IT is to be feared that the increase of
prosperity which followed the Union tended to lessen the
ecclesiastical fervour of the people of Glasgow, whose interest had
previously been concentrated largely on affairs of the Church and
religion. New fields of activity were opened up, and the world was
becoming a wider place. There was less time and less inclination,
there- fore, for consideration of points of church government and
religious doctrine. The Rev. Robert Wodrow, of the neighbouring
Renfrewshire parish of Eastwood, and historian of the Covenanters,
found occasion to regret the change. The increase of wealth, he
perceived, had a tendency to abate the godly habits of the people.
There was already a party in the city who were no longer inclined to
pay absolute deference to ministers, and who were disposed to mock
at serious things. Where there had been seventy-two prayer meetings
in the year there were now only four or five, and in their stead
there were meetings of secular clubs at which subjects of mere
mundane interest were discussed. In view of this change Wodrow seems
to have rather approved than otherwise the blow struck at the
tobacco trade and the prosperity of the city by the jealous
competitors in England. "This, they say, will be twenty thousand
pounds loss to that place. I wish it may be sanctified to them! " [Wodrow's
Analecta, iii. 129.] There was
quite evidently a new process of development going on. Wodrow
complains that young men who went abroad to hold mercantile
positions, came home again with ideas modified by the customs of
other countries. Church discipline was less reverently regarded and
less devoutly submitted to than formerly, and after a noted " heresy
hunt " of the time, carried through presbytery and synod against the
too enlightened views of Professor Simson, some of the college lads
had even gone the length of writing a play poking fun at the city
clergy. Such a state of things, in the view of Mr. Wodrow, might be
expected to bring upon the city some devastating stroke of
Providence. [John Simson, professor of divinity—not to be confounded
with Robert Simson, the celebrated professor of mathematics, was the
subject of a "case" which occupied the church courts and the
University authorities for many years. Its progress is fully
detailed by Coutts in his History of the University, pp. 210-232.]
Nevertheless, according to John Macky,
the author of A Journey through Scotland in 1723, the city was
soundly Presbyterian in religion, and "the best affected to the
Government in Scotland." Regarding its commerce Macky said that
there arrived from the plantations as many as "twenty or thirty
ships every year, laden with tobacco and sugar, an advantage this
kingdom never enjoyed till the Union." Glasgow itself he declared to
be "the beautifullest little city I have seen in Britain," and he
specially admired its regular and spacious streets and its houses
"of equal height and supported with pillars," an allusion to the
piazzas which were a feature of the buildings round the cross.
Edward Burt, the English engineer
officer, who saw the city in 1726, declared it to be "the most
uniform and prettiest he had seen. "The houses," he said "are faced
with ashlar stone. They are well sashed, all of one model, and
piazzas rise round them on either side, which gives a good air to
the buildings." [Burt, Letters, i. 22.]
McUre's description of the city in
1736 is well known, with its picture of the town "surrounded with
cornfields, kitchen and flower gardens, and beautiful orchards,
abounding with fruits of all sorts, which by reason of the open and
large streets, send forth a pleasant and odoriferous smell."
[History of Glasgow, p. 122.]
Defoe in his Tour of 1727 describes
the development of the 'previous twenty years. "Glasgow," he says,
"is a city of business, and has the pace of foreign as well as of
domestic trade. Nay, I may say, 'tis the only city in Scotland at
this time that apparently increased in both. The Union has, indeed,
answered its end to them more than to any other part of the kingdom,
their trade being new formed by it; for as the Union opened the door
to the Scots into our American colonies, the Glasgow merchants
presently embraced the opportunity.... They now send their 50 sail
ships every year to Virginia, New England, and other colonies in
America."
The expense of living in the city at
that time was very small, a fact which accounted to a considerable
extent for the success of the tobacco traders in competing with
their rivals in England. In 1708, the year after the Union, when the
population numbered 12,766, nearly five hundred houses were
untenanted, and the rents of the others were said to have fallen by
nearly one-third. The highest rent then paid for a house was £100
Scots, or £8 6s. 8d. sterling. At the first valuation, four years
later, the highest rent paid for a shop was £5 sterling and the
lowest 12s., while for the 202 shops in the town the aggregate rent
was no more than £623 15s. 4d. There were very few self-contained
houses. Most, even of the well-known and wealthy citizens, lived
only in a flat in a tenement. In 1712 three ladies of title,
including the Countess of Glencairn, with seven others, occupied
houses in "Spreull's Land" in Trongate, between Hutchesons Hospital
and the Shawfield Mansion, and therefore in the fashionable West
End, and the highest rent paid by any of them was £10 3s. 4d.
[Curiosities of Glasgow Citzenship, pp. 12-15.]
The habits of living in the city were
correspondingly simple and frugal. For the small business community
the day began early. At six o'clock in the morning the post arrived
from Edinburgh. After 1717 it came on horseback. When it was ready
for delivery the postmaster, whose salary was £12 a year, fired a
gun to let the citizens know. When they had called for and looked at
their correspondence, they returned to their houses, usually above
their places of business, and enjoyed their breakfast of porridge,
herring or an egg, and bannocks, with "swats" or small ale as the
beverage. Then came the hours of business, when they bargained with
customers in their little shops—it was always the business of the
purchaser to "cheapen" an article—or sorted out, at the Broomielaw,
goods suitable for the plantations for shipment to Port-Glasgow, or
interviewed a bailie regarding the admission of a relative as a
burgess "at the near hand," or negotiated the feu of a bit of the
town's land for the building of a malt kiln. As noon drew near, some
of the merchants might be seen at the half-door of their shops,
exchanging a word with a neighbour or a passing customer; and when
the bells in the steeple of the Tolbooth rang out their merry tune,
there was an adjournment to the nearest tavern for a "meridian," and
the exchange of news, much as an adjournment is made to some
coffee-room in the twentieth century for a "coffee" and a word on
some point of business with a friend.
Meanwhile the mistress of the house
upstairs had been not less busy. First the barefoot servant lass
went to the public well with her pair of wooden "stoups" on a hoop,
and waited her turn to draw the supply of water for the day. Then,
when the house had been "tidied up," and the breakfast dishes washed
and put away, she might have to accompany her mistress with a basket
to the markets near the cross for supplies of butter and eggs, a
fowl to boil (costing threepence), a gigot of mutton, or a silver
grilse (at a penny a pound) from the Clyde. [The public market, or
area in which stalls were set up in the streets, extended from
Bell's Wynd in High Street to Princes Street in Saltmarket, and from
King Street in Trongate to the Molendinar bridge in Gallowgate. This
was the only area in which unfreemen were allowed to expose their
wares.] There was also, probably, in the house the " mart," or part
of a bullock, salted down at Martinmas, which, boiled in broth or
with curly greens from the kailyard, formed a never-failing standby.
Fresh meat was rare in winter. Its arrival in the market was
announced by sending the bellman through the streets. [Strang's
Glasgow Clubs, p. 75.]
At the dinner hour, twelve or one
o'clock, the merchants locked their shops and warehouses, and, with
their apprentices, adjourned for the chief meal of the day. Dinner
was a homely affair—broth made with barley and green vegetables
(there were few root crops in those days), a bit of boiled beef, or,
when the materials were available, a haggis, with, for beverage,
again the inevitable "sma' yill."
The room in which the meal was served
was often also a bedroom, with "enclosed beds," like cupboards in
the wall. It was here also that the lady of the house entertained
her guests at "four hours" in the afternoon, when they dropped in
for a gossip over a "masking" of tea sipped out of fragile china
cups without handles, the treasured possession of the hostess, which
she carefully washed and put away with her own hands so soon as the
visitors left. The single public room of the house was only used on
very special occasions—marriages, funerals, and the like—and for the
rest of the time remained gloomy and un-aired. [New Stat. Account,
vi. 230; Strang's Glasgow Clubs, pp. 16 and 18 (notes).]
According to Jupiter Carlyle, who, as
a divinity student, spent the winters of 1743 and 1744 in Glasgow,
"The manner of living," of the townspeople, "at this time, was but
coarse and vulgar. Very few of the wealthiest gave dinners to
anybody but English riders, or their own relations at Christmas
holidays. There were not half a dozen families in town who had
men-servants; some of those were kept by the professors who had
boarders. There were neither post-chaises nor hackney-coaches, and
only three or four sedan-chairs for carrying midwives about in the
night, and old ladies to church, or to the dancing assemblies once a
fortnight." [Autobiography, p. 75.]
Almost nothing is recorded of the
life of an older nobility in the city, though the " Duke's Lodging "
at the corner of Drygate and High Street, on the spot where the
great prison now stands, was for long the greatest mansion in the
town, and from 1714 onwards, for some 16o years, the successive
Dukes of Montrose were Chancellors of the University, [Murray, The
Old College of Glasgow, p. 41, and p. 8 (McArthur's map of 1778).]
while Mugdock Castle, near Milngavie, some five miles north of the
city, was the chief messuage of the family till in 1682 the Duke,
who was first Rob Roy's partner and afterwards his enemy, bought
Buchanan House and estate on Loch Lomondside from the creditors of
the Chief of Buchanan.
At eight o'clock in the city shop and
warehouse closed, and presently the merchants betook themselves to
the cosy tavern parlours of the town, where they discussed the
latest news over a modest bowl of punch. At nine o'clock they
returned home for supper, family worship, and bed.
Such was the daily mode of life even
of the most prosperous inhabitants of the city until the wealth that
came in a golden stream from the great Virginia trade induced
individuals to build stately mansions of a new order, and set up the
civic aristocracy which was to become famous under the name of the
"Tobacco Lords."
It is interesting to note that at
least one of the businesses carried on in these conditions in the
city of that time still flourishes in Glasgow. The business of
Messrs. Austin & McAslan, nurserymen and seedsmen, was started in
the year 1717, and its first nursery was the acre or so of land
forming the garden of Hutchesons' Hospital, and stretching from the
original building in Trongate to the Back Cow Loan, now Ingram
Street. The nursery was also used as a pleasure ground by the
citizens. When it was at last, in 1795, laid out as Hutcheson
Street, and the Hospital building was removed to its head, the
nursery was transferred to the neighbourhood of the modern
Parliamentary Road, where its existence is commemorated in the name
of McAslan Street. Nothing could better testify to the purity of the
atmosphere of Glasgow, in those early years of the eighteenth
century, than the existence of this plant nursery in the Trongate.
The tavern held a much more important
place in the life of the community than it has ever occupied since.
Few bargains of importance were concluded without the sanction of a
friendly dram. Professional men also found the tavern a convenient
howff. There patients consulted their physicians; there lawyers
advised their clients and drew up their wills; [Henry Grey Graham,
Social Life in Scotland, p. 134.] even the town's business was
largely transacted in these snug and hospitable resorts. So serious
did the expenditure become in this last instance that more than once
the Town Council found it necessary to make a rule that the public
funds should not be liable for expenses incurred in taverns, unless
with the express permission of the provost, senior bailie, or dean
of guild. It was further stipulated that, at the treating of
strangers, the provost or senior bailie must be present, and that
the sum spent at any one time must not, upon any account, exceed £3
Scots (5s. 3d. sterling). [Burgh Records, 27th Sept. 1717.]
The most lively element of the
population was probably the student life, which had its headquarters
in the handsome College buildings in High Street. In 1702 the
students numbered 402, and their scarlet gowns, as they moved about,
made the brightest spot of colour in the streets. John Wesley, who
visited the city at a later date, had a word to say about these
garments. "The College students," he says, "wear scarlet gowns
reaching only to their knees. Most I saw were very dirty, some very
ragged, and all of very coarse cloth." [Travellers' Tales of
Scotland, p. 124.] In those days the gowns were still an article of
practical apparel, and competed in the streets, a few years later,
with the imposing scarlet cloaks of the Tobacco Lords. [The
students' gowns were not yet treated in the ignominious fashion of
the nineteenth century, when, at the stern demand of a Professor of
Humanity, "Where is your gown, sir?" a student was sometimes known
to produce from his pocket what looked like nothing more than a torn
and dirty red rag, and proceed to drape it about his shoulders.]
While a certain number of these
students, bursars and others, lived within the College precincts,
and were substantially if plainly fed at the common table, many
lodged outside, and there are traditions of some subsisting with the
utmost frugality on such provisions as a little oatmeal and a
kebbuck of cheese, brought with them from far-off homes in Ayrshire
or Argyll.
The apprentices of the merchants and
craftsmen, with whom an occasional bickering of town and gown took
place, were probably at least as well lodged and fed. They were
looked upon as the natural successors of their masters, not only in
trade but in the honours of burgess-ship in craft and guild. They
stood to their masters much in the relationship of sons of the
family, and every encouragement was given them to become so actually
by marriage. An early regulation of the Merchants and Trades Houses
was directly framed "to move them to take their master's daughter in
marriage before any other," an arrangement which, it was stated,
would be "a great comfort and support to freemen." If the apprentice
required any inducement to take this course, beyond the charms of
the young lady and the prospect of succeeding to the business, it
was provided by the assurance that he would be admitted a burgess at
a reduced fee. [Curiosities of Glasgow Citizenship, p. xviii. The
fullest account of the social life, manners, and dress of the
citizens of Glasgow in the eighteenth century is to be found in
Strang's Glasgow and its Clubs, in its chapter on "The Accidental
Club." For details of the professors, their qualifications and their
quarrels, see Coutt's History of the University of Glasgow.] |