THE revolt of the American colonies in
1775, and the declaration of their independence and the success of
their arms which followed, brought the great tobacco trade of
Glasgow to an end. The magnitude of the disaster may be judged from
the fact that in the year which ended on 5th January, 1772, the
amount of the "weed" imported by the merchants of the city had been
46,055,139 lb., [Gibson's History of Glasgow, p. 222.] the value of
which was about £2,250,000 sterling. In the course of half a century
many great businesses, and the fortunes of many families, had been
built up on the trade. Latterly, however, a number of the "Tobacco
Lords" had invested fortunes in plantations in Virginia. These were
confiscated by the Government of the new republic. In consequence
several of the great tobacco importing houses, like Buchanan, Hastie
& Co. and Andrew Buchanan & Co., came down, and the estates of their
partners were sold to pay their debts. [Curiosities of Glasgow
Citizenship, p. 23. Supra, p. 293] Amid the general ruin and
exasperation it is little wonder that the city raised a battalion of
men for the purpose of "quelling the present rebellion in America."
The "rebels" in America, however, were not put down, the estates of
the Glasgow "Tobacco Lords" in Virginia, and the Glasgow tobacco
trade itself, were gone for good, and the city had to look elsewhere
for its means of livelihood.
Fortunately this means was already in sight. As early as the year
1752 a new industry had been started by the weaving of cambrics from
yarns imported from France. At first the fabric, named after Cambrai,
the town of its original manufacture, was made of flax or linen, but
soon a fine hard-spun cotton was substituted, and out of this grew
the industry which was to be the staple business of Glasgow and the
West of Scotland for more than fifty years. In Gibson's list of
Glasgow imports for the year 1771 appears the item, "Cotton Wool
59,434 libs." Of this supply only one hundred pounds came from
Virginia; the rest was produced by the islands of the West Indies.
[Gibson, History, pp. 213-222.] The rebellion of the American
colonies, therefore, did not interrupt this trade, and left the
spinners and weavers on this side free to develop the new
enterprise. To begin with, the fabric produced was a mixture of
linen and cotton, but in 1780 the first web of pure cotton was
produced by James Monteith of Anderston, and from that time the
trade developed with great rapidity.
It was to the sagacity and ability of
James Monteith and his sons that the cotton industry of Glasgow owed
its chief impetus in those early years. The Monteiths therefore must
be credited with the opening of the second great era of the city's
prosperity. The progenitor of the family was a small laird who
farmed his own land in the neighbourhood of Aberfoyle. The region,
unfortunately, lay within easy reach of the Highland reivers, and as
the laird refused to pay "Blackmail," or insurance against
plundering, to Rob Roy, his stock of cattle and sheep was carried
off again and again, till he was all but ruined, and died of a
broken heart. His son Henry, to avoid a like experience, sold his
small property, removed to the little village of Anderston, near
Glasgow, and began life there as a market gardener.
Peden "the prophet" in Covenanting
times, is said to have declared that Anderston Cross should one day
become the centre of Glasgow. It was the descendants of the humble
market gardener who now settled there who were to give the little
cluster of thatched cottages its first lift towards the fulfilment
of that prophecy. During the Jacobite rising of 1745, when Glasgow
raised two battalions to fight the Highlanders, Henry Monteith
shouldered a musket and went out to fight his old enemies. The
defeat at Falkirk was a mortification to him till the end of his
days. It was this old gardener's son, James Monteith, who gave his
family a step to fortune. Handloom weaving then afforded a
comfortable subsistence, and Monteith, forsaking the cultivation of
syboes and kale, took to this. Next, pursuing the higher branches of
the craft, he took to importing the finer yarns from France and
Holland, becoming not only the largest importer of these yarns at
the time, but a cambric manufacturer on a large scale. He further
established a bleach-field beside his own dwelling house and
warehouse, at the northwest corner of Bishop Street, about the spot
where Bothwell Street now crosses that older thoroughfare.
The cambric industry grew rapidly.
From 29,114 yards in 1775 the export from Scotland rose to 83,438
yards in 1784, representing, at an average value of 6s. 6d. no less
a sum than £158,577 18s. for the ten years. [Curiosities of
Citizenship, p. 97. By 1787 there were 19 cotton mills working in
Scotland, by 1834 there were 134, of which 74 were in Lanarkshire
and 41 in Renfrewshire.—Mackinnon, Soc. and Indus. Hist. p. 117.]
Monteith's example was followed by other manufacturers, among them
Messrs. Grant & Watson, who established a large factory at
Manchester, an ominous departure which led the way in the great
migration which ultimately transferred the whole cotton industry to
Lancashire. [The brothers Grant of this firm are said to have been
the originals of Dickens's Cheeryble brothers.—Curiosities of
Citizenship, p. 100.]
James Monteith's sons, following in
his steps, were helped by circumstances to carry the cotton industry
to success on a still greater scale. The chief help to this
development was the power-loom. After a visit to a cotton-spinning
mill near Matlock in 1784, the Leicestershire clergyman, Edmund
Cartwright, had conceived the idea of a weaving mill, and three
years later patented a power-loom. Though Cartwright lost all his
wife's fortune and his own in the attempt to run a power-loom mill,
his invention was sound. In 1793, Dr. Robertson, an ingenious
Glasgow practitioner, brought two looms from the hulks in the
Thames, where they were used to employ convict labour, and he set
them up in a cellar in Argyle Street, where the power was supplied
by a large Newfoundland dog, trained to trot inside a drum. From
this it was only a step to the employment of water-power. The owners
of a bleachfield at Milton near Bowling set up forty looms driven by
this means, and John Monteith, the eldest of the old Anderston
weaver's six sons, having seen these, formed a company, and erected
at Pollokshaws a factory containing two hundred looms. [Mitchell,
Old Glasgow Essays, p. 380 note.]
The second son, James Monteith, began
as a dealer in cotton twist—the material for weaving—at Cambuslang.
[Jones's Directory, 1789.] By that time the enterprising David Dale
was in the field, and had erected a cotton spinning mill at Blantyre
on the upper Clyde. In 1792, James Monteith bought this mill. The
moment, however, was unfortunate. Within a year, trade and industry
everywhere were paralyzed by the effects of the French Revolution.
With nothing before him but the prospect of ruin, Monteith went back
to David Dale and begged him to cancel the transaction. But Dale
would not consent, the bargain must stand. In the emergency, driven
by that excellent spur to human effort, stern necessity, the young
owner of the spinning mill hit upon a plan. There had recently been
set up in London a method of selling linen and cotton cloth by "vendue,"
or public auction. Monteith bethought him that here was a means of
disposing of his yarns if only they were made up into cloth. This he
proceeded to do, and within five years, while the vogue and
possibilities lasted, he realized a fortune of no less than £80,000.
[Curiosities of Glasgow Citizenship, p. 112.]
But it was the third of the brothers,
Henry Monteith, who was to raise the family to its pinnacle of
success. When he was no more than twenty, Henry Monteith was the
owner of a great weaving mill in Anderston. Like his brother he was
met at first by serious public troubles. In the face of strong
competition abroad and at home, it became necessary either to reduce
wages or to close the mills. Against any reduction of wages there
was an immediate outcry. Glasgow had its first taste of industrial
troubles, the contest between brains and brawn which has arisen
again and again from that day till this. The weavers' leaders
denounced the demand as unjust and oppressive, and endeavoured to
secure the passing of an Act of Parliament to fix wages in the
industry. When they did not succeed in this, they broke into open
riot. In Anderston the malcontents vented their wrath on Henry
Monteith by smashing the windows of his warehouse. They even went
further, and assaulted the young mill-owner himself—it was the year
1785, and he was no more than twenty-one—by cutting off his queue,
an appendage then as necessary to a young man of fashion as the
wristlet watch and the cigarette-lighter of to-day. [Ibid. p. 114.]
Another experience which he might
have found still greater reason to resent befell him at the instance
of the young bloods of Glasgow itself. The ruling clique in the
city—"Tobacco Lords," owners of plantations in Virginia and estates
at home—were a very exclusive set, with high ideas of their own
superiority and importance. Their sons and daughters, with less
experience of life, were probably more exclusive still. By these
young persons, Henry Monteith, being only the son of an Anderston
manufacturer, was not regarded as an equal. Accordingly when, on one
occasion, he presumed to attend an assembly, his appearance was
resented, and next day a notice appeared on one of the pillars of
the Tontine news-room, intimating that, if the young gentleman who
attended the assembly on the previous night appeared at another of
these gatherings, he would go out quicker than he came in. [Minute
Book of the Board of Green Cloth, p. 116.]
But Henry Monteith was destined to go
farther than any of these young autocrats. He acted a chief part in
the building up of the cotton industry of Glasgow, and incidentally
accumulated a handsome fortune. He was chosen Lord Provost in 1815
and 1816, and again in 1819 and 1820. Both of these periods were
among the most difficult in the city's history; the first through
the ruinous crash which followed Waterloo, the second on account of
the Radical risings and riots. Through these crises he steered the
affairs of Glasgow with caution and moderation to safety, and so
greatly gained public esteem that he was chosen Member of Parliament
for the Lanarkshire group of burghs in 1821 and 1831. Following the
fashion of so many successful Glasgow men, he purchased the estate
of Carstairs, near Lanark, and there, in 1824, built the great
mansion which still stands, though it has twice changed ownership
since his day. And his dust lies, along with that of most of the
burgess aristocracy of the Glasgow of his time, in the Ramshorn
churchyard. [Curiosities of Citizenship, p. 115.]
While the great weaving industry of
Glasgow was thus developed by the Monteiths, the business of
spinning was developed by a still more remarkable personage. David
Dale was the son of a small shopkeeper at Stewarton in Ayrshire, and
born in 1739. He began life as a herd boy, was apprenticed to a
weaver in Kilmarnock, and in 1763 became a clerk in a Glasgow
drapery store. Shrewdly noticing the difficulty experienced by the
weavers in procuring yarns, he took to tramping through the country
and buying up the small quantities of linen thread spun by the
farmers' wives. From this, he proceeded to the importing of yarn
from Holland. In a small shop in Hopkirk's Land, a few doors above
the Tolbooth in High Street, which he rented at five pounds yearly,
and shared with a watchmaker, he carried on a rapidly growing trade.
With a partner, under the firm name of Campbell, Dale & Co., he
became a manufacturer of inkle, or linen tape, and as a partner in
another company, Dale, Campbell, Reid & Dale, he set up a factory
for the production of cloth for the printfields. [Ibid. p. 49 ; Old
Glasgow Essays, p. 41.]
Dale's great opportunity came,
however, in 1783. Richard Arkwright, formerly a barber at Bolton,
had in 1775 invented a machine for the spinning of yarn, known as
the "spinning jenny." In this machine David Dale shrewdly recognized
the means of supplying yarns in greater quantities to the weaving
factories. Accordingly, when Arkwright paid a visit to Glasgow in
1783, to be banqueted by the city merchants, Dale induced him to
make an excursion to the Falls of Clyde at Lanark. There the
inventor was sufficiently impressed with the water-power available,
and was easily persuaded to join his cicerone in the project of
setting up a great spinning mill at the spot. A boggy level in the
river gorge was secured from Lord Braxfield, [Stevenson's Weir of
Hermiston.] and in March, 1786, the famous spinning mills of New
Lanark began work. [The New Lanark mills were the second to be set
up in Scotland. The first were established by an English company at
Rothesay in 1778—Senex, Old Glasgow, p. 323. Steam was not used for
the driving of a cotton mill till 1792. It was first employed in
that year in the mill managed by William Scott at Springfield, near
the site of the present Kingston Dock.—Ibid. p. 352.] In five years,
four mils were busy on the spot, and 1334 men, women, and children
were employed. Among these were two hundred Highland emigrants
driven back by stress of weather, and landed destitute at Greenock,
as well as other Highlanders, and children from poorhouses and
orphan asylums, all of whom Dale fed, clothed, and housed till they
attained skill enough to earn their living.
Another venture, farther afield, in
which David Dale was concerned, to manufacture yarns for the Glasgow
weaving factories, proved less successful. The Highlands just then
were hard hit by the change of the times. The old raiding and
reiving days were over, and the people had settled down on their
small holdings, which were divided and subdivided as children and
grandchildren grew up and married. The glens and valleys were
ruinously over-peopled, and the poor soil was scourged with crop
after crop of oats and barley, till it was not worth sowing. When
the crops failed, as they often did in that cold northern region,
the people were at once in starvation, and forced sometimes down to
the sea beaches to eke out a subsistence from the shellfish of the
rocks and sands. With a view to helping these poor people by the
introduction of an industry, and also, no doubt, to secure an
advantage from the cheapness of labour (an able-bodied man's wage
was sixpence to eightpence per day), David Dale and George
Macintosh, of Cudbear fame, in 1791 built a village and factory on
the Dornoch Firth, to which they gave the name of Spinningdale.
Everything seemed to promise success, but the enterprise failed by
reason of the habits of the people, who could not be induced to
settle down to regular work indoors. It was no work for men, that
spinning of thread, when the trout were leaping in the rivers and
the black-cock calling on the moor. Spinningdale had to be
abandoned. The mill was sold for a trifle to an individual who
insured it against fire, and it was burned down shortly afterwards.
[Curiosities of Citizenship, pp. 76-82.]
David Dale, however, with various
partners, established other mills, such as those at Blantyre, at
Catrine, at Oban, at Stanley, and the industry of cotton
manufacture, of which he was one of the chief founders, became the
staple, not of Glasgow alone, but of every town and village in the
West of Scotland. [By the end of the century Scotland consumed
6,500,000 lb. of cotton and in its manufacture employed 181,753
persons and 312.000 spindles.—The Industrial Revolution in Scotland,
by Henry Hamilton, 1932.] Richard Arkwright was not far wrong when,
on returning to the south after his visit to Lanark with David Dale,
and on being twitted with his original occupation as a barber, he
told his tormentors that he had put a razor into the hands of a
Scotsman who would shave them all.
Curiously enough, both James Monteith
and David Dale were, in religious matters, of the type which was to
be characteristic of the weaving fraternity in the West of Scotland
till the last. Monteith began as an elder in the Anti-Burgher church
in the Havannah, which had split from the Original Secession church
in Shuttle Street. The Anti-Burghers, however, quarrelled among
themselves, and censured him for circulating a pamphlet advocating a
more Christian spirit, and for the sin of "promiscuous hearing" when
one Sunday, on the way to service, he and his wife were forced by
rain to take refuge in the Tron church. Accordingly he headed the
little band who in 1770 erected in Anderston a small Relief Kirk.
David Dale, again, disapproving of a minister appointed by the Town
Council, left the Church of Scotland, and presently, finding none of
the existing dissenting bodies exactly to his taste, founded a
church of his own, known afterwards as the Old Scotch Independents.
For this body a place of worship was erected in Greyfriars Wynd by
one Paterson, a candle-maker, and for this reason it was known as
"the Caunel Kirk." To the congregation, which grew in numbers and
influence, Dale acted as pastor till the end of his life. To qualify
for this work he actually taught himself to read the Scriptures in
Hebrew and Greek.
Because of his religious practices,
Dale was hooted and jostled in the streets, and saw his kirk invaded
and the service ridiculed by unruly mobs. But he lived to be
acclaimed as a great public benefactor. For charitable purposes it
was said he gave his money "by sho'els fu.' " and in the years of
stress between 1782 and 1799 he chartered ships and imported grain
which he sold cheap to the poor. [Curiosities of Citizenship, p. 55;
Old Glasgow Essays, p. 43.]
Besides his spinning mills, David
Dale was concerned in many enterprises. Among these was coal-mining
in the unlucky Barrowfield, and, along with George Macintosh, as
already described, the great Turkey Red dyeing industry in the same
region. In 1783, he was entrusted with the first agency of the Royal
Bank in Glasgow, and in 1791 and 1794 was chosen a magistrate of the
city. Among the public institutions which he helped to found were
the Chamber of Commerce, the first of its kind, in 1783, and the
Humane Society, of which he was president in 1792 and 1793.
[Cleland's Annals, ii. p. 155.] In 1798 he removed bank and store
from Hopkirk's Land to the south-east corner of St. Andrew's Square,
the new commercial centre of the city, and in his town house in
Charlotte Street at hand, built for him by the famous architect
Robert Adam, and at his country house, Rosebank, near Cambuslang, he
practised a handsome hospitality of which many traditions remain.
[One notable memory of the Charlotte Street house is recounted by
Senex. On 18th November, 1795, Dale had invited a party of
distinguished Edinburgh and Glasgow citizens to dine. While
arrangements for the feast were being made the waters of the Clyde
began to ooze through the floors of the kitchen and other
underground apartments. One of the greatest floods of the river had
begun. At the same time the Monkland Canal burst its banks, and its
waters, pouring down the channel of the Molendinar, submerged the
kitchen to a depth of four feet. The servants fled for their lives,
but managed to save the materials of the dinner. In the emergency
two neighbours lent their kitchens, and the cooking proceeded. The
wine cellar also was flooded, but a porter was found, who waded in,
breast high, with Dale's eldest daughter, then aged sixteen, on his
back, to point out the desired binns. As a result everything was
ready for the guests when they arrived, and the mirth of the party
was increased rather than diminished by the peculiar circumstances
of the occasion.—Old Glasgow, p. 119.] When he died at last, in
r8o6, his funeral was attended by a great cortege of gentle and
simple, who laid him among the mercantile aristocracy of the city,
by the eastern wall of the Ramshorn Kirkyard.
Dale left no son, but the eldest of
his five daughters married the Welshman, Robert Owen, whose social
experiments at New Lanark and New Orbiston in this country and New
Harmony in America remain famous as early attempts at practical
Socialism. |