IT seems not a little curious to reflect
that while the notary public, George Hutcheson, and his brother
Thomas, were quietly laying the foundations of their almshouse for
the aged and their school for the youth of Glasgow, that city and
the whole of Scotland should be preparing to play a vigorous and
warlike part in the great rebellion against Charles I. In England
that king had all but gained his purpose, the establishment of
absolute monarchy. After several angry and heated collisions he had
dissolved Parliament at Westminster in 1629, and for many years had
continued to govern the country south of the Tweed by his own royal
prerogative. The courts of Star Chamber and High Commission, acting
on the authority of the king alone, and under the direction of his
arbitrary minister, Strafford, had by unheard-of tyranny and
cruelties reduced the nation to a state of fear and passive
obedience. At the same time, by levying the so-called "ship money"
throughout the kingdom, Charles made himself independent of a House
of Commons' vote of supplies. In these circumstances it was an act
of the sheerest folly on the part of the king to attempt such a
provocative act as the forcing of Archbishop Laud's liturgy on the
people of Scotland. The riot in St. Giles' Cathedral, the signing of
the National Covenant, and the deposition of the bishops by the
General Assembly at Glasgow in 1638 were the immediate results.
With something like a common impulse the
country prepared to defend its liberties by force of arms. Even
before the holding of the General Assembly which abolished
episcopacy, Glasgow was purchasing pikes and muskets in Flanders,
and training sixty young men in their use. [Burgh Records, i. 389,
390.] It became known that the king was taking steps to establish
his authority by force of arms. He had ordered supplies of weapons
from Holland for 2,000 horse and 14,000 foot, had secured Carlisle
and Berwick as bases for operations, and was trying to raise 200,00o
for the expenses of an invasion of the north.
As early as the month of March the
king had collected an army of 20,000 men at York, and sent a fleet
of nineteen ships of war, under the Duke of Hamilton, into the Firth
of Forth. These preparations were avowedly for the purpose of
forcing the king's will in the matter of church government on the
people of Scotland.
Nor was episcopacy without friends in
Scotland itself. In particular a majority of the people of Aberdeen
refused to sign the National Covenant, and, headed by the Marquess
of Huntly, were prepared to defend their opinions. In this crisis
there came to the front, as usually happens in a great national
emergency, a notable personage.
Mugdock Castle, a few miles to the
north-west of Glasgow, had for a considerable period been the chief
seat of the Grahams, Earls of Montrose. James Graham, head of the
house at this time, had signed the National Covenant, and was one of
the most active leaders of the Covenanting party. With a sum of
twenty-five dollars he had headed a subscription to meet the
expenses of resisting the royal aggression. He also headed a
committee of Covenanting ministers sent to Aberdeen to induce the
people there to adopt the Covenant. That mission resulted only in
wordy warfare between the clerics of the two parties, and, as a more
effective method of dealing with the "malignants" of the north
before the menace of Charles himself in the south became formidable,
an army of between three and four thousand men was raised and placed
under the command of Montrose. [Hill Burton, vi, 233-236.]
Already the hint of possible
hostilities was attracting back to Scotland numbers of the soldiers
of fortune, younger sons of Scottish families, among whom it had
been the fashion to seek a livelihood and perhaps distinction in the
wars of Gustavus Adolphus. Most notable of these, General Alexander
Leslie, made his way over from Sweden "in a small bark," thus
avoiding interference from the English warships on the coast.
[Spalding's Memorials, i. 130.] He was appointed Montrose's chief of
staff, and soon had the army of the Covenant in good fighting order.
While this was being done, Montrose
learned that a party of the Aberdeenshire Covenanters, who were to
meet at Turriff, was to be broken up by a strong force of Gordons
under the Marquess of Huntly, who had been named the King's
lieutenant in the north. With the energy for which he afterwards
became famous, Montrose, with a small force, not two hundred strong,
made his way by drove roads and unfrequented paths through the
mountains to the place, and had his men posted behind the churchyard
wall as a breastwork before Huntly appeared. On finding matters in
this position the Chief of the Gordons, though at the head of a
force of two thousand men, found it judicious to retire. Montrose
then with his whole army marched on Aberdeen, took possession of the
city, and levied ten thousand merks from the inhabitants.
[Spalding's Memorials, i. 154-172.] On that occasion this brilliant
general made the mistake of his life. Seizing Huntly, to whom he had
given a safe-conduct to come into Aberdeen, he carried him a
prisoner to Edinburgh. This action was never forgiven by the great
noble of the north, and at a later day, when his help might have
made all the difference between success and failure to the
enterprise of Montrose, he stood aloof, or gave him only
half-hearted support.
Two months later, in June, 1639, the
king having appointed Huntly's second son his lieutenant in the
north, and the Royalists having drawn to a head at Aberdeen,
Montrose was sent there again, defeated their forces between
Muchalls and Dunnottar, forced the Bridge of Dee, and took
possession of the city. In these transactions the Glasgow general
gave ample evidence of the able strategy and amazing energy which
were to distinguish his short but brilliant career on the Royalist
side a few years later. In that short first campaign of his in the
north the earliest blows were struck of the great Civil War which
was to ruin so many noble houses in both kingdoms, and to bring the
head of Charles I. himself to the block.
Glasgow, meanwhile, had not confined
itself to the housing of the General Assembly which threw down the
gauntlet to the king, and to providing the leader who struck the
first warlike blows. In December, 1638, it spent £1,888 8s. 8d. in
the purchase of a hundred muskets, thirty pikes, and four
hundredweight of powder, and in March, 1639, it paid £600 and 16o
dollars for a further supply of muskets, powder, and match brought
by the provost from Edinburgh. In February the town council ordered
that every burgess of the city should provide himself with arms,
under a penalty of zo, and in April it resolved to raise and pay a
company of one hundred men for the army which was being raised to
oppose the king's invasion of Scotland. This company was raised by
tuck of drum sent through the city streets, and George Porterfield,
member of a well-known Glasgow family, was appointed its captain.
[Burgh Records, i. 395-399.] The city was also divided into eight
quarters, each with a captain and sergeant to train its inhabitants
in the use of arms, and within the next few weeks, with resolution
and energy, additional forces were raised and further sums were
spent on arms and stores. [Ibid. i. 400-401.]
Throughout the country the popular
party was equally active. Since the accession of James VI. to the
English throne the strongholds of Scotland had been allowed to fall
into a defenceless state. These were seized in March by the
Covenanters. The castles of Edinburgh, Dunbarton, Dalkeith,
Stirling, Hamilton, and Douglas were thus in their hands. At the
same time Leith and the little Fifeshire ports were fortified
against the English fleet, 30,000 stands of arms were provided, and
an army of 20,000 men was embodied and actively drilled. [Burton,
vi. 258.] A proclamation from the king denouncing under the
penalties of treason all who should not accept its terms was refused
publication at Edinburgh, the authorities there pointing out that
such penalties could only be awarded by Parliament or the Courts of
Justice after trial and proof. [Burnet's Memoirs.] On 20th May the
Scots army paraded under General Alexander Leslie on the links at
Leith, a striking evidence of the Covenanters' determination and
efficiency, and next day the march was begun towards the Border. It
was by no means only an army of the common people. Its "crowners,"
or colonels, were nearly all noblemen. Montrose led a regiment of
over 1,500 men, and the Glasgow company marched under Lord
Montgomery. [Baillie's Letters, i. 211.]
At Dunglass the Scottish leaders were
met by a proclamation from the king, who was now with his army at
Newcastle. He declared that he had no intention of invading Scotland
if his subjects of that realm showed timeous obedience. On the other
hand, if the Scots came within ten miles of the Border they would be
regarded as invaders of England, and attacked by the English forces.
[Burton, vi. 263.] Desiring not to precipitate hostilities the
Scottish army entrenched itself on Duns Law, while Charles advanced
with his troops to Berwick. From the king's army it could be seen
that Leslie, with the skill of a practised soldier, had chosen a
position which closed all roads into Scotland, and it was known that
his army was in much better fighting order than the English levies.
Faced with certainty of defeat if he attacked, Charles came to
terms. As a result of a conference in which the king himself took
part, it was arranged that a free Assembly and a free Parliament
should be held in Edinburgh in August, and that meanwhile both
armies should be disbanded and the royal fortresses restored by the
Covenanters to the king. It was well known that the new free
Assembly and free Parliament to be called by the king would do
exactly the things which had been done by the Glasgow Assembly which
had defied his authority, but the arrangement "saved the face" of
Charles and allowed of a peaceful settlement.
It was while these negotiations were
going on that Montrose, who had been despatched to the north, fought
the battle at Muchalls and forced the Bridge of Dee as already
mentioned. Thus the first round of the Civil War had been fought,
and it had not been won by Charles.
During the negotiations Glasgow
continued its, military preparations with the utmost vigour. The
eight compa in es of its inhabitants were drilled weekly by their
captains. A second battalion, under John Anderson, a cordiner and
former bailie, was sent on active service. On 13th June the
inhabitants were ordered by sound of drum to bring all their silver
plate into a common stock, and walls with gates were built at the
most vulnerable approaches to the town. By reason of the peace that
was patched up with the king these defences were not immediately
required, but they sufficiently showed the temper of the citizens.
[Burgh Records, i. 401-2.] Equally significant, when the Assembly
met in Edinburgh and re-enacted with the king's authority the
proceedings of the Glasgow Assembly of the previous year abolishing
episcopacy, was the speech of one of the Glasgow ministers, old Mr.
John Bell, who was one of its members: "My voice nor my tongue
cannot express the joy of my heart to see this torn-down kirk
restored to her beauty. The Lord make us thankful. Lord, bless His
Majesty and Commissioner." [Peterkin's Records, 250-252; Burton, vi.
273.]
Following the abolition of episcopacy
the town council of Glasgow, on 1st October, 1639, elected its own
provost and three bailies. [Burgh Records, i. 405.] Thus for the
second time the town appeared to have been freed from the
overlordship of its bishops.
But no era of peace had dawned upon
the country. The king's assent to the abolition of prelacy had been
obtained by force, and certain acts and letters which came to light
showed that the assent was not sincere. [Burnet's Memoirs, 150-154.]
On the other hand the Scottish Parliament was discovered making
overtures for help to France. [Burton, vi. 288.] The Scottish report
of the treaty with Charles was publicly burned by his order in
London. The king did not attend the Scottish Parliament as he had
promised, and tried to stop its proceedings by again and again
adjourning it. In the end, on 2nd June, 1640, it met, and ignored
his order for further prorogation. When it sent Lord Dunfermline and
Lord Loudon to Court to explain the position they were refused an
audience, and Lord Loudon was thrown into prison. In these
circumstances both sides prepared for war. [Burton, Vi. 292; Act.
Pan. V. 2S9, 260.]
Leslie again got together the army of
the Covenant at Dunglass—twenty thousand foot and twenty-five
hundred horse. At Coldstream, on 20th August, 1640, Montrose leading
the van, the Tweed was crossed, and at Newburn, five miles above
Newcastle, with the help of some cannon made of tin cores, leather,
and rope, Leslie forced the passage of the Tyne. [Burton, i. 304.]
Meanwhile, the proceedings in Glasgow
were probably typical of those in other burghs throughout the
country. On 14th March the drum was sent through the streets warning
the citizens to have their arms in readiness. On 11th April the town
council ordered the purchase of forty additional muskets and twenty
pikes. On the 25th Henry Gibson was paid £40 for drilling the
townsfolk. And on the 29th a general muster was held, men who failed
to appear being fined £40. [Burgh Records, i. 411, 412.] On 2nd May
George Porterfield was "continowit capitane to goe out with the
first companie," and £95 9s. 1d. was disbursed "for outreiking of -allevin
sojers to the commoun service." On 27th May Patrick Bell, the late
provost, was authorized to attend the meeting of Parliament, and, in
case the king should prorogue it again, was empowered to support the
majority of members in continuing to sit and transact business "for
the publict good and preservatioun of thair religioun, liberties,
lyfis, and estaitis." [Ibid. 412-413.] Through Patrick Bell, also,
the town council contributed sixteen thousand merks (£888 17s. 4d.)
"for the commoun effaires of the countrie." [Ibid. i. 411.] On 9th
June a roll was made up of all persons in the city capable of
bearing arms, and on the 13th it was resolved to despatch 144 men
with their officers under Captain Porterfield, who was given for the
pay of his men the sum of £1,000 and promised another £1,000 within
ten days. [Ibid. 414.]
Besides the young men of the city who
thus went upon active service, there appears to have been a body of
mercenaries employed by the town. In the Burgh Records several
references to "the colonel" appear, and on 22nd June the city
treasurer was reimbursed the sum of £518 13s. given by him " to the
colonel for payment of the sojoris of fortoun" during the five
months past. There are orders given for "stenting " or taxing the
citizens to raise the sum required by the authorities in Edinburgh.
On 16th July a second company is sent to the Border as a
reinforcement for "Capitane Porterfield." Two days later, a troop of
thirteen horsemen are fitted out and provided with a month's pay.
And on 16th August there are further measures taken for collecting
the silver plate and gold of the citizens, as well as voluntary
contributions and loans of money "for the commoun cause." [Burgh
Records, i. 415-416.] The list of those who thus lent money is
headed by Thomas Hutcheson of Lambhill with three thousand merks.
[Ibid. i. 419.] For the silver work and money then raised and
conveyed to Edinburgh by the provost Glasgow got two "actis" signed
by lords of the Committee of Estates. [Ibid. 421.] The town also
spent £239 12s. on eight score pairs of shoes sent to its company on
active service. For the clothes for its soldiers it received a
warrant from the Committee to take the cost out of the rents of the
bishop and non-Covenanters. [Ibid. i. 424.]
As in wars in more recent times the
town's soldiers on active service were provided with comforts by
their relatives and friends at home. As some had no friends to do
this for them, and, finding themselves "miskennit or neglectit,"
might be inclined to grudge and so prove less reliable, the
magistrates on 12th December sent £108 to be distributed among them.
It will be seen from these details
that Glasgow was put to large expense and very great trouble by the
effort to secure the form of public worship which the nation
desired. That the expense and trouble were undertaken willingly is
shown by the fact that no record exists of any resistance or refusal
to cooperate among the citizens, and by the promptitude and energy
with which the arrangements were carried out.
In England the Scottish army, after
capturing Newcastle and occupying Durham, had taken position along
the line of the river Tees, which divides Durham county from
Yorkshire, and on 4th September sent a humble supplication to the
king, who was then at York, asking him to redress the Scottish
grievances. [Gardiner, ix. p. 201.] The request was made more urgent
by the fact that the invading army was levying its support from the
counties of Northumberland and Durham at the rate of £850 per day.
It was further backed up by the news of the successive surrender to
the Covenanters of the castles of Dunbarton, Edinburgh, and
Caerlaverock. [Ibid. 207.] Under these circumstances the king called
a "great council" of the English peers to meet at York, and from
that council sixteen commissioners were sent to treat with
commissioners of the Scots at Ripon. [Burton, vi. 309.] The eight
Scottish commissioners on 21st October agreed to an armistice on
condition of a payment of £26,000 for the support of their army, and
further discussion of the matters in dispute was transferred to
London, [Gardiner, ix. 209-214.] where large audiences attended the
preaching of the Scottish ministers. [Clarendon, i. 190, ed. 1843,
p. 76.]
Harassed by the Scottish demands and
the difficulty of raising money in England, Charles was forced to
call a Parliament, and the historic assembly afterwards known as the
Long Parliament met at Westminster on 3rd November. That Parliament
voted £140,000 for the maintenace of the Scottish and English armies
in the north, and instead of providing the supplies desired by the
king for the prosecution of his own schemes of compulsion, took up
consideration of English grievances, and impeached the king's
ministers, the Earl of Strafford, Archbishop Laud, and the Lord
Keeper Finch. [Gardiner, ix. 235-236, 249.] On 11th May, 1641,
Strafford was executed on Tower Hill.
By the treaty with the Scots, which
was concluded on 7th August, the king was to ratify the Acts of the
Scottish Parliament which had sat in 1640 without his authority,
while the authors of the late troubles in both countries were to be
punished. At the same time England agreed to pay the Scots an
indemnity of three hundred thousand pounds. The Covenanters, having
thus secured the objects for which they had taken up arms, disbanded
their army. [Act. Parl. V. 337 et seq.]
While these events were taking place
in England, the Covenanters were using stern measures to stamp out
the remains of episcopacy in the north. General Munro, another old
soldier of Gustavus Adolphus, with a thousand scalliwag followers,
"daily deboshing, drinking, night-walking, and bringing sundry
honest women servants to great misery," plundered the "malignants"
of Aberdeen and the district, using such excruciating tortures as
that of the wooden horse to enforce his exactions. [Spalding's
Memorials, i. 275, 352.] At the same time, Argyll, securing a
"commission of fire and sword," and raising a Highland army of four
thousand men, swept the central Highlands and the Braes of Angus,
and destroyed the lands and houses of the Covenanters' enemies and
his own. It was during this campaign that the future head of the
Covenanting party destroyed the Bonnie House of Airlie, as
commemorated in the well-known ballad, showing his zeal by himself
taking hammer in hand and defacing the carved work of lintels and
doorways "till he did sweat." [Spalding, i. 291.]
These were the circumstances in
Scotland when King Charles, harassed and driven to desperation by
the proceedings of the English Parliament at Westminster, bethought
himself of escaping for a time to the north. In the Scottish
Parliament which he attended, however, his chagrin was probably not
less. The Estates no longer met in the dingy old tolbooth of
Edinburgh, but in the hall of the handsome building still known as
the Parliament House, and in that hall, now the foyer of the supreme
Law Courts of Scotland, Charles had to listen and give assent to Act
after Act passed in his name, which must have torn his heart with
every sentence. He also found it necessary to confer honours on
those who had been his most active enemies. General Leslie was
created Earl of Leven, and Argyll was made a Marquess. At the same
time he accomplished one thing which was to have the effect four
years later of very nearly turning the tide of fortune in his
favour. He secured the adherence of the gallant young Earl of
Montrose. That chief of the Grahams, then twenty-eight years of age,
had probably begun to weary of the intolerance of the Covenanters,
and perhaps may have felt some chagrin at the superseding of himself
in command of the army by his former chief of staff, General Leslie.
There may also have been an increasing antagonism to Argyll, then
coming to a foremost place in the counsels of the Covenanting party,
and fated to be his bitterest enemy to the end. Lastly he had come
into personal touch with Charles, and had seen reason to support his
cause. The change over of Montrose was in no way different from that
of the men in the English Parliament of the same time, who, after
voting for the abolition of the Star Chamber and the impeachment of
Strafford, became foremost among the Cavaliers. [Macaulay, vol. i.
chap. i.]
The Scottish Parliament ended its
sittings on 7th November, 1641, having effected many great changes
in the affairs and government of Scotland, and Charles hastened
south to the second session of the Long Parliament, which had opened
in October. The people of the northern kingdom had been pacified by
the king's concessions, and in the south, notwithstanding fearful
news of a Catholic rising and massacre of Protestants in Ireland,
matters were in a fair way of settling into an ordered system. The
two great parties of Cavaliers and Roundheads were nearly equal, and
it looked as if the king's party were in the way of securing a
majority, when Charles made the crucial unpardonable mistake of his
life. He sent the Attorney-General to impeach Pym, Hampden, and
other leaders of the Roundhead party of high treason at the bar of
the House of Lords, and he went in person with an armed force to
arrest the leaders of that party within the House of Commons itself.
These acts of high-handed folly and treachery threw the whole
country at once into an uproar. During the night London rose in arms
; the gates of the king's palace were besieged by angry multitudes,
and presently Charles was forced to leave his capital, never to
return till the day of a terrible reckoning arrived, when he came to
be tried for his life and to lay his head on the block outside the
window of his palace of Whitehall. The signal had been given for the
beginning of that devastating and long drawn out conflict, the Civil
War. |