Glimpses of Early Art—George Jamesone
and his Contemporaries — Aikman —
Hamilton — Allan Ramsay
— Martin— Jacob More—Runciman— Sir Robert Strange
— Early Architects — James Gibbs.
THIS is a department of intellectual
labour in which there is little to be said for Scotland by one whose
notice is entirely confined to the past, and the rather far past. There
are certain conditions of the possession of a school of art which Scotland
has never enjoyed until very late times. The arts have sometimes
flourished amid turbulence and vice, but never could they gain root in a
country disturbed and impoverished by a perpetual struggle with powerful
neighbours for independence and bare national existence. To the hardier
virtues such arid and storm-swept soil was congenial. It was the natural
nursery of mili tary
leadership—it was favourable to strong-headed and strong-willed
statesmanship — it made bold,
ambitious, hard-working scholars, who scorned delights and lived laborious
days. But the artist is not autochthonous; he grows in a garden, of which
not only the original plants are imported and carefully nurtured, but the
very mould itself is artificial: hence that Scotland should have produced
artists, and sent them abroad as missionaries to lead on the great schools
of foreign art, would have been as absurd an expectation as to anticipate
such a service from Iceland or Vancouver Island at the present day.
There are conditions, indeed, so critical in their
bearing on existence itself, that the mere statesman will attend to them
alone, and forego the decorations of life. Music is a great humaniser and
solacer of existence, but the kings who take to the fiddle when their Rome
is burning, however skilfully they may have performed, have not reached a
high character in their profession as rulers of men. James III. of
Scotland was not placed in a favourable position for encouraging art in
any prominent shape; and that the nobles of his realm should have been
such barbarians as to hang his favourite companions over the bridge of
Lauder, only shows us that he did not act the part of a wise governor in
raising artists to a high rank among his rough handed nobles, and making
them his exclusive companions, and, in fact, his counsellors on state
affairs—a function for which, had they been thoroughly devoted to art,
they were not fitted, and to which they would not have aspired.
A statesman’s destiny is a hard one
in this as, perhaps, in other matters: he must not pursue, like the
vagabond world, his own inclinations and instincts, but must study other
people’s. The failing of James III. seems to have been, that he consulted
his own enjoyment in art, instead of trying how much of it he could get
others to enjoy and follow him in. His favour for art was, as we have
seen, fatal to the poor artists. By the chroniclers it is only referred
to, with more or less of charitable excuse, as a vice; and of the real
fruits of his encouragement of the arts we would know nothing, were it not
for the zeal of recent inquirers.
It appears to have been in his reign
that the impulse to architecture, both civil and ecclesiastical, on the
French model, as already referred to, began. There stood until very
recently in Edinburgh a noble remnant of this revival—the history of
which, perhaps, points to the source whence the King inherited his love of
art. The Trinity College Church was built in the early part of his reign
by his mother, Mary of Gueldres, the granddaughter of John Duke of
Burgundy. It was but a fragment of a church, being little more than the
chancel and transept; but it was sufficient to develop the prevailing
French style with extraordinary beauty and richness, and it contained a
sufficiency of types of the architect’s intentions to permit of its being
finished as it had been begun. There it stood, left incompleted, like many
another Gothic fragment, by builders who, having exhausted their own
resources, left their handiwork in the assured faith that when
wealth and opportunity sufficed it would be reverently completed.
It is a wonderful
illustration of how a stratum of barbarism often ruts through a state of
high civilisation, that, just after the middle of the nineteenth century,
this precious work of art was deliberately obliterated, and that in the
face of thy, and in the midst of protests by the lovers of art and the
students of archaeology throughout the land. The act, indeed, was
perpetrated with a sort of cynical contempt of their outcries, as
if the doers were actuated by the spirit which sometimes prompts people to
outrage the prejudices of their neighbours. In general such acts are
hidden under the common barbarism of the times, and the actual
perpetrators of the offence rest unknown; in this instance everything is
known of the several steps which led to the conclusion, and the men
engaged in them. If they have any of the aspirations after notoriety which
inspired the burner of Diana’s temple, they are very likely to be
gratified; for an inquisitive posterity will be pretty sure to demand a
full and complete history of one of the most remarkable outrages that
has occurred since art began. Let us hope that it may become a prominent
event as the last great instance of Vandalism perpetrated within the
United Kingdom. It seems a coincidence worth noting, that as all hope of
the retention of the massive stone edifice disappeared, the labours of
zealous lovers of art and antiquity became successful in the recovery of a
fragile but precious work of art which had evidently decorated the
interior of the church. Among the odds and ends of art casually preserved
at Kensington Palace, were two large panels, with scenes partially at
least sacred painted on them, so as to render it likely that they were
compartments of an altar-piece. They attracted notice by the clearness and
coldness of outline, the fresh brightness of colour, the gentle
earnestness, not like the ideal of the Italian, and the general air of
a struggle with the difficulties of primitive art, which belong to the
Van Eyck school. Yet there is a degree of full drawing, and a wonderful
compass of colouring, as if of a later school. The miniver and ermine
furs, the silks and the jewellery, are almost as real as Terbourg’s. There
was a monarch at devotion with a patron saint, and a young prince
in royal robes behind him, on one panel; on another was a queen at
prayer, with a mailed figure, also supposed to be a patron saint, standing
behind her. To those who got access to the other sides of the panels,
there were revealed on the one a representation of the Trinity, and on the
other St Cecilia playing on an organ, while an angel listens, and a
man with strange expressive Scotch features, in rich ecclesiastical robes,
kneels in devotion. It was evident that several of the figures here were
portraits, and some heraldic devices connected the whole both with
Scotland and Denmark. It has been shown by a process of induction, which
has a distinctness unfortunately not often realised in such inquiries,
that these panels had been the altar-piece of the Trinity Church. The
praying King is James IlI., the praying Queen his wife, Margaret of
Denmark, who is identified by the blazon of the three Scandinavian states,
then ruled by one monarch. The St Cecilia is identified as the King’s
mother, Mary of Gueldres, the foundress of the Church.
A point was still wanting to connect
this piece of art with the Church, and heraldry came in aid when all other
sources failed. This often happens, compelling the archeologist to pay
respect to the fantastic science. It may be all a vain show, ministering
to human vanity and folly; but this is true of many other things that have
to be recorded of the ways of the human race. In fact, man is a blazoning
animal; and if we would know his history, we must accept such his
propensity, just as, in conchology, we deal with the nautilus spreading
his sail, and find in ornithology that the member of the Pavonidae family
called the peacock is addicted to fanning out his many-coloured tail to
the sun. Of the ecclesiastic who is kneeling in presence of St Cecilia,
Pinkerton, the first to suggest the accepted tenor of the piece, observes,
with some disappointment, that "his heraldry of three buckles and a
cheveron can hardly be traced, except to the obscure family of Bonkil in
the Mearns" But the next investigator neatly clenches the link that shall
join this obscure family to a courtly pageant, by finding that one of
them, Edward Bonkil or Boncle, was the first provost of the foundation,
and the confessor of the foundress. And by the way, if all tales told of
that Queen be true, he must have had duties tending sorely to try the
mettle of a court confessor. Whatever may have been the claim of the
representative of St Cecilia to a share in her divine art, Mary of
Gueldres had poor claims to sanctity, if we accept the grotesque and
outspoken account of her conduct in the Pitscottie Chronicle — an account
unfortunately too distinct and specific to admit of public repetition at
the present day; and in her face there is more of the kind of flesh and
blood in which the human passions and failings reside, than of the meek
piety of the saint.
There would be no use attempting to
make out that this fine piece was painted by a Scot, whether abroad or at
home. But before concluding that in that day, and indeed earlier, there
was no art in the land, let us listen to the curious plea put in by a
foreigner, to the effect that a picture, perhaps the most remarkable in
its historical conditions that the world has seen, was probably painted by
one of our countrymen. Such a picture was actually in the possession of a
Scot abroad—and this is something.
Among the many strange questions put
to poor Joan of Arc by her inquisitors, one was, Whether she had ever
seen, or caused paint, a picture of herself? She answered, Yes. She had
seen at Reims, in the possession of a Scotsman, a picture of herself in
armour, kneeling on a hassock, and presenting a letter to the King. It is
not in evidence that the Scot painted the picture he possessed, nor is it
known who painted it; but, as M. Michel justly remarks,. it is lawful to
guess at the artist. There was at that time a painter who attended the
camp of the Pucelle. It is known that he painted her banner for her— that
banner also described in her inquisition as white semé, with
fleurs-de-lis, with a world and two angels painted on it, and the
motto "Jhesus Maria" The name of the painter of this banner, who is also
likely enough to have painted the portrait, is recorded as Hames Poulevoir,
whose daughter was an intimate friend of the heroine. No one will readily
dispute with M. Michel the opinion that this does not sound like a French
name; and he will be readily supported here, when holding that a name it
much resembles, and of which he supposes it may be a corruption, Polwarth,
is familiar in Scotland. He mentions that the names of Scottish Jameses
are often made Hames in old French. Is it fair to suggest a nearer way to
the conclusion that the painter was a Scotsman? Suppose Hames a mistake
for Hume or Home: Polwarth was an old patronymic of that family. Sir
Alexander Hume, the head of the house, was one of the Scots followers of
Douglas, killed at Verneuil. He left behind him three sons; but whether
any of then remained in France, or, remaining, gave himself to art, I do
not know. David Hume was a descendant of the hero of Verneuil. I wonder if
he could have been persuaded that an ancestor of his painted a portrait of
Joan of Arc? There was a Scot who steadily followed Joan’s career, and
witnessed her last agonies in the fire. He returned to Scotland, where it
is believed that he ended his days as a monk in the abbey of Dunfermline.
He wrote an account of the career of Joan, which, to the great misfortune
of historical literature, has been hitherto undiscovered. M. Michel
supposes that this man may have been the owner of the picture—and this is
not impossible.
Leaving these fields of idle
conjecture, let us dwell on the significant and honourable fact, that
Scotland produced the first eminent British portrait. painter. When
Charles I. revisited the country of his birth in 1633, just after he had
brought over Vandyke to fill the vacuum of art in England, he had the
gratification of sitting to a native Scottish artist—George Jamesone. Few
reputations stand in more isolated solitude, and few histories have been
more mysterious than this man’s. The stormy age, so many of whose great
actors he has given us to know face to face, had too much bloody and
feverish work to do to pay him much attention, and any memorials now
possessed of him have been dug up, fragment after fragment, with much
industry. His father was burgess of guild of the city of Aberdeen, his
mother the daughter of a bailie thereof. What peculiar train of
circumstances can have induced people of this kind, shortly after the end
of the sixteenth century, to send their son abroad to study art, it is
difficult to conceive; and if it was from the pure impulse of enlightened
ambition, it may be counted that this worthy couple were at least two
centuries before their age. I am not sure that at this day an Aberdeen
bailie would consider it quite consistent with sanity to send a son to
Antwerp to be educated as a painter.
Jamesone was born some twelve or
thirteen years before the end of the sixteenth century. It has always been
held as an established fact that he studied along with Vandyke under
Rubens, and competent critics have declared that his style sufficiently
vouches for his training—that there is no mistaking in his thinly-painted
portraits the animated flesh-tints of his master. This may be sufficient
to establish the fact that he adopted Rubens’s method. That he was the
pupil of this master, is asserted in the anecdotes of Horace Walpole, who
simply states the fact, mentioning that he received his information about
George Jamesone from James Jamesone, a merchant in Leith. A hundred years
after the painter’s death, Walpole was but eighteen years old, so that the
tradition must be supposed to have been transmitted through two or three
generations. The amount of evidence, however, demanded for any such fact,
depends on its weight If one shows you a coal which he extracted from the
granitic rocks of Devonshire, you would require some evidence of so
startling an assertion; but if he says he got it at Newcastle, it is not
worth while proving that it did not come from North Shields or Walls-end.
Had Jamesone been a self-created artist, his style would have been as
different from others as the methods of the founders of the Italian, the
German, and the Flemish schools respectively. But his pictures are
Flemish, as broad as they can stare. He learnt to paint, therefore, in the
school where Rubens was supreme; and whether he frequented the potentate’s
studio or not, is a trivial matter.
Local tradition goes further even
than Walpole has followed, and connects Jamesone with the domestic history
of his illustrious instructor. All men know the lovely picture known as
the "Straw Hat"—the portrait of Rubens’s second wife, whom he married when
he was fifty-four and she sixteen. Some of the French Lives call her
Helena Fremont, but the more accurate Germans give her name as Forman.
This is a common north-country name, and the tradition is, that she was an
Aberdeenshire girl, and a relation of Jamesone’s. Waagen says she belonged
to a distinguished family in Antwerp, but his authority for this seems
only to be of a semi-traditional character. I asked him about it. The
Aberdeen story, however, will not hold its own ground. It represents
Helena Forman as rising from the humble position of a house-maiden in the
artist’s family, and then bringing her kinsman to participate in her
fortunes. But it happens that her marriage with Rubens occurred in 1631,
after Jamesone had returned with his training to his native town.
Jamesone, like his father, was a
burgess of Aberdeen, and seems to have lived in affluence and comfort,
since a few notices preserved of him are chiefly taken from the recorded
settlements in which he disposed of his property. Among the topographical
memoranda in that valuable little itinerarium so full of amusing learning,
called ‘The Book of Bon Accord,’ there are some curious memoranda of his
house and garden. The old local writer there quoted says: "Upon the
westside of the town, at a small distance, there is a little, green
swelling hill to be seen, corruptly called the Woman Hill, but more
properly the Woolman Hill, because it is affirmed that in old tymes the
sellers of wool quo came frome the neirest pairts about the towne took
ther stand ther upon merkat days. Under the verie hill there runs a stream
of water, and another veyne of the same water in the midst of the channel
of a little brook running southward dose under the foot of that hill, yet
it is easille distinguyshed both by its taste and colour from the waters
of the brook. This spring is known by the name of the Wall of Spaa. Hard
by it to the westward there is a foursquair feild, which of old served for
a theater, since made a gardyne for pleasure by the industrie and expense
of George Jamesone, ane ingenious paynter, who did set up therein ane
tymber house, paynted all over with his own hand."
In the town-garden and
pleasure-house, or Lust
Haus, we may trace
Jamesone’s adoption of the habits he saw in the Netherlands. They are
commemorated in one of the curious topographical epigrams of Arthur
Johnston, of whom and his rivalship with Buchanan something has already
been seen. His tribute to the painter’s pleasure-garden is not one of his
most successful efforts; and it is not improved in the translation of a
local bard of some half a century later, whose lyre was inspired by the
genius of municipality reform:-
"The Woolman Hill, which all the rest outvies
In pleasantness, this city beautifies!
There is the well of Spa, that healthful font,
Where yr’ne-brewed water coloureth
the mount.
Not far from thence a garden’s to be seen,
Which unto Jamesone did appertain,
Wherein a little pleasant house doth stand,
Painted (as I guess)
with its master’s hand."
Some documents connected with
Jamesone’s acquisition of his little suburban paradise show more
distinctly still the influence of Flemish habits on the painter. The
ground where the old Catholic mysteries used to be performed having fallen
into the offensive condition in which suburban public grounds, when not
carefully tended, are sure to fall, while at the mercy of a turbulent
burn, he resolved to beautify it according to the Flemish fashion at his
own proper charges. He represented to the magistrates, "That for as meikle
as a greeit part of the playfeild belonging to the toune quhair comedies
were wont to be acted of auld beside the wall of Spay, is spoiled, broken,
and carriet away in speat and inundation of water, and is liable to the
same danger and inconvenience hereafter, so that, unless some course be
taken to withstand such speats and inundation, the whole playfeild, within
a short space of time, will all utterlie decay, and serve for no use. And
the said George Jamesone, taking notice of the toun’s prejudice therein,
and withall have and consideration how this litil plot of ground may be
useful to the toune heirefter; out of his naturall affectioun to this his
native citie, he is content, upon his own charges, not only to make some
fortification to restrain the violence of the speattis in tyme cuming, bot
lykewayes to make some policie and planting within and about the said
playfeild for the publict use and benefit of the town." The condition on
which he offered to lay out the pleasure-ground for the future use of the
public was, that he should himself retain it for the remainder of his days
at a nominal rent, and the offer was thankfully acceded to.
Such trivial details have surely a
significance entitling them to be preserved. They show the hopeful
readiness with which the foreign notions of the travelled artist were
received among his fellow-burgesses in the short breathing-time of peace
which followed the union of the crowns. It will easily be
believed—especially when the troublous time that immediately followed on
the artist’s setting up of his tabernacle is remembered—that little of his
garden finery remained down to late times. A stone arch over the
chalybeate spring, still called the Well of Spa, is the sole relic of his
public benefactions. The stream that threatened to destroy the playground
is well barricadoed, but it runs blue and red with the refuse of dyers’
vats, mixed with elements still more offensive: the very site of the
pleasure-house is forgotten, and the old garden is covered with a filthy
suburb.
One who had lived in the house of
Rubens must have seen something like princely grandeur: it was the way in
Flanders, as well as in some of the Italian states, practically to
reverence high art, by letting it open the way to power and wealth.
Whether this was a more enlightened principle than that of permitting
every artist to advance himself as well as he can, by selling his works to
the public at large, and endeavouring to give them cheaper than his
neighbours, I am not going to inquire. Jamesone may or may not have sighed
for the sort of artistic court which he left behind him at Antwerp.
Certainly, however, if he did not find himself where art held its proper
supremacy, and where he might reverentially follow masters or ambitiously
cope with rivals, he was in the middle of a set of trained scholars and
clever men even when at home in his garden-house; and we know that he
frequently resided at Edinburgh, and travelled about. The names of some of
those whose portraits he painted will show that he enjoyed no mean share
of the artist’s privilege, to meet face to face the great men of his age.
He painted Charles L, Montrose, Rothes, old Leslie the Earl of Leven, the
Chancellor Loudon, the Marquesses of Hamilton and Huntley, Bishop Forbes,
Andrew Cant, Gordon of Straloch, Urquhart of Cromarty, Sir Thomas Hope,
Gregory, Richard Baxter, George Heriot, Arthur Johnston, and Sir Thomas
Nicolson.
We have already made acquaintance
with the remarkable group of men renowned for literature and science who
then clustered round the old northern city which boasted of the united
attractions of a cathedral and a university. When an artist of the Flemish
school settled down among the other celebrities of the place, it might
have been held a token that civilisation was ripening apace up to the
standard of the foreign seats of learning, and that the Scot would no
longer be driven abroad to seek a field for intellectual supremacy. But
darker days than ever were at hand, and the frail fabric of civilisation
was shaken by hands ruder than even those of a foreign enemy. The place
where Jamesone had set up his tabernacle was peculiarly under the curse of
the civil war. Being tainted with Episcopacy and Royalism, Montrose, when
he was himself a zealous Covenanter, came down on it, and forced on the
community the iron rule of the Covenant;—at that juncture, among other
revolutions, we learn that Jamesone’s portrait of the provost was removed
from the session-house, as "savouring of Popery." After Montrose had made
his great apostasy he came back, bringing seven devils worse than himself
in the shape of his Celtic hordes; and, finding the town under the rule he
had himself imposed on it, burned and slaughtered all around, as if he
were taking vengeance on the poor citizens for his on fit of disloyalty.
It was not a time for the encouragement of the fine arts when the one
party had made camp-fires of the carvings of the cathedral, and the other
left the streets strewed with the unburied dead.
It was a fortunate thing, however,
for the commemoration of the features hardened in that great conflict,
that the brief sunshine of peace should have nourished an artist, to
pursue his peaceful labours among the men at work with head and hand in
the mighty storm. To see their portraits after their manner in the flesh
hanging on the walls of old houses gives a liveliness to our
book-knowledge of the wars of the Covenant, which we owe entirely to the
chances that set down in the midst of them an artist trained abroad. The
traces of Jamesone’s movements, at a time when people had so many other
things to think about, are naturally but scanty.
Sir Thomas Hope, a lawyer and
professional champion of the Covenanters, who had the reputation of having
helped materially in the drafting of the Solemn League and Covenant
itself, takes time, just as the storm, is coming to its height, to make
the following entries in his diary :—
"20 Julji 1638, Fryday.
"This day William Jamesoun, painter
(at the ernest desyr of my sone Mr Alexander) was sufferit to draw my
pictur.
"27 Julji 1638.
"Item, a second draught be William
Jamesoun."
Making allowance for the busy
statesman forgetting the artist’s Christian name, it is inferred from this
that the rather majestic-looking portrait of Hope in the Parliament House
of Edinburgh is the work of Jamesone, though some think it must be a mere
copy, since it fails in conquering so well as Jamesone in other instances
did, that great difficulty of the portrait-painter—the giving flesh and
muscle and the proper pose to the hand.
Jamesone had one munificent, and, it
might be said, princely patron, Sir Colin Campbell of Glenurchy, who
united the educated and refined gentleman with the feudal baron and
Highland chief; brought arms hangings and damask napery out of Flanders,
and "bestowet and gave to ane Germane painter, whom he entertainet in his
house aught month, the soume of ane thousand pundit" Some of Jamesone’s
letters to this potent chief still exist. On the 13th of October 1634, he
writes from Edinburgh to acknowledge the receipt of a hundred merks, and
explains that it will be the month of January before he begins his
pictures, "except that I have the occasione to meet with the parties in
the north, quhair I mynd to stay for tuo moneths." In the ensuing month of
June he refers to sixteeen pictures of which he has got "a not;" and, in
reference to pecuniary considerations, says: "The pryce quhilk ewerie ane
payes to me abowe the west [above the waist] is twentie merkis, I
furnishing claith and coulleris; bot iff I furniss ane double-gilt muller,
then it is twentie poundis. Thes I deall with all alyk; bot I am moir
bound to hawe ane gryte cair of your worship’s service, becaus of my gould
payment for my laist imployment. Onlie thus your worship wold resolve at
quohis charges I mist go throwe the countrey to maik thir picturis, for
all that are heir in town neidis onlie your worship’s letter to theam to
cause theam sitt." He concludes by saying, "Iff I begin the picture in
Julii, I will hawe the sextine redie about the laist of September."
The execution of sixteen portraits
between July and the end. of September looks like industrious application
and rapid execution; but he followed a master whom he had seen sweep the
canvass with tempestuous brush, and his portraits show a characteristic
tendency to broad effects in preference to elaborate finishing.
The class of persons called Tourists
are familiar with the long line of portraits of the kings of Scotland,
from Father Fergus downwards, which decorate the narrow gallery of
Holyrood. It has been remarked how, through century after century, they
carry so strong a family likeness; and the spectator may also observe that
there is a sort of unity, with judicious variations, in the nature of
their costume, such as may be seen in the characters of a well-adjusted
play. Jamesone was naturally the man to whom tradition pointed as the
painter of these portraits. But there is no evidence that he gave himself
to the pious fraud of setting forth likenesses of men whose features—such
of them as ever existed—had been permitted to pass into oblivion. Whoever
commenced the gallery, the artist who is known to have made a complete job
of it was a Dutchman named De Wit; and, for the credit of art, it is a
pleasant thing to know that his name was Jacob, and that there is no
excuse for throwing the scandal of his paltry forgeries on that passionate
devotee of art, Emanuel De Wit, whose crowded interiors are the very soul
of truth and distinctness. Jacob De Wit, indeed, appears to have been a
mechanic and an artist by turns, as he was hired. The job of painting the
kings he completed in 1686; and some ten years. earlier we find him
drawing coats of arms, graining chimney-pieces in imitation of marble, and
doing "ane piece of history" for the ceiling of the royal bedroom.
There is a landscape picture of
King's College in Aberdeen, attributed, but without distinct authority, to
Jamesone. If it be truly his, it shows that he was wise in restricting
himself in general to portraiture, though the piece has its value, as
informing us of the nature of the architectural character of some portions
of the building which have since disappeared. In that edifice there hangs
a collection of strange, musty, decayed pictures, also attributed to
Jamesone, which have a curious fascination in their quaint and almost
eldrich character. They are called "the Sibyls," and all represent female
heads, yet certainly not ordinary female portraits, for there is an airy,
wild fantasticalness of expression mixed with beauty in them, and in some
instances peculiarities of corporeal structure not quite human. A general
delicacy and sweetness of tone distinguishes them from the Temptations of
St Anthony, and other fantasies of the contemporary Flemish school.
Walpole, who was pleased, in one of
his complimentary moods, to call Scotland "the most accomplished nation in
Europe—the nation to which, if any one country is endowed with a superior
portion of sense, he should be inclined to give the preference in that
particular "—had the merit of first drawing attention to the works of
Jamesone, as the first eminent British portrait-painter—that is, the first
inhabitant of Britain who painted, like a trained artist, life-size
portraits in oil. The great critic says of him: "His excellency consists
in delicacy and softness, with a clear and beautiful colouring; his shades
not charged, but helped by varnish, with little appearance of the pencil.
He had much of Vandyk’s second manner; and to Sir Anthony some of his
works have been occasionally imputed." Walpole, in his anecdotes,
re-engraved an old plate from one of Jamesone’s pictures, representing an
extremely pleasing family group. It is the artist himself—his hat on his
head, after the practice of his master and his colleague, and his pallet
in hand. Beside him stands the faithful partner of his days, Isabella Tosh
by name, and their round-cheeked child drops roses on the mother’s lap.
There is a delightful repose and simplicity in the whole, accompanied by
perfect truth. Isabella has her head covered with the modest plaid or
"screen" long worn in the north, and has a feminine beauty which the first
artists of that age could rarely impart to their female faces. The child
is the perfection of health, vivacity, and reverential affection. It is a
strange contrast this peaceful little group with the array of the warriors
and statesmen of that stormy age, portrayed by the same pencil.
The plate thus resuscitated by
Walpole was originally engraved by John Alexander, a grandson of Jamesone,
who might also, if there were sufficient materials at hand concerning him,
exemplify the Scottish student of art in foreign countries. He seems to
have been the first among them who studied in Italy, for the little that
is known of him is that he lived a long time in Florence. On his return to
Britain he enjoyed some fashionable repute in his day. It is said that he
worked chiefly at Gordon Castle, where probably some of the pictures
which, in great houses, after a generation or two, lose their artistic
genealogies, might be traced to him, were it a sufficiently important
object to ascertain the fact, either on account of the merits of the
pictures or the celebrity of the artist. His fame, indeed, has lain under
a sort of artistic scandal, which cannot recommend it to association with
high and worthy names in honest art. The possession of a genuine ancestral
portrait of Queen Mary has always been, in advertising phraseology, "a
desideratum" in old Scottish families. Two painters of the early part of
last century, this Alexander and a dissipated son of Sir John Medina, are
said to have competed with each other in the trade or mystery of producing
the kind of article called "a genuine and original portrait of Mary Queen
of Scots."
A very different person from either
of these worthies comes next before us in chronological order, yet he is
one of whom little can be said. The name of William Aikman, celebrated in
its day by more than one distinguished poet, is now forgotten. But his
character, as exemplified in his personal history, will deserve the
sympathy of the lovers of art so long as the sacrifice of all worldly
advantages at this shrine, and a simple devotion to art for itself,
pursued in defiance of conventional prejudices, are respected. Aikman was
born some twelve years before the end of the seventeenth century, and he
was then born a laird, being come of a worshipful ancestry, who left him,
as their representative, heir to the estate of Cairnie. There are several
Cairnies in Scotland, and it is not very surprising that it should be a
question which of then owned one who was so little conscious of the
importance of his possession.
He resolved very early in life to
sell his estate and become a student of art in Italy. After living and
working for some time in Rome, he paid a visit to Constantinople and
Syria, and returned to Rome to pursue his studies. Towards the end of
Queen Anne’s reign he came to Britain, and found fin-mediate admission to
the brilliant London intellectual circle ever associated with that reign.
It was breaking up, but not yet gone, and Aikman was the means of in some
measure conveying its mantle to such successors of that intellectual
hierarchy as the reign of the Georges afforded. As a kindred spirit free
of the corporation of Pope, Swift, and Arbuthnot, he was enabled to
introduce to fashionable fame his countryman James Thomson the poet, and
to do many acts of patronage to authors, who commemorated his merits in
abundant rhymes. |