fourpence-halfpenny, a step
which was then considered a great advance, qualified by misgivings as to
the possible deterioration of the press! Education was making progress in
the remote and neglected districts of Scotland through the efforts of the
Church. The first public grant for English education, the modest sum of
£20,000, was given by Parliament in 1833. Sheep farming expanded in the
Highlands, and there was a steady progress in agriculture. The first show
of the Highland Society was held at Inverness in 1831, the second in 1839.
The record, however, is not
altogether one of progress. The condition of the western islands and of
congested districts in the northern mainland was going from bad to worse.
Population had increased beyond the means of subsistence. Accounts which
appear in our newspaper reports, confirmed by the inquiry of a
Parliamentary Committee, form painful reading. Emigration took place on a
large scale, mainly in the first instance to British North America, but
latterly also to Australia. At the same time, knowledge of the Highlands
was extending through increased facilities of travel provided by steamers
and coaches. In the thirties sport began to be a recognised element of
income. In the towns and the more accessible regions there was evidence of
advancement. Better houses were built, roads were completed, the burghs
were lighted with gas, the local administration of affairs was improved by
the establishment of forces of constabulary and the better equipment of
Courts. The old prisons, which had long been a scandal, were giving place
to a superior class of buildings. New lighthouses were springing up on the
coasts. A severe visitation of cholera in 1832 caused great distress and
anxiety, but it had some effect in directing attention to the necessity of
sanitation. Customs and practices of old standing tended to disappear. The
period was, in brief, the beginning of the modern era. A revolution was
taking place, carrying with it, like most revolutions, a mixture of
blessing, suffering, and danger. Towards the close, the Church of Scotland
had embarked on the great controversy which shortly afterwards ended in
the Disruption.
When the period began Lord Liverpool
was still at the head of affairs, assisted by a Cabinet which was divided
on the subject of Catholic claims and on commercial questions. The
representation of Scottish burghs was entirely in the hands of Town
Councils, which voted through their Provosts, and gave little trouble to
the Government. Within the burghs there was at the moment more desire for
municipal than political reform. The remark that "even in some instances
burghs are almost advertising for members to represent them," must have
been of very partial application, but it indicates the spirit which
prevailed in some quarters in prospect of the election of 1826. In the
counties during that election there was more excitement, and Charles
Grant, afterwards Lord Glenelg, had to face a contest in the county of
Inverness, the first that had taken place since the election of his father
in a three-cornered fight in 1802. His opponent, Lord Macdonald, however,
was decisively beaten. Grant was favourable to Catholic claims, but
otherwise cautious and accommodating.
The death of the Premier, Lord
Liverpool, in 1827 let loose many rivalries and jealousies. Canning, who
succeeded him in the office of Prime Minister, was unable to retain his
most important colleagues, and passed away in a few months, leaving a
distracted situation. Lord Goderich’s attempt to carry on an
administration came to a premature end, and the Duke of Wellington was
installed in office, with Sir Robert Peel as leader of the House of
Commons. The Whigs, including Charles Grant, were represented in the
Ministry, but they soon had differences with their colleagues, and
resigned. The victory of the Catholic Association, the election of
O’Connell for Clare, and the concession of Catholic Emancipation,
introduced the stormy period. Great distress existed both in the rural and
manufacturing population, and discontent brought about the desire for
political reform. George IV. died in June 1830, and the accession of
William IV. came just at the time when the public temper was excited. An
extraordinary stimulus was given to the reform movement by the revolution
in France and the revolt which severed the temporary union of Belgium and
Holland. Before the close of the year Wellington’s Government was
defeated, and Earl Grey entered on office, with the understanding that he
was to take up the subject of Reform. The agitation on the subject did not
slacken until the bill was passed in the summer of 1832. Then began the
reign of the ten-pound householders in burghs and the fifty-pounders in
counties. As we have said, the Whigs, first under Earl Grey and afterwards
under Lord Melbourne, had possession of the Government until 1841,
although for a short time, at the summons of the Sovereign, Sir Robert
Peel intervened, and attempted, without success, to secure a Conservative
majority. In the years from 1830 to 1841, there were no fewer than six
general elections. In the Inverness Burghs this number was supplemented by
two bye-elections, and in the county by three. There was not a contest on
every occasion, but the weapons were kept sharpened, and a contest was
only avoided when the defeated forces were exhausted and hopeless. During
the last five years the Whig Government, under Lord Melbourne, was weak
and discredited, though it did useful work. When it fell in 1841, Sir
Robert Peel entered on office with a majority of sixty-eight, and with the
prospect of a long tenure of power. The rise of new conditions, through
the agitation for the abolition of the Corn Laws and the famine in
Ireland, belongs to a later period.
The change in political conditions
imparted fresh life to the newspapers. For the eleven years from 1830 to
1841 political contests and speeches were at high pressure. In 1830
Charles Grant had to encounter another contest in the county of Inverness.
His retirement from the Duke of Wellington’s Government and his support of
Catholic claims had given offence. At a preliminary trial of strength,
however, on the election of a chairman at the meeting of freeholders,
Grant had a majority of nine votes (34 to 25), and his opponent, Macleod
of Macleod,
withdrew. At the election of 1831, when the country rang with the shout of
"The bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," Grant was returned
without opposition, receiving in the burgh a great ovation. In 1832, in
the new constituency, he had a majority against Macleod of 44. But before
another election a reaction had taken place. In 1835 Grant fought his last
battle for the county, and, with a majority of seven, was once more
returned. But the reconstituted Melbourne Government, in which he became
Colonial Secretary, did not care to risk a bye-election, and he was raised
to the Upper House as Lord Glenelg. In the contest which followed,
Chisholm of Chisholm carried the seat for the Conservatives, and though he
was soon removed by death, the county did not return to its former
allegiance. On the contrary, it retained unbroken its political complexion
as Conservative for the long term of fifty years. Two members held the
seat for forty-five years—Mr Henry Baillie from 1840 to 1868, and the late
Cameron of Lochiel from 1868 to 1885.
In the burghs during the period
there were numerous contests. Sir Robert Grant, younger brother of
Charles, held the representation from 1826 to 1830, but for some reason,
which was supposed to be personal, the municipal authorities declined to
re-elect him, choosing in his place Colonel Baillie of Leys, an
Anglo-Indian, who had made himself popular in Inverness as a neighbour. In
1831— when the old system still prevailed—Major Cumming Bruce secured the
support of Nairn and Forres, and was elected. In 1832, in the new
constituency, there was a three-cornered fight, between Colonel Baillie,
Mr Stewart of Belladrum (who stood as a Liberal), and Major Cumming Bruce;
and Colonel Baillie won the seat. In a few months, however, he died, and
the burghs had to go through another contest. On this occasion the
struggle was between Major Cumming Bruce and Mr Stewart, and the former
was successful. He represented the constituency for other four years. An
attempt was made to oust him in 1835, when a keen contest occurred between
himself and Mr Edward Ellice, but Cumming Bruce triumphed with the small
majority of four votes. Personally, "The Major" was a popular candidate,
combative, frank, and determined; and Ellice, clever and agreeable as he
was, had the disadvantage of being a stranger. Cumming Bruce had strong
support in Forres, where he was well known, and the family influence was
powerful. In Inverness itself he divided the vote so evenly that he was
only in a minority of one. But the expense of contesting the burghs was
too much for him. The contest of 1835, it is said, cost himself and Mr
Ellice £1500 a-piece—a sum so large that the tradition of profuse
pecuniary gifts distributed during the canvass may have had a substantial
foundation. At the general election of 1837, Major Cumming Bruce retired,
but did all he could to secure the return, in the Conservative interest,
of the heir of Scatwell, afterwards Sir James R. Mackenzie. The effort
failed. The burghs broke with the Conservatives. The Whig candidate, Mr
Macleod of Cadboll, carried the seat by a majority of 19. Unfortunately,
his health failed, and in 1840 he resigned, causing a bye-election. On
this occasion the contest lay between a London merchant, Mr James
Morrison, and a native of Inverness, Mr John Fraser, Cromarty House. Mr
Morrison was successful, and at the general election next year was
re-elected without opposition.
In the County of Ross, Mr Stewart
Mackenzie of Seaforth, who was a reformer, secured the representation in
1830, and continued to hold it until 1837, when he was appointed Governor
of Ceylon. On his retirement there was an exciting contest, which resulted
in the return of the Conservative candidate, Mr Mackenzie of Applecross.
In the Northern Burghs and the County of Sutherland the Whig interest
prevailed.
In going through the newspapers of
the Reform period, the reader finds that political dinners were a
prominent characteristic. Before the passing of the Franchise Act it was
the custom for members on their election to entertain their supporters,
and sometimes the successful and unsuccessful candidates gave dinner
parties the same evening, and exchanged deputations. The dinner given by
Colonel Baillie of Leys on his return in 1830 was a sumptuous affair, with
turtles from London and wines of the finest. When the franchise had been
extended the electors themselves took the initiative. After nearly every
contest—and sometimes between times—there was a feast. On occasion each
party in each burgh had its banquet to celebrate a triumph, to find solace
for defeat, or to prepare for future efforts. The Reform struggle called
forth public meetings and processions as well as dinners. The oratory is
copiously reported. Generally the speaking, most of it no doubt carefully
prepared, was eloquent and appropriate. The passion of the hour lingers in
the musty columns. The student of politics can still find interest in
arguments, denunciations, and witticisms, albeit the flavour is
antiquarian. Popular gatherings of the kind were new in the North, and on
that account the more appreciated. What is described as "the first open
meeting ever held in Inverness for a political purpose" was carried out
under the auspices of the Reform Committee in May 1832. It was preceded by
a procession of trades and public bodies, with banners flying. One of the
greatest dinners, a Conservative demonstration, was held in November 1836
at Invergordon, where a building which was used as a flax factory was
arranged to accommodate 247 persons. To furnish supplies a shipload of
provisions was brought from Inverness. In the reaction which followed
Reform political enthusiasm was stimulated by an ecclesiastical upheaval.
The Whigs were accused of truckling to O’Connell. The Ministerial
proposals regarding Irish Church funds and tithes inflamed opposition. In
1835-6 a northern Protestant association came into existence, and the
feeling of which it was the expression helped to detach the counties from
the Whig interest. Since then Ireland has often upset political parties,
and the end is not yet in sight.
A picturesque incident in our local
annals was the visit of Lord Brougham while Lord Chancellor. In the autumn
of 1834 he made a trip northward, coming by way of Badenoch, travelling
thence to Dunrobin, and going back by the east coast. At that time his
reputation in the provinces stood high, although his flighty and violent
character had alienated alike his colleagues and the King. Brougham’s
northern tour resembled a Royal progress. He was hailed by admiring
crowds, and addresses and burgess tickets poured in from corporations. The
visit precipitated his own downfall and the dismissal of the Ministry. His
speech at Inverness reads as if he had not been quite master of himself.
In his political allusions he fanned the differences in the party, and his
references to the King were a curious mixture of fawning and familiarity.
He spoke of his Majesty’s gracious condescension and favour to himself,
and announced that by that night’s post he would inform him of the fervent
loyalty of the Highland Capital. He had hardly returned home when the King
dismissed the Ministry, and called in the Duke of Wellington and Sir
Robert Peel. It was a false move on the sovereign’s part. The nation once
more returned a majority on behalf of a Whig Government. But at least the
Sovereign and the Ministers got rid of Brougham, who was never called
again to office. The end to a great political career—for in spite of all
deductions his career had great elements—was thus singularly dramatic.
There are touches in our columns which set forth the personality of the
statesman who then filled such a large space in the public eye. Brougham
had am immense capacity for work. It is mentioned that "he wrote seventeen
long letters with his own hand after his memorable speech at Inverness,
all which were duly forwarded by that night’s post"—presumably the
promised letter to the King among the number. In the town he ordered
Highland tartans, and there is a tradition that the order being vague in
its terms, he was supplied with a quantity which lasted in perpetuity.
Four years afterwards there is a note that in London he had laid aside,
"at least for a time," the tartan trousers and waistcoat which he had worn
since his northern tour. Whether resumed or not, they had proved so
distinctive that they continued in favour with caricaturists.
Another incident in connection with
the Chancellor’s tour was not recorded at the time, but appeared
afterwards in the memoirs of Sir David Brewster, who was living in
Badenoch in the thirties. Brougham was the guest of the Duchess of Bedford
at the Doune of Rothiemurchus, and Brewster was one of the party. Alter
the Chancellor had retired to rest, on the plea of indisposition, the
question arose whether he carried the Great Seal with him. "The Duchess
declared her intention of ascertaining the fact, and ordered a cake of
soft dough to be made. A procession of lords, ladies, and gentlemen was
then formed, Sir David carrying a pair of silver candlesticks, and the
Duchess bearing a silver salver, on which was placed the dough. The
invalid lord was roused from his first sleep by this strange procession,
and a peremptory demand that he should get up and exhibit the Great Seal;
he whispered ruefully to Sir David that the first half of this request he
could not possibly comply with, but asked him to bring a certain
strange-looking box; when this was done he gravely sat up—impressed the
seal upon the cake of dough—the procession retired in order, and the Lord
Chancellor returned to his pillow." This specimen of "high jinks" was a
prelude to the tragi-comedy of the subsequent part of his tour.
The reform of municipalities in
Scotland was carried out in 1833 by two bills introduced by Lord Advocate
Jeffrey, dealing with Royal and Parliamentary burghs. His measures gave
the same municipal franchise for Town Councils as for Parliament, and the
old system of self-election came to an end. Before the close of the year
the new Town Councils were chosen. The first Provost of Inverness under
the changed system was Mr John Mackenzie, agent for the Bank of Scotland,
who had taken a prominent part in support of political reform. So highly
was he esteemed that prior to the formation of the new Council he was
presented with a handsome piece of plate "in acknowledgment of his
strenuous and valuable services in support of popular rights during Earl
Grey’s administration, a period of the highest importance to the political
independence and welfare of the nation." Mr Mackenzie was unable, on
account of the state of his health, to retain office for more than a year,
but his services during that short period were much appreciated. He was
succeeded by Mr John Fraser, father of the late Rev. Dr Donald Fraser, who
held office for two years. He might have retained the position longer if
he and his friends had known that, being Provost, and so chosen for three
years, he was not obliged to seek re-election in 1836. In the contest
which ensued he was defeated in one ward, and though elected in another,
he preferred to retire. Political feeling at the moment played an active
part in municipal affairs, and for a time, apart from the Provostship, the
Council was equally divided between Whigs and Tories. In such a condition
of affairs the vote of the Provost was of importance.. The Whig
Councillors at one juncture— the election of a member between terms -
conimitted the mistake of absenting themselves so as to deprive the
meeting of a quorum. The remaining members, however, attended the meeting,
and elected their man, and the legality of their action was upheld in the
Court of Session. The tension of municipal elections kept the burgh almost
as lively as Parliamentary contests. In the seven years from 1833 to 1840
four Provosts came and went—Messrs Mackenzie, Fraser, Ferguson, and
Cumming—the last retiring when he was defeated in the nomination of
bailies. Provost Ferguson was the only one of the four who occupied his
full term. On the retirement of Provost Cumming, Dr J. I. Nicol was
elected to the vacancy in the Council and called to the chair. He was
re-elected the following year. All this time, however, the conduct of
local affairs was carried on with spirit The question whether there should
be a legal assessment for the poor served to abate political dissension.
The proposal arose in the Kirk-Session, but the Town Council by a large
majority opposed it. In the neighbouring burghs also political feeling
mingled with local questions, and stimulated the activity of the
electorate. In the circumstances of the day this state of matters was
inevitable, and worked no particular harm.
Before passing from municipal
changes, it may be noted that one of the first acts of the Inverness Town
Council was to abolish the office of burgh hangman, a functionary who had
enjoyed considerable remuneration and numerous perquisites. We are told
that in the nineteen years during which the last occupant held the
appointment he had carried out "just three executions," and that
calculating the proportion of annual payments, the cost might be reckoned
at from £300 to £400 a piece. The third of these gruesome services was
performed in the case of Macleod, the Assynt murderer, who paid the
penalty of his crime in October 1831. In October 1835, however, another
man, Adam, was executed for the Mulbuy murder. There is no mention in our
files of the man who performed this duty. Happily Adam was the last person
executed in Inverness.
The Church of Scotland held
undisputed supremacy in the Highlands during the period of which we are
writing. Its activity in discharge of its duties deserves ample
acknowledgment. There was very little dissent. The large size, however, of
many of the parishes crippled the usefulness of the clergy, and it was
considered a great advance when a Parliamentary grant, given in 1823,
secured the addition of forty ministers to the equipment of the National
Church. A report on education, prepared in 1825 by the Rev. Donald Fraser,
of Kirkhill, states that even with these new appointments there were only
264 clergy in the Establishment (including 40 missionaries) for a
population of 416,000 persons, embraced in the counties of Argyll,
Inverness, Nairn, Ross and Cromarty, Sutherland, Caithness, Orkney, and
Shetland, with the Gaelic districts of Moray, and of Dunkeld, in
Perthshire. In the same wide region there were at that time only
thirty-five ministers of "every denomination of dissenters," and six or
eight Roman Catholic priests. Episcopalian Churches are set down as six in
number, and the congregations of "Seceders, Independents, and other
Protestant dissenters" at twenty-nine. The following detailed figures may
be of interest:- Episcopalians Synod of Moray, 1 (obviously in Inverness);
Synod of Glenelg, 2; Synod of Ross, 2; Synod of Argyll, 1—total, 6.
Seceders, &c.—Synod of Moray, 5; Ross, 3; Sutherland and Caithness, 3;
Argyll, 7; Orkney and Shetland (English-speaking), 11—total, 29. Within
the Established Church the two parties known as Moderate and Evangelical
had conflicts between themselves, but they co-operated for the improvement
of the people. Though a large part of the population was unable to read,
they all entertained great respect for religious ordinances, and attended
service when they had opportunity. Communion gatherings were large and
impressive. Disputed settlements occasionally excited keen feelings, as
may be seen from the newspaper columns. In some places—they do not appear
to have been numerous—religious services were carried on by local
religious leaders, but the people in those cases rarely disapproved of the
National Church as an institution. Towards the end of our period the
conflict arising from the Veto Act engrossed a large amount of public
attention, but within the limits covered by our volume the organisation of
the Church remained unbroken.
The work of education in the
Highlands was carried on with earnestness. The Society for Propagating
Christian Knowledge, formed under the auspices of the Church in 1704, did
an excellent work in supplementing the parish schools, which in number
were totally inadequate. A limited edition of a version of the Bible in
Irish Gaelic was issued about the close of the seventeenth century, but
the New Testament in Scottish Gaelic was first printed for the Society in
1769. It was not until 1802 that the whole Bible was published in that
language. The Gaelic School Society was founded in Edinburgh in 1811, and
in 1818 a Society was formed in Inverness for the Education of the Poor in
the Highlands, for which the report above-mentioned was prepared by the
Rev. Donald Fraser, of Kirkhill. But further efforts were felt to be
necessary. Dr Norman Macleod — "Caraid nan Gaidheal," the Friend of the
Highlanders — urged the subject on the Assembly in 1824, and a deputation
consisting of himself, Principal Baird, and Mr John Gordon, the secretary,
afterwards traversed the Highlands and Islands. A revenue cruiser was
placed at their disposal in the western seas. In 1828 they reported that
they had travelled upwards of 1600 miles, having spent two months on their
journey. The visit established the melancholy fact that 90,000 persons,
between the ages of six and twenty years, could read neither English nor
Gaelic. During the first two years seventy schools were opened, and
statistics show that ultimately this Assembly scheme resulted in the
establishment of 233 common schools, attended by 22,000 pupils, with 110
sewing schools besides. In the eighteenth century schools the reading and
even the speaking of Gaelic was forbidden, but this led to a mechanical
kind of teaching which did little good to the learner. The Gaelic School
Society provided Gaelic spelling books, though Mr William Mackay says that
in spite of this "the bad old system long survived in some districts." The
late Rev. Dr Kenneth Macdonald, born in Glen-Urquhart in 1832,
corroborates this statement. "Our schoolbooks," he says, "were in English,
and not a sentence could we understand." Dr Macleod from the first set his
face against this system. In a speech in London in 1844, he drew special
attention to the fact that in the General Assembly’s schools the
Highlanders received instruction through the medium of their own beloved
language. "Some present," he said, "may object to this system, as in their
opinion unfavourable to the cultivation of English, but this is not the
case. I am quite satisfied that had we no higher object in view than the
introduction of English, we could not more effectually do it than through
the medium of Gaelic. This system has done more to introduce English in
the course of the last twenty years than the old system—that of teaching
through an unknown tongue—could do in a century." Dr Macleod’s opinion is
thus stated with no little emphasis. Certainly since his day Gaelic has
gone back, and the knowledge of English has been vastly extended.
It must not be forgotten that while
ignorance prevailed in the body of the people, an educated clergy lived in
the Highland parishes, and disseminated an influence of culture as well as
of religion. Dr Johnson found this to be the case during his famous Tour
in 1773. The late Mr Sage, of Resolis, born in 1789, relates the manner of
his education in Lath in his father’s manse at Kildonan. "With my father,"
he says, "I read Cordery’s Colloquies, Cornelius Nepos, Casar, Sallust,
Ovid, Virgil, Liv, and Horace, and along with these I was so carefully
instructed in the rules of Watt’s Latin grammar that I shall not forget
them as long as I live. . . . As I advanced in the knowledge of Latin, my
father prescribed my Sabbath tasks in that language. I began with
Castalio’s Dialogues, and, when farther advanced, read Buchanan’s Psalms."
Mr Leask, in his Life of the late Dr Thomas Maclauchlan, who was born in
1816, says that Maclauchlan was educated in a similar way in his father’s
manse at Moy. There also he became familiar with the Gaelic hymns of
Dugald Buchanan, which "had an immense influence on the character of the
Highlands." Nor was this all. The popular tales which were circulated
among the people captivated young Maclauchlan, and in later days he was of
service to Campbell of Islay in forming his collection. "Such," says Mr
Leask, "was the educative force in the North at the time—Latin and
folk-lore, the marchen of the country. Whether a newer race, reared in
Board schools and on scientific extracts. crammed with the tributaries of
the Danube and the length of the Brahmaputra and the Irrawady, is more
adequately prepared than was the old, trained on the Latin grammar and the
national history, is a question which Aberdeen graduates have not yet
sufficiently considered." Let us hope, however, that modern education is
not so defective as the writer apprehends.
The clergy in the North at the time
comprised names that were locally influential, and are not yet forgotten.
The Rev. Dr Rose, who was associated chiefly with the Inverness High
Church, was an impressive preacher, and had a position in the Northern
Counties, says a biographical sketch, "which subsequent generations can
hardly realise, as he left nothing behind to show the qualities and
resources of his character." His colleague, the Rev. Alexander Clark, was
another minister of great mental activity and a powerful preacher. The
West Church, built for him, was opened in 1840. The North Church was
erected in 1837, to secure the services of the Rev. Archibald Cook,
afterwards of Daviot, whose piety was peculiarly acceptable to the Gaelic
people. In the Presbytery of Inverness, the Rev. Donald Fraser, of
Kirkhill, was the acknowledged leader of the Evangelical party in the
district. He died suddenly from the effects of an accident in 1836. The
most inspiring pulpit orator, however, was Dr Macdonald, of Ferintosh,
known as the Apostle of the North from his work as an evangelist in the
Highlands. Along with him may be mentioned the Rev. John Kennedy, of
Killearnan (father of the late Dr Kennedy, of Dingwall), Mr Carment, of
Rosskeen; and Hugh Miller’s friend, Mr Stewart, of Cromarty.
In our first volume we gave
statistics relating to the population in the beginning of the century in
the five (nominally six) Northern Counties of Inverness, Nairn, Ross, and
Cromarty, Sutherland and Caithness. In the year 1801 the total population
of these counties was 183,038, and in 1821 it had risen to 221,012. In the
beginning of the twentieth century the population in the same region
reached 231,155, showing an increase of 48,117 as compared with the first
date, and of 10,143 as compared with the second. But in the period which
we have now reached the comparison gives quite different results. The
population in the five counties, reckoning them as a whole, went on
increasing until the middle of the nineteenth century, and after that fell
off steadily until in 1901 the total was actually 7863 lower than in 1831,
15,671 lower than in 1841, and 22,510 lower than in 1851. During the
half-century from 1851 onwards, the population of Scotland rose from
2,888,742 to 4,472,103, but the large cities and industrial centres
account for the increase. While rural districts have suffered everywhere,
the decrease in the Northern area is specially marked. As it happens, the
population of the county of Inverness reached its highest in the year
1841, but the gross total of the five counties attained its maximum in the
next decade. For convenience, we embrace the year 1851 in the present
comparison. The figures for the three decades ending in that year come out
as follows:—
|
1831 |
1841 |
1851 |
Inverness |
94,797 |
97,799 |
96,500 |
Nairnshire |
9,354 |
9,217 |
9,956 |
Ross, and Crornarty |
74,820 |
78,685 |
82,707 |
Sutherland |
25,518 |
24,782 |
25,793 |
Caithness |
34,529 |
36,343 |
38,709 |
|
239,018 |
246,826 |
253,665 |
The population of the same counties
in 1901 was as follows:—
Inverness |
90,104 |
Nairn |
9,291 |
Ross, and Crornarty |
76,450 |
Sutherland |
21,440 |
Caithness |
33,870 |
|
231,155 |
The continuous decrease which
reached such dimensions in 1901 did not, it is to be feared, end there. No
doubt can be entertained that during the last five years there has been a
further falling off. In many material respects progress was made during
the past half-century, but in the matter of population the decay is
serious. At the bottom of it all economic causes play an important part.
The evictions which took place from time to time have fixed themselves in
public memory, but they can only be regarded as lamentable incidents in a
widespread movement. As a matter of fact, most of them occurred either in
the first two decades of the nineteenth century, or in the middle of it
when population was at its culminating point. The stream of migration and
emigration from the Highlands is part of a great problem, affecting many
parts of the world as well as this country. Canada is at the present time
draining us of our most active youth. The situation as it now exists is
only an intensified form of a process which has long being going on. A
typical case is presented by the parish of Urquhart and Glenmoriston,
which had a population of 2663 in 1801 and of 3280 in 1851; whereas in
1901 it had fallen to 1828. The reduction, says Mr William Mackay, the
historian of the parish, "is accounted for by the fact that the young men
are not now satisfied with remaining at home as their fathers did, but go
out into the world, and that the young women also go out to better
themselves elsewhere." The truth is that in the Highlands our natural
resources are limited. We have no minerals to develop. Water-power may
come to be useful, but it is only at the stage of experiment.
Sheep-farming fell on evil times, and its area has certainly diminished
one-third, perhaps nearly one-half, during the last twenty years. Deer
forests have kept up values, but they are incompatible with a numerous
population. The growth of villages as summer and health resorts, and the
increase of towns which possess golf-links, are the most apparent signs of
advance. The Crofters Act has diminished discontent, and has helped in
many quarters to improve dwellings, but it has not stopped the decline of
population. Such conditions present a problem which has not yet been
considered as a whole. All that need be said here is that in the interests
of the Highlands the claims of sport, of agriculture, of small holdings,
of pastoral farming, and of the village residents, must all be kept in
view. To disregard any one of them is perilous. The fact that people
nowadays will not live under former conditions, especially when they have
hopes of making comfortable homes elsewhere; the fact that sheep farming
succumbed to a fall in prices, the deterioration of pastures, and the
increase in the expense of working; the fact also that without sporting
rents the weight of taxation would become crushing in its severity—all
these facts and others like them have to be pondered in seeking a solution
of the difficulties of the time.
In the period which the present
volume covers we have to do with the state of the Highlands under the
conditions which then prevailed. While the population was numerous and
increasing, a great amount of distress existed. This, indeed, was not
confined to the Highlands. The fluctuations in industry and in
agricultural prices called forth frequent complaints from other parts of
the country. Those social troubles which produced the Chartist movement
were in active operation. In the Highlands, however, the case was
aggravated at an early stage by sudden changes in the law which had made
kelp gathering for nearly forty years a remunerative industry on the West
Coast and in the Islands. It is with this region that the present pages
chiefly deal. Kelp produced an alkali which formed an ingredient in the
manufacture of soap and other commodities. The same substance could be
obtained at a cheaper rate from Spanish barilla, but a heavy duty kept it
out. This duty rose from £5 5s per ton in 1787 to £11 per ton in 1819, and
the price of alkali rose in proportion. But the manufacturers clamoured
for reduction—rightly enough from their point of view—and succeeded in
obtaining it. In 1822 the duty of barilla was reduced to £8, in 1823 to
£5, and in 1830 to £2. At a later date it was removed altogether, but even
before that time the reductions inflicted great hardship on a poor
population. The price of alkali fell from £11 per ton to £4. It is said
that at the height of the kelp industry from 40,000 to 50,000 people were
dependent on it. The steady growth of population intensified the misery
which followed. Landlords became embarrassed as well as people; yet it is
not to be forgotten that landlords often endeavoured to provide work to
stave off destitution. It is recorded, for instance, that in Skye in 1828
a sum of £15,000 had been spent in this way on the Macdonald estates.
Throughout the period there are
constant references to distress and to emigration. In the summer of 1828
two vessels sailed from Lochmaddy for Canada, with 600 souls on board, and
others were preparing to follow. In 1829 vessels left Skye for Cape
Breton; in 1830 "the fever of emigration" was raging in the county of
Sutherland, and vessels departed for Canada carrying, it is said, over 900
persons. At a meeting in Edinburgh in 1831, to present a memorial against
the reduction of the duty on barilla, it was stated that in the Uists and
Benbecula the population numbered 12,500 persons, and that 7000 or 8000
had no means of support, except the gathering of kelp. The representation
had no effect. It was a question of diverse interests, in which the remote
and the weaker went to the wall. An entry in July 1831 states that the
poor people in the islands were most wretched. "Their best food consists
of shell-fish, and a kind of broth made of sea-weed, nettles, and other
wild plants, into which is infused a small sprinkling of oatmeal." In 1836
the island of Lewis suffered terribly from a cold spring, which destroyed
the lambs and caused the death of several thousand sheep and 700 head of
cattle and horses. Next year we are told that the failure of the crops in
the western districts for two successive seasons had intensified the
distress, and an appeal for assistance was made both to England and
Scotland. The want of fuel in Skye drove some of the people to demolish
their turf huts, the dispossessed owners being distributed among the other
families. "We know not," it is said, "that the history of the British
people ever presented such pictures of severe unmitigated want and misery
as are exemplified at this moment in the case of the poor Highlanders." A
committee was formed in Glasgow which raised a sum of nearly £30,000, and
aid came also from other quarters, including the Government.
There is no satisfaction in dwelling
on these things, but in the history of the time they cannot be overlooked.
It must be remembered that this state of matters existed before the coming
of the great potato famine, although there are indications that potatoes
were already becoming a precarious crop. The circumstances of Skye are
described in a paper published in 1838 by the late Rev. Alexander
Macgregor (long minister of the West Church, Inverness), who was then a
licentiate of the Church living in the manse of Kilmuir. He sets down the
destitution as due to the failure of kelp and herring, the fall in the
price of black cattle, and the cessation of road-making. Mr Macgregor
blames the custom of early and improvident marriages, the low state of
husbandry, and the constant sub-division of the soil, in consequence of
which the population on many farms had doubled within sixteen years. He
also mentioned that when emigration carried away the able-bodied, they
left behind aged relatives who had lost their means of support. From all
the crowded districts movement to the colonies went forward. In 1838 it is
stated that an extensive voluntary emigration had occurred in Lochaber
during the previous two years, and that 1200 persons (one thinks there
must be some mistake in the figures) were now prepared to emigrate to
Australia under the Colonial Act, which provided for free or assisted
passages. In the same year a ship with 280 emigrants from the counties of
Ross and Inverness sailed from Cromarty, and had a sad experience, as the
vessel was leaky and the food insufficient. Evictions which occurred at
the time in the island of Harris excited much comment. In the latter part
of 1841 there were riots at Durness, in Sutherland, caused by evictions
which the local tacksmen attempted to carry out. Other cases belong to a
subsequent time.
To resume the more general record.
In 1840 Sir Robert Inglis called attention in the House of Commons to the
sad circumstances of the Highland people, asserting that many of them had
taken a pledge to confine themselves to one meal a day. The editor of the
"Courier" said he had never heard of such a pledge, and at the moment
there was no unusual crisis, but thousands lived constantly on the verge
of destitution, "dependent solely on the potato crop." The Inverness Town
Council declared that an organised system of emigration was imperiously
called for. In August 1840 it is recorded that three vessels, represented
by one firm of agents, had in course of the season carried away 463
persons from the North Coast, and that 248 were from Caithness. Over 500
persons went away from Uig and Tobermory in 1840. The parish minister of
Croick, in Rosa-shire, accompanied a band of emigrants from that district
and from Assynt to Nova Scotia. In the spring of 1841 a ship with 190
emigrants, most of them from the parish of Reay, sailed from Scrabster. In
the same year Mr Henry Baillie, member for Inverness-shire, obtained a
Committee of Inquiry from the House of Commons. He also pleaded for a
grant of money, but this was refused. Mr Baillie said that "owing to the
depression of the kelp trade, by the reduction of the duties on salt,
sulphur, and barilla, many of the Highland estates were ruined, and the
tenants and occupants deprived of the means of living." In course of the
inquiry, one of the ministers of Inverness attributed the destitution to
the injudicious means taken to prevent emigration in the beginning of the
century. The Committee, when it reported, found that an excess of
population existed on the western coasts of the counties of Argyll,
‘Inverness, and Ross, and in the islands; "and this excess of population,
who are for the most part, for a period of every year, in a state of
destitution, was variously calculated at from 45,000 to 80,000 souls."
The Committee was further informed
"that the famine and destitution in the years 1836 and 1837 was so
extensive that many thousands would have died of starvation had it not
been for the assistance which they received from the Government and the
public; that the sum of £70,000 was collected and distributed at that
period in the shape of food and clothing, and all the witnesses were of
opinion that this district of the country was liable to similar
visitations in succeeding years." Such was the condition of the people in
the western districts and in a few spots on the mainland. It would be a
mistake to suppose that it was anything like universal. In many fertile
glens a moderate degree of comfort prevailed. The remedy proposed by the
Committee was emigration, assisted and regulated by the Government.
Sheep farming, which had taken a
substantial hold in the Highlands before the end of the eighteenth
century, developed steadily in subsequent times. A Parliamentary paper
published in the History of the Highland and Agricultural Society, gives a
tabulated statement of the acreage and live stock in the counties of
Scotland for the year 1811. The document is taken from a careful digest
made from authentic sources by Mr J. Marshall, and printed on the
recommendation of a Committee of the House of Commons in 1833. From this
paper we take the following figures of the sheep stock in the Northern
Highland Counties in 1811:-
Inverness-shire, Mainland, and
Islands |
154 000 |
Ross and Cromarty |
50,946 |
Sutherland |
37,130 |
Caithness |
12,748 |
|
254,824 |
In this computation the Island of
Lewis is reckoned with the other Hebridean Islands, so that a little more
than its fair proportion is assigned to the county of Inverness. On the
mainland of the county the numbers are given as 50,000, about a third of
the total for the shire and Lewis. Authentic figures are not to be
obtained for many years afterwards. The establishment of the Inverness
Wool Market in 1817 proves the rapid extension of the industry.
We find it stated in our columns in
1827 that according to the best information "about 120,000 stones of wool
and 150,000 sheep were disposed of on terms generally agreeable to all
parties." This, however, seems to have been an unusually prosperous year.
In the first edition of the Anderson Guide to the Highlands, published in
1834, the average amount of transactions at the market is computed at
100,000 sheep and as many stones of wool. The same work states that in a
report of a committee appointed at the market of 1832, the number of sheep
annually exported from Inverness-shire was estimated at 100,000, and that
all the other northern counties yielded nearly the same amount, making a
total export of about 200,000. In the opinion of the authors, "the modern
system of sheep-farming on a great scale seems to have been too generally
adopted, with an inconsiderable degree of expedition, in some districts of
the Highlands." Cheviot stock had by this time become the favourite breed
in suitable localities. For the sake of comparison we give the numbers in
the various counties, as reported by Mr Hall Maxwell, secretary to the
Highland Society, in 1854. Under pressure from the Society, the Board of
Trade requested its directors to collect statistics, and the following are
the returns of sheep in the Northern Counties : —
Inverness-shire in 1854 |
542,028 |
Ross and Cromarty do. |
251,619 |
Sutherland, do |
162,103 |
Caithness, do. |
75,469 |
|
1,031,219 |
In 1855, the return for Sutherland
is |
200,553 |
The vast increase which had taken
place in forty-three years is the most conclusive proof of the economic
change which had occurred in the Highlands within the period. For another
quarter of a century the sheep industry continued, with some fluctuations,
to expand, but since then vital changes have greatly transformed the
Highland area. The returns recently issued by the Board of Trade give the
following figures for 1906 :—
Inverness-shire |
532,880 |
Ross and Cromarty |
262,002 |
Sutherland |
195,453 |
Caithness |
124,197 |
|
1,114,532 |
It will be observed that the total
now is not much greater than it was in 1854, and if allowance were made
for the imperfect character of the early returns, the difference would
probably be imperceptible. The fact that arable farmers nowadays keep many
more sheep than in former times, likewise disguises in the statistics the
actual reduction which has recently taken place in the sheep-fanning area.
A change was coming over the
agriculture of the district similar to that which had occurred in pastoral
farming, though slower in operation. The old primitive system of tillage
was disappearing. The work of reclamation had begun, which continued until
the middle of the seventies, when the drop in prices made it unprofitable.
Improved qualities of seed were introduced, and draining and fencing went
forward. A note in our columns in 1839 draws attention to the great
improvement which had occurred within the previous twelve years, enabling
many parishes which had formerly imported produce to contribute a share of
exports. "Thorough drainage and bone-dust," it is stated, "have
revolutionised the surface of the earth; and if the whole kingdom were
brought under the improved system of tillage, the corn produce of Britain
would far exceed the wants of its population." Though this hope was
destined to disappointment, the paragraph shows the spirit of activity
that prevailed. The Inverness Farmer Society was resuscitated, and
societies in other places stimulated general interest. Ploughing matches
were held for the encouragement of farm servants. They were not exactly a
new development, but they seem to have been revived and made more popular.
The Highland and Agricultural
Society did yeoman service in imparting an impulse to every form of
agriculture. At the first show of this Society held at Inverness in 1831,
shorthorn cattle were represented by only two cows, and the Aberdeenshire
polled by two bulls, four heifers, and one cow. There was, however, a good
display of Highland stock, and a fair representation of Galloways, though
the latter were in the hands of three exhibitors. The show of sheep was
extremely small, but this must have been due to difficulties of transit
rather than to any other cause. Horses made a more satisfactory
appearance. At the second show, held in 1839, there was a great advance.
Highland cattle were again to the front, but other classes had multiplied.
In shorthorns there were twelve aged bulls (three from the south of
Scotland), three yearling bulls, and four bull calves; also nine cows and
four heifers. In polled cattle, of all classes, there were eight bulls,
nine cows, and five pairs of heifers. There were also a few Ayrshires,
with a considerable display of extra stock. Horses are described as a
meagre show. In sheep the blackfaced were few, but the display of Cheviots
seems to have impressed some of the visitors. The official history of the
Society, from which we have drawn these particulars, says merely that they
"mustered fairly." This evidently refers to numbers. The contemporary
report in our columns, speaking doubtless of quality, and using language
of pardonable exaggeration, says that "the show of Cheviots was by far the
best that had ever been exhibited under the auspices of the Society." In
corroboration of the remark, we are told that "a gentleman from
Northumberland states that at the exhibitions in the North of England, no
such Cheviot wethers had ever been exhibited." Wherever the exact truth on
this point may lie, it is clear that Cheviot sheep were now in the
ascendant in the district. A few Leicesters and Southdowns were also
forward. The gate money at Inverness in 1831 was £71 13s 6d, and in 1839,
£211 1s 6d. The second show was a great affair in the North. It was
celebrated by a dinner, at which about 780 persons attended, accommodation
being provided in a pavilion specially erected. Our report mentions that
the entries at the show numbered 879, "within about twenty of the great
Glasgow Exhibition."
Farm buildings began to share in the
general improvement. In 1827 a newspaper letter avers that three-fourths,
or even four-fifths, of the Highland peasantry lived in black huts of a
well-known type, still existing in the Hebrides. Much better provision was
made for the pastoral and larger class of agricultural farmers, but even
their houses would seldom bear comparison with those of the present day.
The Messrs Anderson are again an authority that may be quoted. "The
residences of the better classes in the Highlands," they say, "are now
(1834) provided with the usual comforts and conveniences of life.
Farm-houses of moderate pretensions are not in general remarkable for
neatness or comfort; but the better class of such dwellings are
substantial and well furnished, while the landed gentry in many cases have
gone to an expense in the style of their houses quite unsuited to the
value of their estates. Stone is the universal material used in the
construction of dwelling-houses. These are frequently harled or
white-washed on the outside with slaked lime." It is doubtful if many
farm-houses at that time were slated, and in any case slated farm-steadings,
even in the lowlands of the district, were not common until a later date.
The Messrs Anderson give "on a rough conjecture" the value of the exports
from the Highlands and Islands. They estimate the exports of sheep and
wool at £250,000 a year; black cattle also at £250,000; herrings,
£200,000; grain, £100,000; salmon, kelp, wood, pork, &c., £100,000;
whisky, £200,000; making a total of £1,100,000 a year. About half of the
herring export is assigned to Caithness.
The history of sport in the
Highlands can only be written by an expert, but side-lights are thrown
upon it from many sources, including our newspaper columns. The
fascinations of sport in all its forms, on moors, in deer forests, in
lochs and rivers, existed long before they became a source of solid income
to Highland proprietors. Payments may have been made by visitors on a
limited scale before there was any general system of letting, but the
liberty to shoot was evidently in many cases an opportunity for
hospitality. We can go back to Colonel Thornton’s tour in Scotland in
1786, when he occupied Raitts, in Badenoch, and enjoyed shooting and
fishing throughout the whole district. This was not his first visit, for
he mentions having been in the Highlands ten or twelve years before, and
notes the "luxury and effeminacy" that had crept in during the interval.
As time went on visitors became more numerous, and practised sport in a
free and easy fashion. The following advertisement which appears in the "Invernes
Journal" of October 2nd, 1907, tells its own story: —
"PRESERVATI0N or GAME.—Sir George
Mackenzie of Coul, Bart.; Sir Roderick Mackenzie of Scatwell, Bart; Henry
Davidson, Esq. of Tulloch; William Mackenzie, Esq. of Strathgarve; and
Alex. Mackenzie, Esq. of Ord, having found the game on their Estates very
scarce, owing partly to the severity of last spring, but chiefly to
unauthorised persons destroying it, and travellers shooting on their way
to and from Lochbroom, have resolved to prevent, by every means in their
power, all unqualified and unauthorised persons from injuring it. They
therefore give warning to all persons who may have occasion to travel on
the Ullapool Road, and to all others, not to shoot on their grounds; and
request of their friends not to ask leave to sport on their property
during the remainder of this, or during the next season, as then a jubilee
is to be given to the Game."
Advertisements asking friends to
avoid for a season making requests for sport appear occasionally at later
dates. As a rule, however, in the opening decades of the nineteenth
century many gay parties found entertainment during the autumn months. In
1811 Sir Humphry Davy was in the North, and again in 1821 he was shooting
and fishing in Ross-shire, "taking the campaign against the grouse" on the
moors of Sir George Mackenzie of Coul. The Duchess of Gordon, who died in
1812, may have looked on Kinrara (if we may judge from letters recently
published) as in some measure an exile, but her presence there added to
the liveliness of the district. Her daughter, the Duchess of Bedford, kept
up the succession, and her son, best known as the Marquis of Huntly,
delighted in having friends around him on his Badenoch property. In 1816
there are newspaper records of heavy bags on the Badenoch moors, all the
heavier, it was supposed, because unfavourable weather had driven the
grouse to the lower grounds. In the early thirties the traffic in August
is reported as heavy—"there never was a time when the Highlands had so
many visitors." Good roads, coaches, and steamers were now carrying their
autumn freights to the Highlands. The growth of shooting rents is noted by
the Messrs Anderson in their Guide in 1834. "It has now," they say,
"become a common practice for Highland proprietors to let the right of
shooting on their grounds. Moors may be had at all prices from £50 to £500
for the season, with accommodations varying according to the
circumstances." We fancy the latter figure was very exceptional. The late
Earl of Malmesbury in his Memoirs gives us some particulars. Writing of
the year 1833, be says:—
"This was the first year that the
Highlands became the rage and that deer forests were made and rented, but
for prices not exceeding £300 a year. Sir Harry Goodrick, who was a leader
among the young hunting men, hired Mar Forest, and Lord Kinnaird, Fealar
in Athol. We paid the latter a visit in August, at Rossie Priory, and I
went with him, Mr Errington and Count Matuschewitz, the Russian
Ambassador, to a bothy at Fealar. . . . I went later to the Isle of Skye
and to Harris. I was harboured at the latter by Mr Stewart, a gentleman
farmer and breeder of cattle, and had the run of the island, which
belonged then to Macleod, and the grouse, deer forest, and fishing, all of
which are first rate were offered to me for £25 a year. It has been
purchased since by Lord Dunmore, and the sporting right let for £2000 a
year. At that time (1833) a stranger could fish and shoot over almost any
part of the Highlands, without interruption, the letting value of the
ferae naturae being unknown to their possessors."
The Andersons, however, afford
contemporary evidence that the change, at least as regards grouse
shooting, had begun earlier than Lord Malmesbury remembered. His own first
experience as a lessee, it will be observed, was in a district which was
then considered remote. Sir Alexander Muir Mackenzie thinks that the
renting of moors commenced about 1809 (Chambers’s Journal, February 1906).
If this was so the returns for years must have been too small to be
reckoned important. It was in the end of the twenties and the beginning of
the thirties that the business began to assume considerable proportions.
The late Mr Joseph Mitchell, C.E., who was born in 1803 and died in 1883,
corroborates this in his Reminiscences. He says that in early days "it was
reckoned mean to take money for the privilege of shooting and fishing, and
the letting which now brings in such vast revenues did not become general
till 1826 or 1830." Probably Sir Alexander Muir Mackenzie refers to the
Southern Highlands, where letting seems to have begun earlier than in the
North.
The late Evander Maciver says that
when he entered in 1834 on the factorship of the Tulloch estates in
Ross-shire, there was only one shooting let, Achnaclerach, near Garve, at
a rent of £100 a year. The Lochbroom shootings, he says, had never been
let, and all the shootings round Tulloch were kept in the proprietor’s own
hands. We find it noted in our columns in 1835, that is the very next
year, that Lord Southampton had taken the shootings and fishings of
Lochbroom, and in the same year there is a list of forty sportsmen in
shooting quarters. In that year also the shootings and fishings of
Strathconon are advertised, with the information that the place had been
let for three years previously, and that its tenants certified that it
afforded excellent sport. "One of them wrote that an ordinary shot might
with great ease bag 20 brace of grouse a day, and that he and one
companion killed 13 brace of ptarmigan in about half-an-hour." The right
of shooting over extensive districts in Sutherland—to include red-deer
"with certain limitations"—was advertised in 1836; the shootings of
Achnasheen in 1837. In 1840 a tract in Lochaber, extending to about 20,000
imperial acres, was advertised as suitable for conversion into a deer
forest, the inducement being held out that "by adding three or four
thousand acres more, these farms might be brought almost into contact with
an old-established regular forest, which has been for a century or two
strictly reserved from sheep and cattle, and is at present well stocked
with deer." The deer forest of Glenloyne, on the Glengarry estates, was in
existence at the same time, having been formed by the last notable chief,
who was an ardent sportsman.
An article which appears in our
columns in 1841 gives an estimate of the value that was then attached to
Highland shootings. It is stated that ground capable of yielding 500 brace
of grouse would let for £125, and if the house accommodation was good and
the moor of high reputation, "we have known 10s a brace offered for a
month’s shooting "—a rate which would work out at a rent of £250. One red
deer, we are told, was equal to a hundred brace of grouse, which would
mean a rental of from £25 to £50 per head of deer. About the end of our
period books on sport began to be published, the moat famous being those
of Mr William Scrope and Mr John Colquhoun; later came the works of
Charles St John. Mr Colquohun died in 1885, and writing some years
earlier, he says—" Forty years ago there were no Scotch sporting books,
and the few English ones were merely works of instruction and dry detail.
Now, however, the Scotch books on mountain, forest, and river sport occupy
no mean place in our national literature. How much these books stimulated
the demand for Scotch shootings it would be difficult to say; at all
events, wild shooting rose prodigiously in the market after their
publication. Forty years ago capital small ranges were to be had from £150
to £180. The rapidity with which these rose to thrice that amount was most
disheartening to keen grouse-shooters of moderate incomes. The competition
for the first-class beats was even greater, and I have been told by agents
that the claimants bid each other up to such a figure that they were
sometimes ashamed to take the highest offer." Sir Alexander Muir Mackenzie
says that the Drumouchter shootings let for £80 or £90 in early days,
while in 1906 they had risen to £800.
Coaching was in its heyday during
our period and for some time thereafter. A daily mail began to run between
Inverness and Aberdeen in 1811, and there was no change in the official
route for the next twenty-five years. But the central road to Perth had
advantages which commended it to private enterprise. There was an attempt
to run. a coach upon it in 1806, which was continued by an enterprising
solicitor, Mr Peter Anderson, after it had been abandoned by his
associates. In 1809 we had a regular service established, three times a
week in summer and twice a week in winter, which was destined to endure.
In 1826 there was an effort to make the service daily, but judging from
subsequent notices, it was premature. Until 1836 the Caledonian Coach, as
it was called, continued to travel according to the original arrangement,
being latterly crowded in the autumn months with tourists, sportsmen, and
their baggage. At length, in the summer of 1836, the Government acceded to
petitions to run a daily mail between Inverness and Perth, and the
Caledonian was withdrawn to make room for the postal conveyance, which was
"spick and span new, with new guards in new liveries, and horses that find
no difficulty, even at the ugly Pass of Slockmuick, in clearing nine miles
an hour." At the same time there were no fewer than four daily coaches
running between Inverness and Aberdeen, and even at an earlier date it is
stated that seven different stage coaches passed daily to and from
Inverness. One can understand how much liveliness this created in the
streets of the town. Mr Joseph Mitchell enables us to realise the
condition of travelling in those days. He says:—
"In my early days coaching was very
slow and imperfect. The coachman’s drive was limited to one stage of ten
or twelve miles; thereafter he tended his horses and prepared them for the
return journey. His reward was sixpence from each passenger. The roads
throughout the country became very much improved between 1830 and 1840,
and coaches improved also and became numerous. A few years after 1840
coaching in Scotland was brought to its greatest perfection. A great
impetus was given to it by an association of some county gentlemen,
chiefly Mr Ramsay of Barnton, Mr Barclay of Ury, Lord Glenlyon, and
others. They started a coach between Edinburgh and Aberdeen. Their coaches
were luxurious and handsome, the horses beautifully matched, and of the
first character, harness in good taste and of the best quality. The
drivers and guards, in their uniform of red coats and yellow collars, were
steady and respectable men, great favourites on the road, obliging, full
of conversation and local knowledge, and several of these played with no
mean talent on the bugle and cornet. Time was kept to a minute, and so
complete and perfect was the whole establishment that a highly paid
veterinary surgeon was employed to tend the horses and see that they were
properly looked to."
During the same time steamers plied
on the Caledonian Canal and in the western seas, and ventures were made in
the Moray Firth, but at first with only partial success. As travelling
increased, the accommodation for travellers improved. There is a curious
passage in the Guide-Book so often quoted, commending the better class of
inns on frequented routes, and saying that even in other houses the
tourist will often be agreeably surprised.— "Considering the recent
establishment of these inns, and the want of familiarity on the part of
the Highland peasantry with the more refined habits and comforts of the
South, the business of innkeeping has fully kept pace with the other
improvements of the country. If much refinement and elegance is not to be
seen, there is at least abundance of substantial commodities; no lack of
black-faced mutton and poultry, with the addition of salmon, and various
other excellent fish, on the seacoasts; and indeed scarcely a burn but
affords trout. The traveller may everywhere calculate on the luxuries of
tea and sugar, and generally loaf-bred or biscuits; eggs and milk, with
whisky, &c., always in abundance. . . . We may add that the horse will be
as well off as the rider, good stabling being seldom wanting. Neither need
the Saxon be apprehensive of finding himself at a loss to make his wants
known, as it very rarely happens that individuals are not met with who
understand the English language."
The condition of the Caledonian
Canal engaged attention in 1839. Mr Walker, C.E., reported that extensive
operations were necessary to give the undertaking a fair chance of
accomplishing its purpose, and a scheme was set agoing for leasing it to a
company for a period of years. A bill with this object actually passed,
but the Commissioners were unable to effect a transfer on the terms
proposed, and they had ultimately to undertake the work at the public
expense.
The Northern Institution for the
Promotion of Science and Literature was founded in 1825, and had a life of
ten years. It was a gallant attempt to establish a society for the
purposes of local research, but came rather before its time. Its general
secretary and chief promoter was Mr George Anderson, then a young
solicitor, a member of a family who did much to excite interest in
scientific pursuits, chiefly archeological and geological. His elder
brother, Mr John Anderson, W.S., was secretary to the Society of
Antiquaries, and his younger brother, Mr Peter Anderson, was afterwards
associated with George as a legal practitioner, and as joint author of the
Guide to the Highlands, a work to which frequent reference has already
been made. Their father, Mr Peter Anderson, an active and prosperous
Inverness solicitor, and a leader in public improvements, died in 1823. At
the first meeting of the Northern Institution one of the vice-presidents,
Sir George Mackenzie of Coul, presided, and offered a gold medal for the
best essay on the State of Society in the Highlands in 1745, and on the
progress which had been made during the subsequent period. The prize was
awarded to Mr John Anderson, and presented to him at a meeting held in
October 1826. His essay, along with an address delivered on the occasion
by Sir George Mackenzie, was published in 1827 by Mr William Tait,
Edinburgh. There is much that is interesting both in the address and the
essay. Both speak of the changes that had taken place in the management of
Highland estates. Sir George suggests that serious consequences would have
followed if the people had been left undisturbed. "To those," he says,
"possessed of the talent of observation, who are acquainted with the
habits of the Highlanders, it is obvious that misery and wretchedness
would have resulted to the population and beggary to the proprietors,
while the country would have continued a wilderness." Mr John Anderson
takes a more sympathetic view. He acknowledges the importance of the
introduction of sheep, but thinks that the work was carried out with
inconsiderate rapidity and impatience. "It was certainly," he says,. "the
imperative duty of the chief, in sheathing his sword, to have provided for
the martial soldiers who had done his behests in the stirring times of
clan warfare; and to have afforded them an asylum, either on the seacoast,
to which his new policy did not reach, or in other valleys as yet
undevoted to the universal doom." Mr Anderson gives instances of the
advance in the value of landed property, rentals or purchase prices having
increased from six to eight times within a period of forty years. These
figures show the temptations to which proprietors were subjected.
The Northern Institution began with
great prospects of success. In its first year the society numbered 100
ordinary members and 49 corresponding members. The list included
distinguished names, among them that of Sir Walter Scott, who was always
ready to assist inquiry into the history of the past. The institution in
less than two years received 156 donations for its museum, many of them
comprising collections of great interest. Financial support, however,
proved intermittent, and in the end insufficient, and in 1834 the museum
was handed over to the directors of the Academy, who agreed to pay the
debts of the society, amounting to about £80. "The coins alone" we are
told, "if sold as bullion, are worth this sum." After various vicissitudes
the relics of the museum now lie in the upper rooms of the Free Library
buildings, along with other gifts, mostly provided by the Inverness Field
Club, which started in 1876 in more fortunate circumstances than its
predecessor, and still enjoys a healthy and vigorous life. The name
of the Northern Institution is chiefly known to the public from the
passage in Hugh Miller’s "Schools and Schoolmasters," telling how he
called on Mr George Anderson with a poetical address to the
members, written in imitation of the illuminated manuscripts of medaeval
times. At a meeting held years afterwards - indeed, the year after the
museum was handed over to the Academy—Mr Anderson had the pleasure of
showing fossil fishes from the Old Red Sandstone which Miller had sent
from Cromarty. The Anderson brothers wrote on many subjects (see "An
Inverness Lawyer and his Sons," by Isabel Harriet Anderson, Aberdeen
1900). John Anderson, W.S., died. in 1839, from the effects of an
accident, in the West Indian Island of St Vincent, where he had been
appointed Justice. Mr Peter Anderson, the youngest, died in 1868, while Mr
George Anderson survived until 1878.
The subjects of interest in the
period are so numerous that this introduction might be indefinitely
prolonged. For details, however, readers must be referred to the body of
the work. The late Dr Carruthers became editor of the "Courier" in 1828,
and for fifty years superintended the journal as editor and proprietor.
His early relations with Hugh Miller are illustrated under their proper
dates. Sales of property and the sums paid for them indicate some of the
changes that were in progress. The establishment of the Caledonian Bank in
1838 contributed to the prosperity of the district. The population of the
royal burgh of Inverness in 1841 is given as 9100, and of the landward
part as 6318, making a total of 15,418. In the previous returns the town
and parish were not discriminated, and if the expression "royal burgh" is
to be taken as exact, a portion of the town must have been included in the
landward part in 1841. The total of both town and parish in 1801 was 8732,
and at the last census (1901) it had risen to 27,046. The comparison is
best taken as embracing both town and parish, as the boundaries otherwise
are rather uncertain. The population that could properly be called urban
numbered 23,066 in 1901.