IN treating of the earlier part of the history of Scotland, it had been
my intention to have refrained from entering more deeply into the
subject than was absolutely necessary for the development of the single
proposition which I had to establish – viz., the descent of the
Highlanders from the northern Picts; but the remarkable discoveries of
Sir Francis Palgrave, regarding the court and privileges of the seven
earls of Scotland in the thirteenth century, corroborate so very
strongly the views which I had been led to form of the constitution of
the Pictish kingdom, and of its preservation in the subsequent Scottish
monarchy, that I am induced to depart from my resolution, and to give a
more detailed view of the subject in this Appendix.
Previous
writers of Scottish history have in general overlooked the ancient
territorial divisions of the country. That the name of Scotia was,
previous to the thirteenth century, confined to the country north of the
Firths of Forth and Clyde, is undoubted; the chronicles and ancient
writers invariably asserting that these Firths divided Scotia from
Anglia. That part of the present kingdom situated to the south of these
Firths, appears to have formerly consisted of the two provinces of
Lothian and Cumbria, or Galloway; and these provinces have been
frequently noticed by our later historians. These writers have, however,
entirely overlooked the fact, that Scotia, or Scotland proper, was
likewise divided into provinces. We have seen that frequent allusion is
made by the chroniclers and monkish writers to the “provinciae Pictorum”;
[See Part I., chap. ii.] and from the Scottish conquest down to
the thirteenth century, they frequently notice the existence of
provinces in the north of Scotland. The oldest description of these
territorial divisions which we possess, is contained in the work of
Giraldus Cambrensis, styled “De Situ Albaniae,” and written in the year
1180. He mentions that the “Aqua optima, quae Scotticé vocata est
Forth,” divides the “regna Scottorum et Anglorum,” and says, “Haec vero
terra a septem fratribus divisa fuit antiquitus in septem partes: quarum
pars principalis est Enegus cum Moerne, ab Enegus
primogenito fratrum sic nominata: seconda autem pars est Adthrodle et
Gouerin [The word read by Innes Gouerin, ought undoubtedly to be Garörin
or Garmorin, for the division of the Picts into the two nations of
Australes et Septentrionales, and the language of Bede, precludes the
possibility of Atholl and Gowry being in the same territorial division.;
Innes probably never heard of the Earldom of Garmorin.]; pars etiam
tertia est Stradeern cum Meneted: quarta pars partium est
Fife cum Fothreve: quinta vero pars est Marr cum
Buchen: sexta autem est Murref et Ros: septima enim
pars est Cathanesia citra montem et ultra montem: quia Mons
Mound dividit Cathanesiam per medium.” [Innes, App. No.
1.] He afterwards gives a different account of the seven provinces,
of the authority of Andrew, Bishop of Caithness: –
“Primum regnum
fuit (sicut mihi verus relator retulit, Andreas, videlicet, vir
venerabilis Katanensis episcopus nacione Scottus et Dunfermlis Monachus)
ab illa aqua optima, quae Scottice vocata est Forth, Britannice
Werid, Romane vero Scotte-Wattre, i.e., aqua Scottorum;
quae regna Scottorum et Anglorum dividit, et currit juxta oppidum de
Strivelin, usque ad flumen aliud nobile, quod vocatum est Tae.
“Secundum
regnum ad Hilef, sicut mare circuit, usque ad montem aquilonali
plaga de Strivelin qui vocatur Athrin.
“Tertium
regnum ab Hilef usque ad De.
“Quartum regnum ex
De usque ad magnum et mirabile flumen quod vocatur Spe,
majorem et meliorem totius Scociae.
“Quintum
regnum de Spe usque ad montem Bruinalban.
“Sextum regnum fuit
Muref et Ros.
“Septimum regnum
fuit Arregaithel.”
On comparing these
two lists, it will be observed that six of the seven provinces are the
same in both; the first province in the second list being equivalent to
Fife and Fothreve; the second, to Stratherne and Menteth; the third, to
Angus and Merns; the fourth, to Marr and Buchan; the fifth, to Atholl;
and the sixth, Moray and Ross; while in the first list, the seventh is
Cathanesia, and in the second it is Argyll.
This
variation, it is plain, could not arise from any error in the ancient
documents from which these two accounts are taken; and the two lists can
only represent the division of Scotland into seven provinces, at
different periods, since otherwise we could not account for the
omission of either Argyll or Caithness. This variation, however, points
out distinctly the different periods in the history of Scotland to which
the two lists apply. The first list omits Argyll; the second includes
Argyll and omits Caithness; and the ninth century produced exactly the
changes in the history of Scotland which would account for this
variation; for the Scottish conquest, in 843, added Dalriada, which
afterwards became Argyll, to the rest of Scotland, and towards the end
of the same century, Caithness fell into the hands of the Norwegians.
The second list thus exhibits the exact territories possessed by the
king of Scotland subsequent to the ninth century, while the first list
gives an equally faithful picture of the extent of the Pictish
kingdom previous to the Scottish conquest. This is very plain, when we
find that the seven provinces in the first list form exactly the
possessions of the Picts, and that the part omitted is just the
territory of the Dalriads; and this is most important, for it proves
that the division into seven provinces was peculiar to the Picts, and
that the Pictish kingdom formed the basis of the subsequent Scottish
monarchy. Having thus established the fact that the seven provinces
contained in the first list were the territorial divisions of the
Pictish kingdom previous to the Scottish conquest, we now
proceed to enquire into the nature and purpose of this division.
Giraldus
mentions a tradition that the seven provinces arose from a division of
the territory of the Picts among seven brothers. These seven brothers,
however, are manifestly the same with the seven sons of Cruthne, the
progenitor of the Picts mentioned in the following passage of the
Pictish chronicle: “Cruidne filius Cinge, pater Pictorum habitantium in
hac insula, C. annis regnavit; VII. filios habuit. Haec sunt nomina
eorum; Fiv, Fidach, Floclaid, Fortreim, Got, Ce, Circui.” [Pinkerton,
App. No. 10.] The same seven brothers are mentioned in an old Gaelic
poem attributed to St. Columba, and quoted in that ancient and singular
history of the Picts contained in the book of Ballymote;
“The seven great sons of Cruthne
Divided Alban into seven parts,
Cait, Ce, Cirighceathac,
Fibb, Fidach, Fotla,
Fortreand.” [Pinkerton, App. No. 14. This very curious and valuable
document must not be judged of by Pinkerton’s translation, which bears
but a very remote resemblance to the original.]
The names of these
seven brothers, however, appear from the Irish annalists to have been
actually the Gaelic names of the districts in question.
The name of
Fortren occurs frequently in these Annals, where many of the Pictish
kings are termed “Ri Fortren,” or king of Fortren; and that this word,
although used for Pictavia in general, was applied in a strict sense to
Stratherne, appears from two facts: 1st, Angus Ri Fortren (or king of
Fortren, in Tighernac), appears, in the old history of the foundation of
St. Andrews, as residing in Forteviot in Stratherne as his capital; and
it is plain that, in a state of society like that of the Picts, the
residence of the monarch would always be in the territories of the tribe
of which he was the chief. 2dly, The Annals of Ulster mention in 903 the
slaughter of Ivar the Norwegian pirate, “by the men of Fortren,” while
the Pictish Chronicle, in relating the same event, says, “In sequenti
utique anno occisi sunt in Straithheremi (Stratherne) Normanni.”
Fiv is
manifestly Fife. In Cathanesia, and Athfotla or Atholl, we
plainly recognise Got or Cait, and Fotla; while Tighernac mentions a
battle fought “in terra Circi,” and from the parties engaged in it, it
would appear to have been in the territories of the southern Picts, and
consequently the province of Angus. There only remain the names Ce and
Fidach to be identified; but although these must have been the Gaelic
names of the two remaining provinces stretching from the Dee to the
Firth of Tain, we are unable further to identify them. All authorities
thus agree in the division of the Pictish nation into seven provinces;
and as the Picts were at the same time divided into the two great
nations of the Northern and Southern Picts, who were separated from each
other by the Great Grampian range, it would appear that four of these
provinces belonged to the former of these nations, and three to the
latter.
The Picts,
however, it must be remembered, consisted of a confederacy of tribes, in
number certainly greater than seven. These tribes, then, must have been
grouped together, as it were into provinces, and it will be necessary to
ascertain their number and situation before we can understand the
purpose of the latter division. After giving the first list of seven
provinces, Giraldus proceeds to say – “Inde est ut hi septem fratres
praedicti pro septem regibus habebantur: septem regulos sub se
habentes. Isti septem fratres regnum Albaniae in septem regna
diviserunt, et unusquisque in tempore suo in suo regno regnavit.” There
were thus, according to tradition, among the Picts, seven “reges,” and
inferior to them seven “reguli,” that is to say, as the Picts were a
confederacy of tribes, the heads of the nation consisted of fourteen
chiefs, of whom seven were superior in rank to the rest. As we had
previously found the existence of the seven provinces traditionally
preserved in the shape of the seven sons of the supposed founder of the
Pictish kingdom, so we should likewise expect to recognize the fourteen
tribes of the nation traditionally preserved in the same documents and
in a similar form. Such is actually the case. The Pictish Chronicle has
the following passage: –
“15 Brude
bout, a quo xxx Brude regnaverunt Hiberniam et Albaniam, per centum 1.
annorum spacium xlviii. annis regnavit. Id est Brude Pant, Brude Urpant,
Brude Leo, Brude Urleo, Brude Gant, Brude Urgant, Brude Guith, Brude
Urguith, Brude Fecir, Brude Urfecir, Brude Cal, Brude Urcal, Brude Cuit,
Brude Urcuit, Brude Fec, Brude Urfec, Brude Ru, Brude Eru, Brude Gart,
Brude Urgart, Brude Cinid, Brude Urcinid, Brude Iup, Brude Uriup, Brude
Grid, Brude Urgrid, Brude Mund, Brude Urmund.”
In the Book of
Ballymote, perhaps the better authority, we find exactly the same list,
with the exception that instead of Fecir we have Feth, instead of Ru we
have Ero, instead of Iup we have Uip, instead of Grid we have Grith, and
instead of Mund we have Muin.
Although Brude
is here stated to have thirty sons, yet, on giving their names, it
appears to be a mistake for twenty-eight which is the true number, as
the Book of Ballymote has the same. This number, however, is again
reduced to fourteen, as we find that every alternate name is
merely the preceding one repeated, with the syllable “Ur” prefixed.
This, then, is
a strictly analogous case to the former. It appears from Giraldus, that
there were among the Picts persons styled “reges et reguli,” who, from
the state of society among them, must have been chiefs of tribes, and
consequently the nation was divided into fourteen tribes, while we find
a tradition, that a successor of the founder of the nation and king of
the Picts had fourteen sons.
The tribes of
the Caledonians or Picts, as they existed A.D. 121, are, however,
preserved by Ptolemy. The exact number of these tribes cannot be
ascertained from him, as he nowhere marks the distinction between the
tribes of the Calegonians and those of the other Britons. They appear,
however, to have been fourteen in number, for, north of the Firths of
Forth and Clyde, which in the second century was certainly inhabited by
the Caledonians or Picts alone, he places twelve tribes; the Damnonioi
likewise belonged to them, for that tribe is placed by Ptolemy partly
north and partly south of these Firths, and the expression of Julius
Capitolinus, in narrating the building of the wall of Antonine in A.D.
138, “submotis barbaris,” implies that previous to that event a
considerable number of the Caledonians dwelt south of the Firths; among
these “submotis barbaris” we may probably likewise include the Novantai,
as Tacitus draws a decided distinction between them and the neighbouring
tribes, when he styles them, along with the Damnonioi “novas gentes.”
This
just makes up the number of fourteen; and it is a very remarkable
circumstance, that in the name of these fourteen tribes, as given by
Ptolemy, we actually find, with but one exception, the names of the
fourteen sons of Brude given by the Pictish Chronicle. This will appear
from the following table, and as the names in the one list are Gaelic,
and in the other Greek, it will be necessary to add to the former the
forms they would assume by pronunciation, and the use of the aspirate in
the oblique cases, which has the effect in Gaelic, as is well known, of
sometimes changing the form of the letter, and sometimes rendering it
silent. [In old Gaelic D and T are used for each other
indiscriminately. By the aspirate used in the oblique cases, B and M
become V, P becomes F, and T is silent. In ancient MSS. it is likewise
difficult to distinguish T from C.]
Pant or Plant Novantai.
[Na, the Gaelic definite article, Navantai – the Vantai.]
Leo Leo Lougoi.
Gant pronounced Kant Kanteai.
Guith
pronounced Kai Kairinoi.
Feth
or Ped Epidioi.
Cal or Ka
Caladenia.
Cuit
or Tic Talkily.
Fec
Fec Vakomagoi.
Eru
Eru Mertai.
Gart
pronounced Kar Karnones. [Tighernac
mentions the Gens Gartnaidh, pronounced Karnie.]
Cinid
Cinid Damnonioi.
Uip
or Uiph Kournaovioi. [Corr is
the Gaelic for a corner, and hence a district “Corrn’aovioi” is the
“district of the Aovioi,” and Corr is singularly applicable to their
situation in Caithness.]
Grith
pronounced Kre Karnones.
Muin
or Vuin Venricontes.
In comparing
these names, it must be recollected that the Gaelic names are
monosyllabic, while the Greek are not. But when, in fourteen Greek
names, the first syllables of ten are found to be identic
with the Gaelic, as well as the second syllables of two,
and that there are but two which bear a doubtful or no
similarity, the identity may be considered complete [The
identification of the fourteen tribes with the fourteen sons of Brude
may perhaps be considered visionary, but its accuracy does not in any
way affect the argument regarding the constitution of the Pictish
monarchy.’
We thus see that the
Pictish nation was a confederacy of fourteen tribes, the chiefs of seven
of which were considered of superior rank to the others, and that these
fourteen tribes were grouped into seven provinces, in each of which one
of the seven superior chiefs ruled. This exhibits a system exactly
analogous to that which existed as appears from Caesar and others, in
Gaul, where several of the tribes were dependent upon others more
powerful than themselves. It has been fully shews in this Work, that the
northern tribes remained in very much the same state, down to the
introduction of the Saxon laws, in the reign of Edgar; that the maormors
or chiefs of these tribes assumed the title of earl, and that the
territories of the tribes are exactly the same with the earldoms into
whikkch the north of Scotland was afterwards divided. We are thus
enabled, by comparing the tribes as given by Ptolemy with the subsequent
earldoms and the seven provinces contained in Giraldus, to ascertain the
exact local system of the Pictish kingdom. This will appear from the
following table: –
Nations. Provinces. Tribes.
Earldoms.
Southern
Picts — Fiv Cinid Fife.
Fortren Phant Stratherne.
Circi Vuin
Angus.
Northern
Picts — Fidach Fec Marr.
Ce
Tuic Buchan.
Kant Moray.
Kar Ross
Fotla
Kal Atholl.
Kre Garmorin.
Cait
Leo Fell into the possession of the Norwegians – A.D. 925.
Ero “
Kai “
Uiph “
Ped Destroyed by Dalriads.
From this
table it will be observed, that the Southern Picts consisted of but
three of the fourteen tribes, while their territories comprised three of
the seven provinces. It would appear, then, that the system of dependent
tribes was confined to the Northern Picts, and this circumstance will,
to some degree, explain the origin of the seven provinces.
It has been
fully shewn in the previous part of the Work, that the Pictish monarchy
was an elective one, and that the king of the Picts was chosen from
among the chiefs of the tribes. [Part I., chap. ii.] Adomnan
mentions the existence of a senatus among the Picts. This senatus, then,
must have been the constitutional body by whom the Pictish monarch was
elected, or his right to the Pictish throne judged of; and it is equally
clear that it must originally have been formed out of the chiefs of
these tribes; but while the Southern Picts consisted of three great
tribes only, the nature of the country, and other causes incidental to
mountain districts, had caused the division of the Northern Picts into a
much greater number. Although these tribes were probably originally
independent of each other, yet in a representation of the nation by the
heads of its tribes, it was absolutely necessary that the one division
of the nation should not have too great a preponderance over the other,
in numbers and extent of territory equally powerful; and in this way, I
think, arose the arrangement of the tribes of the Northern Picts into
four provinces, in each of which one tribe alone, and probably the most
powerful, was selected to form a part of the national council, and to
which tribes the others would soon become dependent. The division of the
nation into seven provinces was then a political institution, whose
origin is unknown, for the purpose of preserving the balance between the
two great branches of the Picts, whose habits of life, and the nature of
their country, rendered their interests very different; and the seven
great chiefs, by whom the seven provinces were represented, alone had a
voice in the senatus of the nation, and constituted the electors of the
Pictish monarch, and the judges of his right to the throne, when the
principle of succession was introduced. [The seven provinces of the
Picts, and the seven great chiefs who presided over them, are plainly
alluded to in the following passages in the old accounts of the
foundation of St. Andrews: – “Die autem postero Picti, ex sponsione
Apostoli letificati, proelium pararunt; et diviso exercitu, circa regam
suum septem agmina statuerunt.” – Pinkerton, App. No. 7. “Altero autem
die, evenit regi praedicto, cum septem comitibus amicissimis, ambulare.”
– Pinkerton, App. No. 12.]
Such, then,
was the constitution of the Pictish monarchy previous to the Scottish
conquest: let us now see what effect that event produced upon the
system. Subsequent to this event, we have strong reason for thinking
that some representation of the Pictish nation a separate and distinct
from the Scots still continued, for in the reign of Donald, the
successor of Kenneth Mac Alpin, we find a solemn contract entered into
between the Goedili on the one hand, and the king of the Scots on the
other, by which the laws and customs of the Dalriadic Scots were
introduced, including of course the rule of hereditary succession to the
throne.
The second
list of the seven provinces contained in Giraldus, applies
unquestionably to some period subsequent to the Scottish conquest. The
principal variation between this list and the previous one, is the
addition of Argyll as a province, and the omission of Caithness. The
former would be produced by the union of the Dalriadic territories to
those of the Picts; the latter by the acquisition of Caithness by the
Norwegians. The six years’ forcible occupation of the district by
Thorstein in the end of the ninth century would not be sufficient to
exclude it from among the provinces, for that pirate king likewise
possessed Moray and Ross, which certainly continued as a Scottish
province; and it is apparent from this fact that no conquest would be
sufficient to account for the omission of one of the provinces. It must
be recollected, however, that Caithness was in the possession of the
Norwegian Earl of Orkney in the tenth century, when no conquest whatever
of that district is recorded, and the fact that one of the previous
earls of Orkney is stated by the Sagas to have married the daughter of
Duncan, Jarl or Maormor of Caithness, affords a strong presumption that
he acquired that district by succession. The entire separation of
Caithness from Scotland, and its annexation to the Norwegian possessions
as an integral part, will appear from a curious document printed by Sir
Francis Palgrave in his valuable work on the Rise and Progress of the
English Commonwealth. This document, in giving a description of
Danelaghe, mentions that it included “Albania tota quae modo Scotia
vocatur, et Morovia, usque ad Norwegiam et usque Daciam,
scilicet, Kathenesia, Orkaneya, Enthegal (Inchegall or the
Hebrides) et Man, & c.” [Vol. I., p. 572.]
The succession of
the earl of Orkney to Caithness, therefore, caused the dismemberment of
that district from Scotland, and that event took place, as appears from
the Sagas, about the year 925, from which period Caithness must have
ceased to form one of the seven provinces of Scotland. The only other
variation which we discover, is, that a part of the province of Fife
appears afterwards, under the name of Fortreve, which was previously the
name of the province consisting of Stratherne and Menteth. From this it
is plain that the Scots actually colonized the latter province, and that
the remnant of the Pictish tribe which had possessed it, took refuge in
the neighbouring province of Fife, to a part of which they gave their
name, and where they remained, as well as the relics of the tribe of
Fife, entire under a dominant Scottish population. The province of Angus
seems to have continued under its Pictish chief as a tributary province,
the Pictish Chronicle frequently recording the death of the Maormor
or Angus, a title peculiar to the Picts, along with that of the kings of
Scotland.
The new
arrangement, then, of the seven provinces, by which Argyll became a
province in place of Caithness, could not have taken place prior to the
year 925, while previous to that date, and subsequent to the Scottish
conquest, we find that the representation of the Picts as a nation by
their Senatus still continued. The preservation of the system of the
seven provinces, taken in connexion with these facts, thus proves that
the Scots were incorporated into the Pictish system, and that the
provinces of the Northern Picts were preserved entire, while the Scots
came in place of the Southern Picts, of whom alone probably the Maormor
of Angus retained a voice in the national council.
Such, then,
was the constitution of the Scottish monarchy established on the
overthrow of the Southern Picts, and adopting the constitutional form of
the conquered kingdom; preserving, until the introduction of the Saxon
laws in the twelfth century, the national council of seven great chiefs
by whom the right of the king to the throne was judged under the
hereditary kings of Scottish lineage, who filled the throne of the
united nation, and thus gave the name of Scot and Scotia, formerly
confined to the tribe from which they took their origin, to the whole
country which submitted to their rule.
We shall now
examine what effect the formation of the Scoto-Saxon monarchy under
Edgar, produced upon this constitutional body. We have seen that, down
to the introduction of the Saxon laws into the country, the tribes of
Scotland existed under the rule of their hereditary Maormors or chiefs
and that, wherever the old population remained, these Maormors adopted
the Saxon title of Earl. As this was the highest title of honour among
the Saxons, it is plain that there would now be no distinction in title
between the chiefs of the superior and those of the subordinate tribes;
and the whole of these earls indiscriminately, along with the other
earls created by the Scoto-Saxon kings, and the crown vassals or thanes,
would now form the “communitas regni,” which constituted the parliament
of all Teutonic nations. Notwithstanding this, however, as the seven
great chiefs by whom the seven provinces of Scotland were represented,
still existed, although they merely enjoyed the title of Earl in common
with the other chiefs, it is not unlikely that we should find them
retaining the shadow of this ancient national council co-existent with,
and independent of, the great parliament of the nation, and claiming the
privileges of the constitutional body of which their ancestors formed
the members; that, besides the parliament or communitas regni, which
included the whole of the earls, with the other crown vassals, we should
find seven of the Earls claiming and exercising the privileges of
the body which they represented; and that they would yield with
reluctance their position as a representation of the seven provinces
of Scotland.
Of the
exercise of this right, however, an instance appears to have occurred
even as late as the reign of Malcolm IV. On the death of David Is.,
whose right to the throne had not been disputed by any of the factions
into which Scotland was divided, the claims of his grandson Malcolm were
disputed by William, commonly called the Boy of Egremont, the
great-grandson of Malcolm Canmore, king of Scotland, by his eldest son
Duncan, likewise king of Scotland, and he was supported by the Gaelic
part of the population.
The Orkneyinga
Saga states that “Ingibiorg Iarlsmoder (earl’s mother) married Malcolm,
king of Scotland, who was called Langhals (Canmore); their son was
Duncan, king of Scotland, the father of William; he was a good man; his
son was William Odlinger (the noble), whom all the Scots wished to
have for their king.” [Orkneyinga Saga, p. 90.]
The nation,
therefore, in some way expressed a desire to have the Boy of Egremont
for their king; and that this expression of the desire of the nation was
made by the seven earls, appears from the following passages. In
1160, the Chronicle of Melrose mentions the following event: –
“Malcolmus Rex Scotorum venit de exercitu Tolosae, cumque venisset in
civitatem quae dicitur Pert, Fereteatht comes et v. alii comites,
irati contra regem quia perrexit Tolosam, obsederunt civitatem et regem
capere voluerunt; sed praesumtio illorum minime praevaluit.” This attack
by the earls was made in favour of the Boy of Egremont, for Winton
mentions him as being among the conspirators as well as Gilleandres,
Earl of Ross; and the fact that, while Winton assures us that the Boy of
Egremont and the Earl of Ross were present, the Chronicle of Melrose
does not include either among the six earls, shews very clearly that
these six earls were acting in some public capacity peculiar to them.
The following passage in Bower shews equally clearly, however, that the
demonstration made by the six earls was the event alluded to by the
Saga, when it says, “whom all the Scots wished to have for their
king::--
“Videntes
denique Scotorom proceres nimiam sui regis familiaritatem cum Anglorum
rege Henrico et amicitiam, turbati sunt valde, et omnis Scotia cum illis.
Timuerunt enim ne sua familiaritatem cum Anglorum rege Henrico et
amicitiam, turbati sunt valde, et omnis Scotia cum illis. Timuerunt enim
ne sua familiaritas opprobrium illis pararet et contemptum: quod omni
studio praecavere conantes, miserunt legationem post eum, dicentes;
nolumus hunc regnare super nos. Propterea reversus ab exercitu de
Tholosa, Scotiam adveniens, propter diversas causarum exigentias,
auctoritate regia praelatos jubet et proceres apud burgum regium de
Perth convenire. Concitatis interim regni majoribus, sex comites,
Ferchard, scilicet, Comes de Strathern et alii quinque, adversus
regem, non utique pro singulari commodo seu proditiosa conspiratione,
immo reipublicae tuitione commoti, ipsum capere nisi sunt, quem infra
turrim ejusdem urbis obsederunt. Cassato pro tunc eorum, Deo disponente,
conatu, non multis postmodum diebus evolutis, clero consulente, cum suis
optimatibus ad concordiam revocatus est.” [Fordun, b. viii., c. 4.
This view of the conspiracy in 1160 suggested itself to me on seeing a
notice of Sir F. Palgrave’s singular discovery, as until then I did not
perceive that the institution of the seven provinces had survived the
establishment of the Scoto-Saxon monarchy.]
It appears, then,
that a portion of the earls were considered as representing the greater
part of the nation; and we thus trace, as late as the twelfth century,
the existence of a constitutional body, whose origin is lost in the
earliest dawn of Pictish history, while the incorporation and
preservation of the Northern Picts, as a distinct portion of the nation,
afterwards termed the Scots, becomes undoubted.