In the year 1801 the first Parliamentary census was
taken in Great Britain. The total population of Scotland was returned in
that year as 1,608,420. In 1821 the population had risen to 2,091,521, and in 1901 the
returns show a total of 4,472,103. This gives, in spite of copious
emigration, an increase of nearly threefold in a hundred years. How has it
fared in the same period with the five (nominally six) Northern Counties,
Inverness, Nairn, Ross and Cromarty, Sutherland, and Caithness? In the
district formed by these counties the total population in 1801 was
183,038, and twenty years later, 221,012; while in 1901 it stood at
231,155. We are thus 48,117 better than a hundred years ago, and 10,143
better than eighty years ago. Compared with the rise in general
population, the increase in the Northern Highlands is trifling, but some
persons will be surprised to find that any increase at all has taken
place. The following table of comparative figures may be given —
Counties |
1801 |
1821 |
1901 |
Inverness |
72,672 |
89,961 |
90,104 |
Nairnshire |
8,322 |
9,268 |
9,291 |
Ross & Cromarty |
56,318 |
68,762 |
76,450 |
Sutherland |
23,117 |
23,840 |
21,440 |
Caithness |
22,609 |
29,181 |
33,870 |
|
183,038 |
221,012 |
231,155 |
Generally speaking, there was an
increase in the population of the district until the middle of the past
century. The highest figures in all the counties except Nairnshire are to
be found in the twenty years between 1841 and 1861. Another tabular
statement will show the year in which each county touched its highest
limit —
Year |
County |
Population |
1841 |
Inverness-shire |
97,799 |
1851 |
Ross-shire |
82,707 |
1851 |
Sutherland |
25,793 |
1861 |
Caithness |
41,111 |
1881 |
Nairnshire |
10,455 |
Thus the County of Inverness reached
its highest point in 1841, when the population stood at 97,799. It was at
its lowest in 1861 and 1871, when the numbers were a little over 88,000.
For the last three decades the returns have been rather above 90,000, but
showing 350 more in the first than in the last of the three. The County of
Ross, however, has steadily fallen from 82,707 in the middle of the
nineteenth century, to 76,450 in the first year of the twentieth.
Sutherland has fallen from 25,793 in 1851 to 21,440 in 1901; Caithness
from 41,111 in 1861 to 33,870 in 1901; Nairnshire from 10,455 in 1881 to
9291 in 1901. Though special causes, such as the extension of sheep farms
at one period and latterly the growth of deer forests, have certainly
operated to restrict and reduce population, there is no doubt that more
general causes have had considerable effect. The chief decrease has
occurred since the country began to be opened up by railways. During the
same period the whole world has been opened up, and its remotest corners
have become accessible; and the Highlands have freely contributed a
proportion of their sons and daughters not only to industrial centres in
the South of Scotland and in England, but to the colonisation of
English-speaking lands. The Education Act of 1872 has accelerated the
migration of young people, and the Crofters Act has not stopped the
movement; indeed, there are observers who think that it has helped it
forward by giving the tenants in possession a hold of the soil, and making
it their interest to check squatting and sub-division. For our present
purpose, however, it is only necessary to note that the population of the
district is, as has been said, 48,000 higher than in 1801, and 10,000
higher than in 1821. The distribution is, of course, very different now
from what it was then; there are more people in the towns and fewer in the
rural districts.
As to the town of Inverness itself,
the earlier returns did not discriminate between burgh and parish. In 1801
the total population of both was 8732; in 1821 it was 12,264; and in 1901
it had risen to 27,046. As far as can be made out, the population of the
town proper was in 1801 about 5500, and in 1821 about 8500; these figures,
however, to be taken as including more than the Royal burgh. In 1901 the
population of the town, embracing the portion which was beyond the
municipal boundary, was 23,066. The boundaries were extended as this
volume was passing through the press, and now include the total just
given, or a little more. Thus the population of town and parish together
has increased more than three times during the century; the town itself
has increased more than four times.
The period which this volume covers
was the great era of road-making in the Northern Highlands, and also
witnessed the construction of the Caledonian Canal. Confining our
attention meantime to roads, it may be said generally that to the north of
Inverness and the west of the Great Glen, there were at the beginning of
the nineteenth century no proper roads, except one along the East Coast to
Wick, which was satisfactory in parts, and in parts rough and imperfect,
and several well-constructed lines in the Peninsula of the Black Isle,
lying between the Moray and Cromarty Firths. Two roads had been made to
the west, but, as will afterwards appear, they were practically useless
for wheeled vehicles. Lord Cockburn, in his Memorials, says: —"Those who
are born to modern travelling can scarcely be made to understand how the
previous ages got on. The state of the roads may be judged of from two or
three facts. There was no bridge over the Tay at Dunkeld, or over the Spey
at Fochabers, or over the Findhorn at Forres. Nothing but wretched
ferries, pierless, let to poor cottars, who rowed or pushed or hauled a
crazy boat across, or more commonly got their wives to do it." He says
that he rode circuits himself when he was Advocate-Depute between 1807 and
1810. There were no bridges from Inverness northwards across the large
rivers, although some of the smaller streams had been spanned. The bridge
at Brora, in Sutherland, is specially mentioned by Pennant. In the Central
Highlands the military roads begun by General Wade and carried on long
after his time, afforded convenient means of communication, but they were
formed on military rather than commercial plans, and many of them were so
roughly constructed, so liable to get damaged by floods and the fall of
debris, that they were difficult to keep in repair. The Survey of the
Province of Moray, published in 1798, gives a list of roads, which is too
long to be quoted in full, but may be summarised. The writer treats the
post road running parallel to the Moray Firth, as the basis of all the
other roads, and we follow his arrangement as follows —
Main road from Inverness to
Edinburgh, by way of Elgin, Fochabers, Banff, Aberdeen, Forfar, Perth, and
Queensferry, 236 miles.
First Branch - From Inverness by way
of Fort-Augustus to Edinburgh, 161 miles. It is noted that there was a
road to Fort-Augustus (32 miles) on each side of Loch-Ness, but the
southern only was passable for wheeled vehicles. From Fort-Augustus the
road went over Corryarrick, and by way of Garvamore, Dalwhinnie,
Dalnacardoch, and Dunkeld, to Perth. The distance from Inverness to Perth
by this route was 126 miles, but the road over Corryarrick was very steep.
A branch led from Fort-Augustus to Fort-William, 29 miles, making the
length of road between Inverness and Fort-William 61 miles. There was also
a road from Fort-Augustus to Bernera, in Glenelg, on the West Coast, 43
miles; but Telford, in his report a few years later, says that only "the
vestiges" of this road remained. This is the route which Dr Johnson and
Boswell travelled in 1773, when they found military parties working on the
road.
Second Branch - This road led from
Inverness by way of Dalmagarry (Moyhall) to Aviemore and Dalwhinnie, and
thence by the road before-mentioned to Perth and Edinburgh, a distance of
155 miles.
Third Branch - This road broke off
five miles from Fort-George, going by way of Dulsie Bridge to Grantown,
Tomintoul, Braemar, Glenshee, and Blairgowrie, thence by Coupar-Angus to
Perth. Distance between Inverness and Edinburgh, 167 miles. It is stated
that a new road had been lately formed direct from Dulsie Bridge to
Aviemore by one stage of 18 miles. This was the most direct road from
Forres through Badenoch to Edinburgh.
Fourth Branch.—This branch struck
off from the main road at Fochabers, conducted up the River Spey. At
Rothes it was joined by a road from Elgin. Thence it proceeded to Aberlour
and Grantown, from which the journey could be continued either by Aviemore
or Tomintoul. There was also a road from Aberlour through Glenrinnes and
Glenlivat to Tomintoul.
Fifth Branch.—This road also set off
from Fochabers to Edinburgh, going by way of Keith, Huntly, Boat of
Alford, Kincardine O’ Neil, across the Grampians to Fettercairn, and so to
Brechin, where it joined the main road. The distance from Inverness to
Edinburgh was 205 miles. There was a connecting road from Huntly to
Aberdeen.
Sixth Branch.—This branch left the
"great road" at Stonehaven, and proceeded by way of Dundee. This road was
"the course of the post," and the distance from Inverness to Edinburgh was
about 172 miles; but the crossing of the firths at Dundee and Kinghorn
made it undesirable for ordinary travellers.
The writer of the chapter adds the
following comments: —"The
shortest road from Inverness to Edinburgh, through Badenoch, is greatly
superior to any of the others, in the complete repair in which it is
always kept, in the satisfactory accommodation of almost every necessary
bridge, and in the ingenuity and care with which the acclivities are in
general avoided. The snow, however, in winter is often so embarrassing
that it is but little frequented during the season; the inns, of course,
are then but poorly provided; the shivering traveller is received in a
room comfortless and cold, and most of the articles in the bill are
charged one-third higher, on the pretence of the distant land carriage,
than in the taverns along the Coast. The other roads are not always in so
good repair as with little care and skill might be attained, and little or
no ingenuity has been exerted in avoiding the acclivities."
It will be observed that the list of roads given above
applies only to the communications of Inverness with the East and South.
To make his work complete, the writer describes the continuation of the
post road from Inverness to the extremity of the island at Houna, where
the Pentland Firth was crossed to the Orkney Islands. The route lay by
Beauly, Dingwall, Tain, and the Meikle Ferry to Dornoch, thence to Golspie,
Helinsdale, and Wick. The journey could be shortened by taking the ferries
to and from the Black Isle. He mentions that at Dunbeath a branch set off
"through the causeway mire" to Thurso. He also complains of the "very
considerable revenue" exacted from the traveller by the proprietors of
ferries, "above what is requisite for the support and navigation of the
boats."
From the particulars given above, it appears that
previous to 1800 the Central Highlands were well supplied with roads,
though many of them were not of a kind suitable to modern times. If we
take a wider survey, we find that the whole system of Highland roads,
central and northern, with the partial exception of the highway along the
Coast, was the work of about a hundred years, beginning with the
operations of General Wade in 1725. Up till his time the roads in the
glens were mostly cattle tracks, broadened by use as traffic increased,
and in part enclosed by turf dykes. Burt describes certain native roads as
"so rough and rocky that no wheel ever turned upon them since the
formation of this globe"; but perhaps the rockiness, as a general
characteristic, is exaggerated. Dr Alexander Ross, Inverness, who has
examined the remains of some of the old cattle tracks, says that they gave
the guiding lines to General Wade’s system. They had often a broad margin,
where cattle got a bite of grass in summer as they moved along. A specimen
of these roads is to be seen in the neighbourhood of Inverness, going over
the Leachkin. "The space between the bounding dykes is so considerable
that squatters settle on the margin and build houses." (See paper in the
fourteenth volume of the Transactions of the Inverness Gaelic Society.)
During the eighteenth century the great lines of military road were
constructed in the Central Highlands, converging at Inverness. The late
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch, in two valuable papers, which appear in
the fifth volume of the Transactions of the Inverness Field Club,
describes these roads, and says that the system attained its fullest
development about 1784. The total extent of military roads was about 1100
miles. In 1814 the last of them were transferred to the care of the
Commissioners of Highland Roads and Bridges; but by that time the extent
under maintenance had fallen to 530 miles. Only one military road was ever
made in Ross-shire, running from Contin, near Strathpeffer, to Poolewe.
Sir Kenneth says he was told by a relative how Lady Seaforth, on her way
to the Lews, attempted to take her coach over this road with disastrous
results. It got as far as Loch-Achanault, about fifteen miles from Contin,
but was then so wrecked that it was not worth taking back to Brahan.
"Certainly," says Sir Kenneth, "at the beginning of this [the nineteenth]
century, the road was not used for wheels, and I doubt whether the traffic
between the East and West Coasts was ever carried over it otherwise than
by pack-horses." He mentions as a singular fact that in the police books
of the County of Ross no reference is ever made to the military parties
working on this road, though from 1770 onwards the statute labour upon it
was regularly arranged for.
There was a succession of distinguished travellers to
the North of Scotland in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Bishop
Forbes, who travelled to John O’Groats in 1762, left his wife at
Inverness, as he was afraid of the Ross-shire roads, but he repented his
caution, as he says he "found the roads, though only natural, extremely
good." The Bishop went by way of Ardersier and Fortrose through the Black
Isle, travelling in a post chaise. He was able to use the conveyance as
far as Tain, and then took to horseback. Pennant, who followed the same
route in 1769., says that after leaving Dingwall he rode "along a very
good road cut on the side of a hill, with the country very well cultivated
above and below." He mentions that he crossed the water of Brora, in
Sutherland, by a handsome bridge of a single arch. He had to ford the
River Helmsdale, but he ascended the Ord Hill, that "vast promontory," as
he calls it, "on a good road winding up its steep sides, and impending in
many parts over the sea." His precursor, Bishop Forbes, gives a graphic
description of the ascent of this road. He says that he "rode up every
inch of it, a thing rarely done by any persons," though his companions,
gentlemen and servants, walked every foot of it, a good long mile. "Its
steepness," he says, "and being all along on the very brink of a
precipice, are the only difficulties; for otherwise it is one of the
finest roads in the world, being so broad that in most places two coaches
might pass one another, and then of fine, hard channel naturally, which no
storm can make an impression on so as to break it. But then so very steep
it is, particularly at entering upon it, that no machine can be drawn up
it by any cattle whatsoever, unless it be empty; and even then there must
be some sturdy fellows at the back of it, pushing it forward to assist the
horses; for if they are allowed to make the least stop, backward they must
tumble by the very declivity of the place." The same pleasant traveller
gives a description of the "Causeway-mire" road to Thurso, which diverged
to the left in the neighbourhood of Latheronwheel. The landlord of the inn
told him that this was a piece of ground that few gentlemen in Caithness
would venture on, except under the conduct of a man familiar with it.
"Accordingly," the Bishop proceeds, "he [the landlord] got one John
Sutherland for us, a sturdy, stout fellow, with whom we set out at four
o’clock, and who performed his part very well over the Causey-mire, one
continued piece of mossy ground for about two miles at least, full of
sloughs and quagmires, directly across the road to Thurso; but why it is
called by such a name I could not conceive, as the smallest vestige of a
causeway we could not discover in the whole. However, at Thurso they told
me that a causeway had been there of old, but it had sunk down out of
sight by the ruins of time." Two of the party slipped off through their
horses bogging in the mire. "The only way," says the Bishop, "of crossing
in these narrow sloughs is to make the horses go speedily over; for if
they make the least halt, or too leisurely a step, down they must sink."
In the year 1773, Dr Samuel Johnson and Boswell
travelled in a post-chaise as far as Inverness, and thence rode to the
West Coast by way of Fort-Augustus and Glenmoriston. "We were now," says
Dr Johnson, in his Tour, "to bid farewell to the luxury of travelling, and
to enter upon a country upon which perhaps no wheel has ever rolled. We
could indeed have used our post-chaise one day longer along the military
road to Fort-Augustus, but we could have hired no horses beyond
Inverness." On the way from Fort-Augustus to Glenelg the travellers
entertained a party of soldiers who were working at the road. For some
reason this road was allowed rapidly to fall into decay. Sir Kenneth
Mackenzie mentions that it was on the list of military roads as late as
1799, but that Colonel Anstruther stated a few years later that, though it
had been on the list, "it had never existed as a road, nor had it been
ordered to be inserted in any estimate." Sir Kenneth points out that this
was a mistake, and that from 1770 to 1784 the road had been named in all
the detailed estimates laid before Parliament. He thinks that Colonel
Anstruther’s investigations had probably not gone back beyond the year
1790, when military labour was dispensed with. The Parliamentary estimates
for 1770 include a sum "for building an inn on the line of road from
Fort-Augustus to Bernera, there being no house in fifty miles of said
line." This was the inn at which Johnson and Boswell put up. The neglect
into which the road had fallen is succinctly disclosed by Telford, who
says in 1802, that "there are just the vestiges remaining of what was once
a military road to Bernera, opposite the back of the Isle of Skye." This
road to Glenelg, and the road from Contin to Poolewe, seem to have been
the only two "made" roads which crossed the Highland mainland to the West
Coast, and they were obviously very imperfect and unfit for wheeled
traffic. A road to Ullapool had been formed in 1792, but it was so badly
constructed that it soon fell into decay, and had to be reconstructed by
Telford.
Mention may be made of an Atlas of Scotland, published
by authority of Parliament in 1776. It is entitled "Taylor and Skinner’s
Survey and Maps of the Roads of North Britain or Scotland," and is
inscribed to John, Duke of Argyle, Commander of his Majesty’s Forces in
North Britain. In a note the publishers say —"We shall only observe that
the military roads are kept in the best repair; and so much has been done
of late years to the other roads by the attention of the nobility and
gentry that travelling is made thereby incredibly easy, expeditious, and
commodious; and such a spirit of improvement prevails throughout Scotland
that we may venture to say a few years will complete all the public roads
in that part of the United Kingdom. There are good inns on all the roads,
with post-chaises and horses at every stage as far north as Inverness, by
Aberdeen." It will be observed that Inverness is the limit. The maps show
the East Coast road winding along the shore to Wick, John O’Groats, and
Thurso; also the military roads of the Central Highlands and the road from
Fort-Augustus to Glenelg. It likewise shows the roads of the Black Isle,
and one turning west from Dingwall, and going towards Contin. North of
Inverness the Coast road is broken by the ferries of Beauly, Conon, Meikle
Ferry, and Little Ferry. The condition of affairs which we have thus
described is practically the same as Telford found it to be in his survey
and report of 1802. He speaks as if the general road connections of the
country terminated at Tain. He emphasises the lack of bridges not only on
the Northern rivers, but on the Spey at Fochabers and the Tay at Dunkeld.
Summing up, it may be said that in the beginning of the nineteenth
century, Inverness was the natural limit of traffic or travelling by
wheeled vehicles. A conveyance might go as far as Tain, but horses were
difficult to be obtained. The "natural roads," or cattle tracks, were
better than we might nowadays imagine, but only for their own purposes or
for foot passengers. The military roads in the Central and Southern
Highlands had served their day, and were insufficient. There was a clamant
necessity for a new and extensive system of roads if the Highlands were to
be incorporated with the rest of the country.
The Act for making Roads and Bridges in the Highlands
and for constructing the Caledonian Canal was passed in 1803, and the work
was promptly begun, under the general superintendence of the famous
engineer, Mr Telford, who appointed qualified assistants. For years
thereafter the work went on, giving the Highlands in the end the splendid
svstem of communication which they have since enjoyed. It is easy to
understand what the mere expenditure of money meant to a large and
impoverished district. Among the objects aimed at were the opening up of
intercourse, the promoting of fisheries, and the stoppage of emigration.
The making of new roads through the central Highlands and the west and
north continued until 1821, the construction of the Canal proceeding
during the same period. Every year saw steady progress. Mr Telford began
with the building of the bridges over the Tay at Dunkeld and over the Spey
at Fochabers, the latter not directly under the Commissioners, but
assisted by the Treasury, and apparently superintended by their engineer.
The bridge near Forres, over the Findhorn (which was carried away by the
flood of 1829), was undertaken by local effort, but Mr Telford seems to
have been consulted. "The whole expenditure on new roads and bridges,"
says the late Mr Joseph Mitchell, C.E., "amounted to £540,000, of which
£267,000 was furnished by the Government, the difference being contributed
by the counties and individuals. This sum was expended on 875 miles of
roads, and on several large bridges not included in the road contracts,
the average over all amounting to a cost of about £400 a mile." From other
sources we learn that the counties contributed to the above sum £214,000,
and individual proprietors, £60,000. Harbours and ferry piers were also
constructed, half the cost provided by balances remaining from the
forfeited estates, and half by individual contributions, the total coming
to £110,000.
The progress of improvement can be traced in the files
of Inverness newspapers from the year 1807. We see about the erection of
bridges at Beauly, at Conon, at Contin, at Bonar, about the construction
of the Mound, in Sutherland, and the completion of roads to the east,
west, and south. The roads in the central Highlands follow in many
places a new line, and were, of course, much better formed than the old
military roads. In November 1807, we read that "the total number of roads
now formed and forming in the Highlands amount to forty," and the same
issue notices the erection of a pier at Broadford, Skye, through the
exertions of Lord Macdonald. At length, in April 1818, we are informed
that "from Edinburgh to Inverness, and from Inverness to John O’Groat’s
House, it is now possible to travel without crossing a ferry or fording a
river, or even encountering a descent where the necessity of using a
drag-chain is required." It is right to note that the proprietors gave
willing contributions to the extension of roads. For instance, we read in
1809 that the road to Glenelg had been contracted for as far as Aonach, in
Glenmoriston, being constructed to this point by the aid of assessments,
but beyond it by means of private subscriptions. The list of these
subscriptions was headed by Lord Macdonald with £1000, and followed by
Lord Seaforth with £500, Macleod of Macleod with £400, Sir Hugh Innes of
Lochalsh with £300, and others with contributions of from £100 to £200. It
may be added that the system of roads in Sutherland was completed in the
north and west of the county about the year 1830, at the expense of the
house of Sutherland.
Along with the work of road-making came improvement in
mail and travelling accommodation. In 1800 the mails were carried to
Inverness by post-horses three times a-week from Aberdeen. The time at
which a daily mail coach was established between Aberdeen and Inverness is
sometimes given as 1809 or 1810. The newspaper file, however, gives the
exact date as 5th April 1811, the fares for the journey being—Inside, £3
13s 6d; outside, £2 9s. The late Mr A. P. Hay, postmaster at Inverness,
says that a two-horse post was all that was provided at first, but it was
soon followed by a four-in-hand. The time taken to transmit a letter from
London to Inverness was, he says, six days. Meantime communication, more
or less regular, had been established by the central road to Edinburgh. Mr
James Suter notes that the first attempt to start a regular coach to Perth
was made in 1806, but it was soon discontinued. In 1809 we find the
"Duchess of Gordon Inverness Coach" running three times a-week in summer
and twice a-week in winter. Mr Hay says that for some time its expenses
were supplemented from the Corporation funds. Until the roads were well
advanced, the mails north of Inverness were conveyed by a man and pony to
Tain, and thence by post-runner. In March 1808 there is an advertisement of
the first carrier going beyond Dingwall. His name was Donald Ross, and he
was to travel as far as Tain. In June 1809 a "diligence," as it was called,
began to run from Inverness to Tain by way of Beauly and Dingwall. The same
issue that records this step mentions the following instance of the
rapidity with which a person might now travel in the Highlands. "Mr Gordon
of Carrol, a few days ago, left Edinburgh per the Inverness coach, and
reached his house in Sutherland, a distance of 215 miles, in forty-seven
hours and a-half." In September 1818 a proposal was made to start a mail
diligence to Wick and Thurso, the local authorities at Inverness, Bonar,
and Helmsdale allowing it to pass their bridges toll free, and the
counties of Ross and Sutherland each subscribing £200 to assist the
movement. The coach started in the following July (1819), being timed to
leave Inverness at 6 a.m., to arrive at Wick at half-past seven on the
following morning, and at Thurso at half-past eleven. Mr John Anderson, in
his Essay on the Highlands, published in 1826, says that horses were
brought from Edinburgh, and stables and inns erected by Lord Stafford at
very considerable expense. "By one common bond of intercourse," he adds,
"the two most distant parts of the island, the one situated at the
extremity of the English Channel, the other in the latitude of John
O’Groat’s House, were thus joined together, at a distance of 1082 miles.
In no country, it may safely be said, is there a parallel of so rapid a
change." To us of the twentieth century, the change only marks a small
step of progress; but to men of that generation it seemed an extraordinary
advance. Dr Alexander Ross, however, in the paper formerly mentioned,
notes that even after the roads were available and stage coaches running,
the county families did not always avail themselves of the public
conveyances, but continued posting with the same horses all the way to
London. "While looking," he says, "over a wonderful collection of old
carriages in the coach-house of the late Sir George Dunbar, with great C
springs and rumble behind, I remember remarking to the old coachman that
these carriages were worthy of being put into a museum. He replied,
‘Many’s the time I have driven them to London all the way.’ On expressing
my astonishment that they should have been so recently in use, he said,
‘Ah, sir, these were the fine old times. We used to leave here about the
end of October and reach London in about two months, travelling each day
about thirty miles, and staying ten days or a fortnight in Edinburgh to
dine with the lawyers and settle our law pleas. When we got near London we
would meet other families also going in, and the young folks would have
rare times. We left London about the beginning of April, and took a
similar time to reach home. Of course,’ he said, ‘we often had to rest the
horses and get them shod, and such events lost us a day now and then." Dr
Ross observes that these were the picturesque days of travelling, when men
took time to look at the country and to know the people.
The work of constructing the Caledonian Canal greatly
assisted in opening up the Highlands and in distributing money during a
trying period. For nearly twenty years the Canal employed large relays of
workmen, many of them day labourers, many skilled masons and carpenters
from the counties of Nairn and Moray. Exclusive of payment for land and
for damage (which came in the end to £48,000), the estimated cost of
construction was £474,531. This sum, however, was greatly exceeded. When
the waterway was opened in 1822, the cost had reached £884,000, and
subsequent operations, completed in 1847 or a little later, brought the
total up to £1,300,000.
The difficulties presented by the loose gravel of the
bed and the enormous rise in wages and prices during the Continental war,
account for the increase in expenditure. Labourers who were paid from 1s
6d to 1s 8d per day in 1803, received in 1814 from 2s 4d to 2s 6d, and
skilled workmen shared in the advance, though in somewhat smaller
proportion. The price of timber was doubled, and in the case of native
fir, more than doubled in the same period. The native fir and birch came
largely from Lochiel’s forest and from Glenmoriston, and was reported by
Telford to be particularly hard and sound, more durable in vessels and
wheeling planks than Baltic timber at double the expense. The dressing
stone was obtained at the east end from Redcastle, but at the west end had
to be transported from the Cumbraes; rubble was got at the one end from
Clachnaharry and at the other from the north shore of Lochiel. The work
excited interest as a national undertaking, though grumblings were
naturally heard about the expenditure. At length, in 1818, navigation was
allowed during summer on the Loch-Ness side, but was closed in November as
a precaution against floods. In June 1820 a steamboat was placed on the
route by Mr Henry Bell, to ply between Inverness and Fort-Augustus, and in
October 1822 the Canal was opened from sea to sea, amidst general
jubilation. The member for the County (the Right Hon. Charles Grant) and
his father, with a party of gentlemen from town and county, travelled by
the steamer on her first through voyage. There was a grand
dinner at Fort-William to celebrate the memorable
occasion. The financial returns from the Canal have proved disappointing,
but it has helped to make the Highlands accessible, and has made a
beautiful route familiar to travellers from all parts of the world. During
the time of its construction, the expenditure mitigated the poverty which
might otherwise have proved serious in its effects.
Our period saw changes as great in the conveyance by
sea as by land and canal. Mr James Suter mentions that in 1804 smacks
began to ply regularly between Inverness and London, for the first seven
years going once in three weeks, and afterwards once in ten days. The
smacks called at Cromarty, and latterly seem to have started from that
place. The time taken depended on the winds. The voyage seems sometimes to
have lasted from ten to fourteen days. Mr Joseph Mitchell says he made the
passage in a smack from Aberdeen in six days. Occasionally the voyage was
much more expeditious. In February 1815, for instance, we are told that
the Inverness Packet arrived at Burghead from Gravesend in the short space
of seventy hours, having outstripped the mail by thirty-four hours. Steam
navigation sprang up while the Canal was in progress, and the waterway, as
we have seen, was utilised even before it was fully opened. The first
steam vessel, the Comet, was placed on the Clyde by Henry Bell in 1812,
and in the next ten years the new system of navigation came into general
use. In December 1820, Sir Hugh linnes of Lochalsh made arrangements for
the running of a steamboat between Glasgow and Kyleakin once a-week. It is
recorded that she made her first voyage in 35 hours and 50 minutes, and
the return voyage in 40 hours and 16 minutes, the latter in spite of heavy
gales. In May 1821 a steamer was launched at Dumbarton to complete the
connection with Inverness by way of Aberdeen. Thus almost at the same time
the Highlands came into possession of a complete system of roads, of steam
service by sea, and of the advantages of communication by the Caledonian
Canal.
The rural economy of the Highlands underwent a vital
change during the period under consideration. The abolition of heritable
jurisdictions after the rising of 1745 changed the whole constitution of
Highland society. Though it was absolutely necessary to take away the
feudal powers which the chiefs possessed, the measure, from an economic
point of view, had unfortunate effects. It was inevitable that under the
new circumstances a commercial system should take the place of the
patriarchal, but the change was too sudden and revolutionary. It must not,
however, be forgotten that the occupancy of land in the Highlands at the
time was essentially on an unsound basis. Tacksmen related in blood to the
chief held considerable tracts at low rents, and sub-let to the body of
the people, whose payments helped to support the middlemen in comfort.
Cottars, with still smaller patches of soil, added to the numbers of the
population. The time had now come when the presence of a large body of men
was no longer necessary to support the dignity of a chief, and as
proprietor his thoughts turned to the improvement of his rent-roll. The
tacksmen resented the increased demands made upon them, and began to
emigrate. During this state of friction farmers from the Southern counties
came to the Highlands and offered large sums for land as sheep walks. The
process began on the Glengarry estates in 1782, and went rapidly forward.
Mr Fraser Mackintosh says that in 1768 the rental of the Glengarry estates
was only a little over £700, and in
1802 it had risen so enormously that it exceeded £5000. There was a large
emigration from Knoydart in 1786, and another even larger in 1802. In the
latter year three vessels sailed from Fort-William to Quebec, carrying
with them hundreds of Highlanders, who were a great loss to the old
country, but who enriched the land to which they went. In 1792
sheep-farming had spread to such an extent in the counties of Ross and
Sutherland that it led to serious riots, the people attempting to drive
the sheep away. This, however, did not stop the movement. The authorities
were strong, and the people, who were peaceful at heart, submitted, but
with passionate protestations, which still evoke profound sympathy. In
1817 the Sheep and Wool Fair was established at Inverness. Up till this
time and afterwards, in spite of eviction and emigration, the population
continued to increase. It was stimulated, no doubt, by the growth of the
kelp industry on the western seaboard and islands, which gave employment
to many people, but which broke down just about the end of our period, and
brought in a new element of distress. It must also be remembered that
there were wide districts which were never cleared, and in which the old
imperfect system of agriculture was gradually supplanted by newer methods.
It was during the first quarter of the century that a real beginning was
made with the improvement of cultivation.
There is a survey of the County of Inverness prepared
for the Board of Agriculture in 1808 by Rev. Dr James Robertson, minister
of Callander, in Perthshire, which contains many interesting particulars.
Dr Robertson deplores and condemns the depopulation of districts caused by
the extension of sheep-farming. He also lets us see what the old system
was like. He thinks there was too great a gulf between the tacksmen and
the small tenants. He says that the culture of the potato, which fifty
years before was almost unknown except in the gardens of the wealthy, had
spread until it had become universal. He observes that one-half of the
inhabitants of Scotland lived mainly on potatoes during eight or nine
months in the year, and that the proportion so sustained was higher in the
Highlands than in the rest of the country. The possibility of the crop
failing did not strike him, as indeed at that time there was nothing to
foreshadow such disaster. He states that the lower class of Highlanders
lived in greater comfort and plenty than in any former generation. There
was no necessity to bleed cattle in bad seasons to supplement the
"pittance of meal." The housing of the great majority of the people was,
however, as bad generally as it still remains in some of the outer
islands. The dwellings of the better class—the small minority—were
comfortable, but all the rest were of the most miserable description. "The
huts of the Indians bordering on the Lakes of St Lawrence," says Dr
Robertson, "cannot be worse in point of structure and accommodation." A
communication to a newspaper just beyond our present period supplies some
curious particulars. The writer assumes the population of an ordinary
Highland parish to be about 2000, and he says that three-fourths, or more
nearly four-fifths, lived in black huts. He thinks there may be 500 huts
in such a parish and 500 outhouses, making a total of 1000; and he puts
the cost of erection at £12 a-piece, making a total value of £12,000.
Improvement, however, was at work. The Highland Society of Scotland did
much for agriculture by the offer of premiums, and local Farming Societies
were established to promote the movement. On the part of the proprietors
the difficulty of providing satisfactory houses and steadings for small
holdings no doubt helped to bring about the enlargement of farms and the
decrease of population.
Without attempting to describe the general condition of
Highland agriculture in the olden time, concerning which much has been
written elsewhere, it may be interesting to give a few further gleanings
from Dr Robertson’s survey. He speaks more than once of the number of
horses kept by the small tenants before the introduction of sheep farming.
These horses were allowed to roam the moors at large, and sent down in
annual droves to the Lowlands for sale. They were of a poor kind, and in
Dr Robertson’s opinion not remunerative. "There is," he says, "no species
of bestial more useless or expensive than an idle horse. In Glenmoriston
alone, a district of no great extent, a gentleman of veracity told me
there had been 900 horses until very lately. In a fine meadow of a
well-cultivated part of the country I reckoned six small horses grazing
upon one farm." Dr Robertson describes the method of ferrying the cattle
from Skye across the sound at Kylerhea. The animals were forced to swim.
"For this purpose the drovers purchased ropes, which are cut at the length
of three feet, having a noose at one end. This noose is put round the
under-jaw of every cow, taking care to leave the tongue free. The reason
given for leaving the tongue loose is that the animal may be able to keep
the salt water from going down its throat in such a quantity as to fill
all the cavities in the body, which would prevent the action of the lungs;
for every beast is found dead, and said to be drowned at the
landing-place, to which this mark of attention has not been paid." Each
cow was tied to the tail of the cow before, forming a string of six or
eight; and a man in the stem held the rope of the foremost cow. The most
favourable passage was at high water, and very few beasts were lost. It is
said that from 5000 to 8000 cattle were taken across in this fashion in
course of the year. Dr Robertson condemns the practice of casting turf for
fuel or for thatching, which spoilt the pasture ground. Ploughmakers and
cartwrights had only recently settled in the low and central parts of the
county. The late proprietor of Cantray was the first to introduce a
thrashing mill driven by horses, having imported the machinery and
tradesmen from Leith. The number of sheep in Inverness-shire in 1808 was
reckoned at 50,000, having doubled in ten years. "The old indigenous
sheep, which are small, fine-woolled, and altogether white, are still very
numerous. The Linton breed, or those with black legs and faces, are the
most prevalent. Stocks of Cheviot sheep are gaining ground, because their
wool is much finer, and their carcase equally large with the Linton
breed." At that time there was no regular deer forest in the county,
except at Lochiel, though "there are straggling deer to be met with in
almost every part of the mountainous districts. [The late Mr Macpherson in
his book on "Church and Social Iife in the Highlands," gives extracts
respecting the old deer forests from a paper written by Captain I.achlan
Macpherson, "Old Biallid," who died in 1858. He says that at one time the
deer forests possessed by the Earls of Huntly commenced at Ben Avon, in
Banffshire, and terminated at Ben Nevis, near Fort-William, a distance of
seventy miles, without a break except for the estate of Rothiemurchus,
about two miles in breadth. "No alteration took place until after
the Rising of 1745, when the whole forests were let as grazings, except
Gaick, which the Duke of Gordon continued as a deer forest until about the
year 1788, when it was let as a sheep walk, and continued so until 1826,
when the late Duke of Gordon (then Marquis of Huntly) re-established it."
(See also pages 48 and 49 of this volume.)] Dr Robertson speaks very
highly of the moral and law-abiding character of the people. "Single
individuals travel unarmed, in all directions, through the Highlands, with
thousands of pounds in their pockets, to purchase cattle, without dread or
annoyance." Finally, we may quote the following passage relating to home
industries —
"The domestic manufacture of this county is very
considerable, because upwards of sixty thousand of the inhabitants, out of
a population of seventy-four thousand, may be said to be clothed by their
home-spun and home-wrought, stuffs of various kinds, excepting bonnets,
handkerchiefs, and a few more articles for female, or Sunday’s attire.
‘The housewives, and their daughters, and
servant-maids, are more industrious than one could suppose, in a country
where the pastoral habits and employments still continue so much to
prevail. Their cloths are woven by the country weavers, and dressed by the
dyers in the neighbourhood. Their tartans and plaids are universally
admired for fineness of fabric, brilliancy of colours, and the taste
displayed in the variety of setts or patterns. This display of ingenuity
and industry, is by no means confined to the common people. Many of the
ladies of fortune understand the art of dyeing to great perfection, not
only with respect to the more easy and cheap colours, but even as to the
more delicate and vivid kinds, which they often execute full as lively and
permanently as the most skilful and experienced dyers in the great towns.
To enumerate all the instances of these thrifty habits would be endless. I
shall mention only one or two, as a specimen of the rest. At a gentleman’s
house in Lochaber, I saw two hearthrugs of the most beautiful mixed
colours; one dozen of chair-covers woven, and another dozen sewed by a
stitch called vigo (well-known to ladies), having five different shades of
green, four of red, three of purple, a black ground, with a yellow and
white edging; all spun, and dyed, and sewed in the house. The whole
drawing-room furniture, sopha and chair-covers, was of the same kind;
sixteen carpets, of different patterns. The bed and table linen was
countless; as also the blankets, which, in warmth and fabric, were equal
and in fineness, superior, to those sold in the great towns, under the
name of being imported from the South. Shawls and gowns of twisted
worsted, and tartans of the most lively colours, beautifully diversified,
and various other articles, all spun and dyed in the family, under the
inspection, and by direction of Mrs Cameron of Fassfern. In the opposite
side of the county, Mrs Macpherson, at Mains of Ardersier, near
Fort-George, besides many other articles of industry, which it might be
thought tedious to enumerate in detail, sends every year to the bleaching
between three and four hundred yards of linen, spun in her own house, from
the flax raised by her husband."
It is curious to note that while the system of
sheep-farming was extending, much alarm and lamentation were caused by the
constant stream of emigration. One of the objects of the construction of
the Caledonian Canal was to stop this movement. Mr Telford, in his report
of 1801, says that about three
thousand persons had left our shores in the previous year, and he was
informed that three times that number were preparing to leave in course of
the year in which he was writing. The men who were going were not without
resources. "The very high price of black cattle," says Mr Telford, "has
facilitated the means of emigration, as it has furnished the old farmers
with a portion of capital which enables them to transport their families
beyond the Atlantic." At the present day a passage to Canada or the States
is an easy thing. At that time, however, the passage occupied from six
weeks to two months, and was often accomplished in vessels ill-equipped
with water and provisions The tale is one on which no one cares to dwell.
There is a sentence in Lord Cockburn's Memorials which
describes the warlike atmosphere of a protracted period. Of the peace of
1814 he says:—"Old men, but especially those in whose memories the
American War ran into the French one, had only a dim recollection of what
peace was; and middle-aged men knew it now for the first time." Even then
there was still the final conflict to come with Napoleon, before the
battle of Waterloo put an end to the clash of arms. During the wars the
Highland regiments were winning those laurels which have made their names
famous. For home defence there were Fencible regiments, some Volunteers,
regular militia, and latterly the Local Militia, instituted in 1808 and
suspended in 1816. The Fencible regiments formed a home force in Scotland,
raised by recruiting instead of by ballot, but the last of them were
disbanded early in the nineteenth century. The Local Militia gathered into
its ranks the greater part of the young manhood of the country, drawn by
ballot between the ages of eighteen and thirty, each county being obliged
to furnish a force of the kind six times as large as the regular militia
quota. It is not surprising that with constant war abroad and periodical
warlike training at home, the military spirit was dominant. In the
newspapers of the time there are frequent references to the Local Militia.
The Hon. Archibald Fraser of Lovat was Colonel of the 1st Inverness-shire
regiment and Glengarry of the second; and authority was given to Highland
battalions to wear the Highland dress as their uniform. Apparently this
permission was granted on the application of Glengarry, who, whatever his
faults, cherished an enthusiastic pride in the Highland name.
The practice of illicit distillation became exceedingly
prevalent during the period with which we are dealing. About the year 1814
two causes operated to increase the practice to an enormous degree. The
first was the passing of an Act which prohibited the use of stills of less
capacity than 500 gallons, a measure which served as a complete interdict
to legal distilling in the Highlands. The second and more permanent cause
was the distress which set in after 1815, owing to the fall in
agricultural prices at the close of the war. Matters then became so
serious that the county authorities petitioned Government to legalise the
use of small stills. This was conceded in 1816, stills of 40 gallons
capacity being allowed, and the duty reduced. But the new Act was
surrounded by so many restrictions that the distilleries which were
established failed to become successful. The legal distiller was obliged
to make his wash of a specific strength, and to pay duty on a specific
quantity of spirits, whether he was able to extract the required amount or
not. In point of fact, he was required to produce one-fourth or one-fifth
more than the smuggler, and so it was true that smuggled whisky was at
that time better in quality than the whisky legally distilled. It was not
until 1823 that a new Act was passed which conceded more liberal
regulations, and allowed distillers to warehouse spirits without payment
of duty. Accordingly, the year 1823 saw both the climax in smuggling and
the turn in the tide.
When smuggling was at its height the whole Highland
district was involved in it, from east to west and from north to south.
Bands of men carried the product of their stills through the glens on
ponies, and often resisted the officers of the law. The military had to be
called in to help the Excise. The late Mr Joseph Mitchell mentions that
one morning when, as a young man, he was driving up Glenmoriston before
breakfast, he met twenty-five Highland ponies tied to each other, carrying
two kegs of whisky apiece, and attended by ten or twelve men armed with
bludgeons. They looked at Mr Mitchell with suspicion, but at length one of
them said to his companion, "You need not mind; it is the son of Mitchell,
the man of the high roads" (his father being superintendent under
Telford), and they treated him to a dram. During the same period
quantities of wines and foreign spirits were smuggled in from Holland.
Under date of December 1821, the "Courier" contains an account of a
strange case which was tried at a Justice of Peace Court at Inverness. The
shoremaster had been accommodating enough to bury in his garden eighteen
kegs of gin which the skipper of a smack had picked up at sea, and
moreover, to ensure concealment, had planted cabbages over the spot. The
kegs having been discovered, the culprits were prosecuted, but they
pleaded that the gin was flotsam, that the statute allowed them
twenty-four hours to give notice to the Excise, and that the officers had
made their seizure before the expiry of this period of grace. The Court
actually accepted the plea, and the defenders had the audacity to give
notice that they intended to raise an action against the Excise officers
for illegal detention of the vessel. It is not likely that the action ever
came off.
Naturally there were great complaints as to the
demoralising character of smuggling. The community was infected with it
from top to bottom. Farmers found a market and obtained a better price for
their grain through the illicit traffic; landowners secured higher rents;
the people generally obtained cheaper whisky. At a Justice of Peace Court
at Inverness in 1823, no fewer than 400 persons from the districts of the
Aird, Strathglass, and Urquhart were fined for illicit distillation or for
selling spirits without a licence. In the same year there were 14,000
detections in the Highlands for breaches of the Excise laws. The Act of
that year helped to improve matters, assisted by the spread of education
and the influence of the clergy. But much was likewise due to the
increased activity and determination of the Excise, and the enforcement of
high penalties. The Justices had been in the habit of imposing fines much
below the minimum authorised by law. At the time of the passing of the new
Act, however, the authorities resolutely demanded that the minimum of £20
should be imposed, otherwise six months’ imprisonment. The Justices
demurred, and some of them talked of resigning. They were not aware of the
resources of the Department. In a prosecution in Banffshire, when the
Justices proved obstinate, the Excise transferred the cases to the Court
of Exchequer, which subjected the offenders to penalties varying from £100
to £500 a-piece. This seems to have broken down the opposition, and the
enforcement of stiff penalties by local Justices proved a deterrent to the
smugglers. In 1834 the number of detections had fallen to 692.
The Church of Scotland at this time held almost
undisputed sway in the Highlands, except for the Catholic and Episcopalian
sections of the population. There was very little dissent of any other
kind; only a few small congregations founded under special circumstances.
The Church was earnest in its work, both in the religious and educational
fields. The people out of their poverty contributed freely to such objects
as were brought before them. For instance, there was a Northern Missionary
Society founded in 1800, which raised in twenty-two years about £3000 for
missionary purposes, and had by no means at that date come to an end of
its career. In 1823 a sum of £50,000 was granted by Government for
providing additional places of worship in the Highlands and Islands. By
the erection of churches and manses this sum made provision for over forty
additional ministers, whose services were appreciated in the wide rural
parishes. In the matter of education the Gaelic-speaking population was
very backward. But there was constant effort for improvement. In 1811 a
Gaelic School Society was established in Edinburgh; in 1818 a Society for
the education of the poor was formed at Inverness. In a report which the
latter Society issued in 1825, it is calculated that in the Hebrides and
other western parts of Inverness and Ross, 70 persons in the hundred could
not read; in the mainland parts of the Northern Highlands, 40 in the
hundred. According to the same report, there was in the western district
only one copy of the Bible for every eight persons above the age of eight
years, and in other districts only one copy for three persons. In 1825 the
General Assembly appointed a Committee for the purpose of increasing the
means of education and religious instruction. From this step great benefit
accrued. The Bible Societies also gave valuable assistance in providing
Gaelic Bibles.
There are several names that frequently occur in the
annals of the Highlands in the early part of the century. The two Charles
Grants, father and son, exercised in succession great influence as members
of Parliament from 1802 until 1835. Other distinguished persons took a
leading part in the social life of the country, either as residents or
occasional visitors. The Northern Meeting then, as now, was the
culminating point of the Highland season. The famous Lady Jane, Duchess of
Gordon, was a prominent patron of this assembly, supported by her son, the
Marquis of Huntly, and by one or other of those daughters who had made
such brilliant marriages. The Duchess delighted to spend the autumn at
Kinrara, enjoying a simple Arcadian life after the toils of London
society. Miss Elizabeth Grant of Rothiemurchus, afterwards Mrs Smith of
Baltiboys, describes the unpretending accommodation and the frank
enjoyment of hostess and visitors. "Half the London world of fashion, all
the clever people that could be hunted out from all parts, all the north
country, all the neighbourhood from far and near, without regard to wealth
or station, and all the kith and kin of both Gordons and Maxwells, flocked
to this encampment in the wilderness during the fine autumns to enjoy the
free life, the pure air, and the wit and fun the Duchess brought with her
to the mountains." Mrs Smith also says that Lord Huntly was the life of
social gatherings. "He was young, gay, handsome, fond of his mother, and
often with her; and so general a favourite that all the people seemed to
wake up when he came amongst them." The Duchess died in London in April
1812, and her remains were brought North by her son, and interred in a
sequestered spot chosen by herself not far from Kinrara House. The Marquis
was the last of his line. He married in 1813 Elizabeth Brodie, daughter of
Brodie of Arnhall, but without issue. In 1827, on the death of his father,
he succeeded to the dukedom, and to an encumbered property. Before his
death in 1836 he had to part with Lochaber and a portion of his Badenoch
estates. The late Dr Carruthers, in his Highland Notebook, gives the
following interesting reminiscences of the closing days of the "gay and
gallant Marquis" after he had become Duke of Gordon: —
"There certainly never was a better chairman of a
festive party. He could not make a set speech; and on one occasion when
Lord Liverpool asked him to move or second an address at the opening of a
session of Parliament, he gaily replied that he would undertake to please
all their Iordships if they adjourned to the City of London Tavern but he
could not undertake to do the same in the House of Lords. He excelled in
short, unpremeditated addresses, which were always lively and to
the point. We heard him once on an occasion which would have been a
melancholy one in any other hands. He bad been compelled to sell the
greater part of his property in the district of Badenoch, to lessen the
pressure of his difficulties, and emancipate himself, in some measure,
from legal trustees. The gentlemen of the district resolved, before
parting with their noble landlord, to invite him to a public dinner in
Kingussie. A piece of plate, or some other mark of regard, would perhaps
have been more apropos, and less painful in its associations but the
dinner was given and received. Champagne flowed like water; the
Highlanders were in the full costume of the mountains, and great
excitement prevailed. When the Duke stood up, his tall, graceful form
slightly stooping with age, and his grey hairs shading his smooth, bald
forehead, with a general’s broad riband across his breast, the thunders of
applause were like a warring cataract or mountain torrent in flood. Tears
sparkled in his eyes, and he broke out with a hasty acknowledgment of the
honours paid to him; he alluded to the time when he roamed their
hills in youth, gathering recruits among their mountains for the service
of his country---to the strong attachment which his departed mother
entertained for every cottage and family among them—and to his own
affection for the Highlands, which be said was as firm and lasting as the
Rock of Cairngorm, which he was still proud to possess. The latter was a
statement of fact: in the sale of the property the Duke had stipulated for
retaining that wild mountain range called the Cairngorm Rocks. The effect
of this short and feeling speech—so powerful is the language of nature and
genuine emotion—was as strong as the most finished oration could produce."
On the death of the nobleman who figures in this
pathetic scene, the entailed estates—still a splendid patrimony went to
the Duke of Richmond, the grandson of Duchess Jane by her eldest
daughter. The ancient title was revived in 1876, and the present venerable
peer holds the honours of Duke of Richmond and Gordon.
There were other three great proprietors who occupied a
prominent place, and who experienced their share of human troubles. The
last Earl of Seaforth was a man of marked ability, whose mental endowments
triumphed over the defects of deafness and imperfect speech. But he lived
during a lavish period, and he was, at least for a time, a member of the
extravagant circle which gathered round the Prince Regent. He was also
involved in West Indian plantations which proved unprofitable. So his
property became embarrassed, and part of it had to be sold. His four sons
predeceased him, the last two dying in 1813 and 1814; and Lord Seaforth
himself, broken in heart, passed away in the beginning of 1815, leaving
the estates that remained to a widowed daughter. The Hon. Archibald Fraser
of Lovat, the last surviving son of the famous Lord Simon, was a careful
and attentive business man, who managed his affairs with credit and
success. He was proud of his Highland descent, and assisted the Duke of
Montrose in getting rid of the law which prohibited the wearing of the
Highland dress. But in his case also his sons, five in all, predeceased
him. The eldest son, the last of the family, represented the County of
Inverness in Parliament from 1796 until 1802. By his death the deed of
entail came into operation which secured the succession to the Strichen
branch of the family. The Hon. Archibald Fraser died in the same year as
Lord Seaforth, 1815, but at an interval of eleven months. The third of
these conspicuous proprietors was Macdonell of Glengarry, who succeeded to
a fine inheritance, and squandered it away. His ambition was to be a
Highland Chief of the olden time, so far as that could be attained under
modem conditions. Glengarry moved about with a body of retainers, which
constituted his "tail.’ He was always eager for a leading place among his
contemporaries. Though he possessed talent and many kindly qualities, his
overbearing temper led him repeatedly into difficulties, and his careless
expenditure far exceeded his income. The estates were deeply involved
before his death in 1828, and after his time they passed from the family.
Many other Highland families, who were less prominent before the world,
transmitted their estates
unimpaired to their successors.
To come to the town of Inverness. A public-spirited Provost,
William Inglis of Kingsmills, died in 1801. He was a merchant and banker, and is characterised by
Mr James Suter as the most useful Magistrate the town ever possessed till that date, "the founder of its
finest buildings, and some of its most valuable institutions, and for
thirty years the chief promoter of its improvements." Among the most
influential men who succeeded him were Mr Gilzean, Mr Grant of Bught, and
Dr Robertson of Aultnaskiach. Mr Gilzean was a pluralist, being sheriff,
collector of customs, and distributor of stamps, and yet able to
hold office as Provost. He is said to have left a fortune of from £50,000
to £60,000, which was a large sum for those days, especially in a town
like Inverness. Mr Grant has been described as a "kindly man of dignified
manners," who promoted social intercourse, and was personally popular. Dr
Robertson seems to have been the ablest and most public-spirited of the
three, but as time went on he became identified with the party which
resisted the demand for reform, and so lost some of his popularity. A
curious incident in the history of the burgh was the suspension of its
"set" or constitution, which took place in 1818, and lasted for several
years. According to the constitution, Councillors and Magistrates were to
be residenters, "and actually trafficking merchants or maltmen." Objection
was taken that one Councillor and two Bailies were neither trafficking
merchants nor maltmen. The Corporation pleaded usage, but rather than
incur the expense of appearing before the Court of Session in Edinburgh,
they allowed judgment to go against then Those who defended the practice
which had crept into existence contended that the objection was an attempt
to narrow the constitution of the burgh; that to confine the
qualifications to the classes specifically mentioned was a retrograde
step. There was obvious truth in this view, but doubtless there were
persona]. feelings at the bottom of the quarrel, and a desire to overthrow
what was regarded by the objectors as a local autocracy. The Court of
Session disapproved of the application, though they felt bound to give
effect to the technical objection. The election of a member of Parliament
for the Burghs was in the hands of the Town Councils, which practically
meant the Provosts, and the selection really rested alternately with the
Provost of Inverness and the Provost of Forres. It is not surprising that
these gentlemen were loth to relinquish a privilege which conferred upon
them both influence and patronage. When Robert Grant, a younger son of
Charles Grant, got notice to quit from the representation before the
Reform Act of 1832, it was generally believed that a question of local
patronage was as much the cause of his dismissal as the divergence of his
political views from those of the local magnates of the day.
In the early part of the century the town consisted of
little more than the streets which now form its centre— High Street,
Bridge Street, Church Street, Castle Street, and New Street (or Academy
Street), with a humble offshoot at East Gate. In Home’s map of 1774 the
west side consists of a few blocks of building going as far down as about
the present Greig Street Bridge. There was then a wide open space occupied
chiefly by what is called the Red Yard, and after that a few more houses
about the Green of Muirtown. An old channel of the river— but not the main
channel—appears at the Abban. There is a road shown running across the
mouth of this channel and down to Kessock, the only road to Kessock in
those days. Behind the road, marking the old channel, are the words,
"Stones called Bowbridge"; and behind this again an open space bearing the
words on the map, "a salt water lake called the Nabon." The land running
part of the way alongside consists of enclosures called Dalnabon, and the
road to Beauly is traced between Dalnabon and high-water mark. The
Centenarian says that in his boyhood, say about 1765, there were only
fifteen "smokes" and eight small windows, with the exception of Phopachy
House, between the Blue House and Kessock Ferry. Improvement had set in
before the end of the eighteenth century, due in no small measure, as the
writer of the Old Statistical Account says, to the great influx of money
from the East and West Indies, and to the establishment of factories. The
Northern Meeting Rooms were erected in 1790; the Royal Academy and the
Jail and Court House in Bridge Street, in 1791. In 1796 the principal
streets were levelled and paved, and Clachnacudain—the Stone of the
Tubs—was removed from the centre of High Street to a place under the
Cross. In 1798 the Chapel of Ease, now the U.F. East Church, was built. In
1800 the Castle Hill was enclosed by a wall; in 1803 the Northern
Infirmary was erected, and the same year the lands of Merkinch were feued.
In 1808 the Wooden Bridge was erected, and next year an embankment was
formed between that point and Douglas Row. In 1812 the Head of Church
Street was widened, and Geddes’s building was erected, apparently the fine
block opposite the Exchange. In 1813 the embankment of the town lands at
the Longman was completed, and in 1815 the Thornbush Pier was built and
the Harbour deepened. These particulars are given in James Suter’s
Memorabilia.
The old stone bridge (destroyed by the flood of 1849)
was a fine feature in the town, described by Telford as the handsomest old
bridge in Great Britain. The remains of the old Castle are shown in a
picture of 1820, but they disappeared during the next few years, the
stones probably forming a quarry for other buildings. The Centenarian says
that the roads north and south of the bridge were carried out under the
direction of Provost Robertson, who also widened the west end of Bridge
Street at his own expense, removing the turnpike stairs in front and
setting back his property. The work appears to have been carried out in
the winter of 1816 and 1817, during a period of severe distress in the
town. A contemporary notice says that "elegant and commodious roads have
been made on both banks of the river, and extensive footpaths have been
formed, which certainly add much to the comfort and to the health of the
inhabitants." Part of these improvements was the Ladies’ Walk on the
river-bank, which derived its name from the fact
that it was made at the expense of some generous ladies. In the winter of
1817 the walk was injured by a flood, and some person or persons who had
made a bet on the result of the burgh Parliamentary election and won it,
applied the proceeds to the repair of the path. Telford Street was built
for the accommodation of engineers and superintendents during the
construction of the Canal. In 1818 a new line of road was constructed from
this street to the town. "The present entrance in that direction," we are
informed, "passes through all the filth of the Green of Muirtown, which is
by far the most disagreeable and irregular access to the town; the new
entrance will pass directly from the line of elegant buildings in Telford
Street through the field on the north of the hovels on the Green, by
Wells’s Foundry, to the fine embankment lately built on the west side of
the river." The land was given free of charge by Mr Duff of Muirtown; and
it is stated that few persons had done more than this gentleman for the
improvement of the neighbourhood. There were, as has been said, factories
in the town for tanning, thread-making, bleaching, dyeing, and making
cloth, but they were not permanently successful. The fuel mostly used was
peat and wood; coal only by the well-to-do classes. Mr Joseph Mitchell,
who was born in 1803, and passed his boyhood in the town, says that some
of the houses were of considerable size, with turnpikes and pepper boxes
outside; but Petty Street, the Maggot, and the west side of the river
consisted mainly of huts. A stream of water ran across Church Street from
School Lane, and was turned into a drain in 1818.
In the year 1800, Dr John Leyden passed through the
town of Inverness during the tour of which the Journal has recently been
published. He says that he "beheld indeed very little that is not to be
seen in every town"; also that "it contains some elegant buildings, but no
regular streets or squares of neat houses." This negative account shows at
least that there was nothing to call forth the travellers’ special
animadversion. "Many of the houses," he adds, "are of considerable
antiquity, and have the arms of some Highland chieftain sculptured on a
large slab inserted in the wall, from having been the town houses of these
chieftains in feudal times." Leyden climbed Craig-Phadrick, and
continues—"The finest view of Inverness is from the eminence above
Muirtown as you ascend Craig-Phadrick, one of the eminences of that ridge
which conceals the Fraser country, or Aird. Here the apparent regularity
of the arrangement and elegance of the structures greatly exceeds
reality." The entry is dated at Nairn, September 11th, and Leyden’s
appreciation may have been chilled by the mists which led him, as he says,
to abandon his proposed journey to Ross-shire. Dr Macculloch, whose Tour
was published in 1824, and who was not given to enthusiasm, is much more
appreciative. He waxes eloquent in describing the beauty of the situation,
and calls Inverness itself "a clean town and a good-looking town," adding
that "it possesses the best and the civilest and cheapest inns in
Scotland." We may fairly say that at the beginning of the nineteenth
century the town was not behind other county towns in Scotland, and had
advantages over many of them, due to its position and surroundings. Since
then, in outward appearance and in the character of its buildings, it has
kept pace with any community in the land. Indeed, it has been rebuilt to
such an extent that, in spite of its ancient history, Inverness as it
stands is essentially modem. It only remains for its people to maintain
the enterprise which their fathers in their day exhibited, and thus to
keep up the march of improvement which so far has not failed. |