Justice to Ireland and her Monks—John
Duns—The Scotists and the Thomists—Hector Boece and the Fabulous
Histories—Buchanan---Thomas Dempster—Specimens of the Ardent Nationality
of Scots Authors—The effect of this on Scotland’s position in History—John
Knox and his Followers—The
Writers on the other side—Ecclesiastical Squabbles—A
Ramble among Miscellaneous Authors—Scotsmen in Foreign Universities
— Jurists — Medical Men—The Aberdeen
School.
A common mistake, against which
Ireland protests with justice, but not always with success, induces me,
before entering on the history of the Scots who distinguished themselves
abroad, to give some preliminary explanations. In the earlier centuries of
our era, every Scot or Scotus
whom we meet with, either in political or literary
history, was an Irishman. For some time the term included both Irishmen
and natives of North Britain, but it was not probably until the thirteenth
century that the word Scot or Scotsman was exclusively used in its present
sense. There are reasons for this as for all other such phenomena, and
when dug up and examined, they present themselves in the shape of causes
naturally adapted to produce such effects.
It is well known that the
inhabitants of the south-western Highlands are of Irish descent. It was in
the year 502 that a chief or prince called Fergus Mor Mac Earca, at the
head of a band of followers, emigrated from the district in northern
Ireland, generally spoken of as the Irish Dalriada. The Venerable Bede,
striking the key-note to the tone in which his countrymen afterwards spoke
of "the mere Irish," called these emigrants "impudent Irish vagabonds;" at
least his expression may admit of a more opprobrious, but it cannot of a
milder interpretation. They founded in Argyleshire a colony, which, as it
expanded, took the permanent name of Dalriada. It happened that about
fifty years after this migration, at a great public meeting of princes,
ecclesiastical dignitaries, great bards, and other eminencies of various
kinds, the Abbot of Burrow attended, bringing with him his friend and
connection, a son of Aodh, King of Connaught. There was a "difficulty" at
the time between Aodh and Bermot M’Kerval, lord of the southern Hy Nial,
who was at that time the Ardriagh, or President of the Kings of Ireland.
The Abbot of Burrow expected that his sanctity would prove a protection to
his young friend, even among these enemies; but it did not, and the son of
Aodh was put to death. This, of course, cried for vengeance, and the King
of Connaught, bringing a host against the Ardriagh, defeated him at the
battle of Culdruihm.
The Ardriagh, in his wrath at the
Abbot of Burrow for the share he took in this punishment, got him
excommunicated by the clergy of the district, and managed to make Ireland
too hot for him. Now this affair became of mighty importance, in as far as
the Abbot of Burrow was no other than Columba, the founder of lona, the
converter of the Picts, and the apostle of the north. It was the wrath of
the Ardriagh that drove him to his mission and his subsequent triumphs. He
got lona from his relation the chief of the Dalriads of Scotland, and
there founded the seat of learning and piety that became so renowned. The
Dalriads, though a small colony, had the advantage from the beginning that
they were Christians, and in some respects civilised, in the midst of a
people who, as heathens and barbarians, were vastly their inferiors. They
now had the advantage of being the centre whence Christianity spread over
North Britain. New immigrants joined them, and they became a great Celtic
race; it is easy to realise the importance of that state which had lona
for its ecclesiastical capital.
There was never any nearer approach
to a monarch of all Ireland than the Ardriagh, whose superiority over the
others was of a very limited and fugitive kind. The country was divided
into a number of monarchies or chiefships, ever shifting in extent and
power, and perpetually quarrelling with each other. The Dalriada on this
side of the water, sometimes called Alba, appears to have become more
powerful than any one of them, and to have exercised a high influence in
Ireland; and its king at last became so powerful and ambitious, that he
formed the design of subduing the petty kings of Ireland, and ruling there
supreme. When the term Scot was used for an Irishman, it was extended to
Dalriada, and there came thus to be Albathan Scots as well as the
Hibernian. We thus have the term legitimately transferred to Scotland, and
no more was necessary but accident and custom to make it in the course of
ages lose its original hold and take its place there.
There are persons who have heard of
Lord Moira the general, and Lord Moira the statesman, who are yet utterly
ignorant of the battle of Moyra or Magrath, as it was spelt of old, fought
in the district which holds this title in the year 637. It was to Ireland
what Bannockburn was to Scotland—the defeat of a powerful invader. The
invader was Eochaidh Buidhe, King of Alba, or the Scots Dalriada, who
brought with him a vast host, not only of his own Celtic people, but of
Picts and Saxons over whom his influence extended. The battle went on, it
is said, for seven days, and in the end the invaders were defeated. This
was one of the great historical battles for centuries afterwards, but the
English invasions blotted out its significance in Irish history. It was
important enough, however, to be celebrated in a great epic poem, which
has lately come to light under the auspices of the Irish Archeological
Society.
This affair is referred to here
merely to render distinct how part of Scotland was virtually a very
eminent and influential portion of the Irish community of nations, so that
it is by no means wonderful that a term applied to the people of the one
should travel to those of the other. So long did the term Scot remain
common to both countries, that in the Chronicle of Marianus Scotus, who
died immediately before the beginning of the year 1100, when he speaks of
himself—mentioning, for instance, that he had to leave his native country
on account of religious troubles—he leaves it doubtful whether that
country is Ireland or Scotland. There is a page in his Chronicle in which
he refers to several Scots. There was Helias the Scot, who died on the 2d
of the ides of April, in the year 1042. Next year there was Annuchudus, a
monk of Fulda, over whose grave, where a lamp burned, he, Marianus, a
Scot, himself a monk in the same monastery, had day by day, for ten years,
taken his part in the performance of mass. In the same page is told an
event to which literature has given a grander significance than it could
have had in history—the death of Duncan, and the accession of Macbeth, and
the place where this occurred is called Scotia.
Since, then, Ireland and the western
Highlands were inhabited by the same people, known by the same name, why
count every distinguished Scot down to the eleventh century as an
Irishman? Giving justice, and nothing but justice, to Ireland, should not
the Highlands have their share? In lona the Albanian branch of the Scots
were rearing an institution as great as the most illustrious of the native
monastic colleges, and likely to compete with them as a centre for the
radiation of religion and civilisation over the world. The light in
Albania, however, was extinguished. Just when Ireland was distributing her
most illustrious missionaries over the continent, the Northmen had
completed the subjugation of the Albanian Scot; and all but suppressed, if
they did not entirely suppress, Christianity among the people. Albania
became a Norse kingdom in which the Celts were serfs. We are thus saved
the trouble of dividing the great names with an equitable appropriation.
Ireland kept them all until the inhabitants of the Scotland of later times
made a world of enterprise and fame for themselves.
Probably from its utter antithesis
to modern practical associations, one of the most picturesque chapters in
the history of the world is that of Christianity and Roman civilisation
finding a refuge at the back of the world as it were, during the
convulsions which followed the breaking-up of the Empire, and then coming
forth to enlighten continental Europe. From this illustrious position have
fallen the family of our poor relations to what they now are,—our
burden and dragdom, which we speak of as infesting us with poverty, crime,
and all kinds of degradation. It is difficult to realise the typical Irish
immigrant, with his sinister animal features, and his clothing a thatch of
glutinous rags, as the lineal representative of the stately scholar who
went forth from the lettered seclusion of his monastic college to carry
the light of its learning and the authority of the Church into a barbarous
world.
There is more chance of the
Highlands having been the birthplace of any of the very earliest
distinguished Scots than of those subsequent to the Norse invasions.
Adamnan, for instance, the biographer of Columba, and the author of a
curious account of the Holy Land, a man of the seventh century, might,
from the ordinary features of his life, have been born near Iona, had it
not been shown by that inexorable scholar Dr Reeves that he was born in
Ireland, and was the son of Ronan, a chief or prince occupying the
territory of Tirhugh, in Donegal, whose pedigree can be traced step by
step to the royal family of Nial.
The great historian Marianus,
already referred to, was undoubtedly an Irishman. Sedulius, the poet,
always spoken of as a Scot, was, I doubt not, also an Irishman. He is a
person of considerable mark in literature as the author of the earliest
hymn-book, and the founder of the peculiar kind of latinity of the choral
worship of the Roman Church, though he did not depart quite so far from
classical models. It is necessary also to surrender to Ireland the fame of
John Scotus, or Erigena, the eminent divine of the ninth century, whose
fame reached a high point of eminence in heterodoxy, when, in the middle
of the eleventh century, his treatise on the Eucharist was condemned to
the fire by the council of Rome. We may also abandon the illustrious
geometrician John Rolybush, or Joannes de Sacrobosco, leaving England and
Ireland to fight, as they have done, for the possession of his birthplace.
Other celebrated missionary monks,
as St Kilian of Wurzburg, and St Gall of that ilk, are identified as sons
of Erin. So was the elder Marianus, who founded the great Monastery of St
James, at Ratisbon, which has left us those fine specimens of Norman
stone-work, in the Kirche des Schotten - Kiosters. From this great
establishment ramified a whole network of others, filled with zealous
Irish anchorites. The fact is, that those of the monk and eremite were not
ways of life in which the Lowland Scot, given more to practice than to
dreaming, excelled, and the preponderance of monachism lay decidedly with
Ireland, whose race it seems to have suited. Yet the establishment of
Ratisbon became afterwards appropriated to British Scotland. It went over
just as the name did. The niceties of the etymological process which
brought it home to Ireland were too much for the Germans. The Scots built
it, and the Scots should have it, and who could be counted Scots save the
inhabitants of Scotland? These naturally of course acquiesced in so
beneficial a conclusion. But there was not the slightest tinge of
duplicity in their doing so. From the fifteenth century down to the other
day, every Scotsman devoutly believed that the whole fabric of renown
raised by the Scots of Ireland belonged to his own nation; and not only
was there no question about the matter among themselves, but it would have
been dangerous for any other person to express a doubt of it.
When we come to proved facts,
however, it becomes needless to seek for Scotsmen, in the common sense of
the term, seeking and obtaining eminence abroad until the period of that
unhappy struggle which destroyed their home. Thus we are ever, as the
leading influence of all the specialties of the career of our countrymen,
led back to the old story of the determination of the Norman kings of
England to take Scotland, and the still more absolute determination of the
people that their country should not be taken. Among a people never
allowed any rest from the contest for bare existence, there was neither
time nor opportunity to cultivate the soil on which literature and art
would grow; and those who desired those conditions of wealth and security
essential to the development and maturity of their studies, had to go
elsewhere.
Having cheerfully resigned Scot
Erigena to Ireland, I stand up for the retention of a more illustrious
name, sometimes confounded with his, John Duns Scotus. Early Continental
writers seem never to have doubted his Scottish origin; and Rabelais, to
clench one of those monstrous propositions which make one wonder how he
escaped the stake, says in profane scorn: "Et celle est l'opinion de
Maistre Jehan d’Ecosse." Moreri assigns him to us with a brief
distinctness, which leaves nothing to be doubted: "Dit Scot," says this
impartial judge of international claims, "payee qu’il etait natif d’Ecosse."
Nor is the wide grasp of his capacities less emphatically attested by him
who undertook to measure all human merits, and give to each illustrious
name its proper meed of fame: "Avoit un marveilleuse facilité a comprendre
toutes choses," is his character of Duns Scotus.
The great intellectual gladiators of
the day received names descriptive of their predominating characteristics,
just as favourites of the ring have been designated at the present day. If
it were right to apply such a term to expressions which formed the
watchword of literary hosts in the great intellectual contests of the
middle ages, they might, for the sake of brevity, be called nicknames.
There was the Seraphic doctor, the Divine doctor, the Acute doctor, the
Most Orderly doctor, the Irrefragable doctor, the Solemn doctor, and the
Solid doctor. According to Moreri, Dune monopolised two characteristics.
He was the Subtle doctor, in honour of his acuteness in dealing with
metaphysical subtleties; and he was the doctor tres resolutif,
from the hardihood with which he advanced bold and original opinions,
and resolved them without the aid of authority, and independently of the
established methods of reasoning.
We may laugh as we will at these
schoolmen and their systems. We may admit, if you please, the sarcastic
etymology which derives the English word dunce from the
fellow-countryman of whom we are now speaking. But those who led the
intellect of mankind for centuries were great among men— overtopping the
wide mob of their brethren in intellectual stature. We have no absolute
criterion of greatness among us—we can but be measured by our relation to
each other. There may be some abstract standard, comprehensible to us when
we have shaken off this mortal coil, by which Julius Caesar, Napoleon,
Aristotle, and Shakespeare, shall appear very small men; but in this
parochial world of ours they are great by comparative eminence.
Had it been the lot of us of the
present day to have lived as highly educated men of the fifteenth century,
we would have seen two great names looming large in their distant
altitude—Thomas Aquinas, the leader of the Thomists, and John Duns Scotus,
the leader of the Scotists—and would have been obliged to enrol ourselves
with the one or the other; for that man was, in the intellectual wars, a
mere straggler, a poor wanderer, unprotected by a leader, and unowned by
fellow - combatants, who did not fight beneath the banner of one or other
of these illustrious leaders. If we drag down from their eminence, as
great in their day and place, all those whose thoughts and actions do not
concur with our own views of what is good and true, we shall soon empty
the biographical dictionaries. It is the smallest of pedantries to deny
the strength and capacity of the conspicuous men of other times or places,
because there is something we know that they did not know. To detract from
the lustre of Aquinas and Scotus because they were not acquainted with the
electric telegraph and photography, were unconscious of statistics, and
never thought of the difference between a metallic
and a paper
currency, is about as rational as to deny the generalship of Hannibal or
Caesar, because they had no Congreve rockets or Shrapnel shells.
But it is not fair to consider the
mental influence of the great rivals as a thing utterly departed, and
belonging only to the history of dead controversies. In some shape or
other, Nominalism and Realism still divide between them the empire of
thought. They go to the root of the German division into subjective and
objective elements. It is true that the ‘In quatuor Sententiaruni libros
Questiones subtilissimie’ are not to be found in every circulating
library, and are not so extensively read as the latest productions of the
prevailing popular divine. But they are perused by those who teach the
teachers of the people; and from his inner judgment-seat Duns Scotus still
holds sway over the intellect of men, even in this active, conceited, and
adventurous age. Could it be maintained that no one opinion promulgated by
him is now believed, yet his thoughts are the stages by which we have
reached our present position. He who ruled one-half of the intellectual
world for centuries, necessarily gave their shape and consistency, not
only to the views of those who implicitly followed him, but to those of
the later thinkers who superseded him; for there is nothing that more
eminently moulds the character of opinions, than the nature of those which
they supersede.
But, unfortunately, we are not, in
this nineteenth century, beyond the practical grasp of the great
schoolman’s intellectual tyranny. The question of the Immaculate
Conception has just resounded again throughout Roman Catholic Europe; and
those conclusions have been again triumphantly asserted, which, in the
year 1307, were triumphantly carried by Duns Scotus in the University of
Paris. He demolished, on that occasion, two hundred of the knottiest
syllogisms of his adversaries, resolving them, as a bystander said, as
easily as Samson unloosed the bands of Delilah. His proposition was made a
fundamental law of the great university, and no man dared enter the door
without acknowledging its truth. This is getting on delicate ground. One
would find his steps still more perilously placed were he to trace other
great theological questions in the writings of Duns Scotus. It is
sufficient to say, that in questions of liberty and necessity—of election
and reprobation—.controversialists of the present day may there find
controversial weapons; and in so elementary a work as Sir James
Mackintosh’s ‘Dissertation on the History of Ethical Philosophy,’ the
opinions of the great Scottish school-man on these subjects are weighed
and examined, not as curious relics of a dark age, but as the authorised
enunciations of a master whose authority yet lives and influences the
thoughts of men. And indeed, on such matters, who can say that we have
made progress, and have passed beyond the range of the schoolmen, as the
chemists have passed beyond that of the alchemists?
A reputation such as this man’s is
not a trifle to be thrown away. There has been no country too great to
have proudly recorded such a name in the list of her sons. He began the
series of learned Scotsmen who became eminent abroad. He studied at
Oxford, while those events which alienated his countrymen from England
were yet incomplete. He left Oxford in 1307—just after Bruce had raised
the standard. He went to the University of Paris, the chief school where
aspiring Scotsmen were thence-forward to seek scholarship and fame. After
a short and brilliant career as a lecturer there, he was directed by his
superior—he belonged to the Franciscan order—to found the University of
Cologne. There he soon afterwards died; and his tomb is still shown to the
visitors of the ecclesiastical city. There is a legend—spoken of as if it
were a malicious invention of his enemies—that he was buried alive; and
that on his grave being subsequently opened, the traces were distinct of
the desperate efforts which he had made to get out of his coffin.
It would be easy to set forth a long
array of his countrymen—both among his pupils and his impugners—ranked, in
short, on either side in the great mental war of the times, were one
content with mere names without knowing any significant events or
specialties of character by which they can be realised and identified. If
we take all the eminences which our biographers have manufactured or have
made prey of from other countries, we shall have all our own at least.
M’Kenzie, in his ‘Lives and Characters of the most eminent Writers of the
Scots Nation,’ gives a long account of John Bassol, a countryman of Duns’,
and his favoured pupil. Such a person lived, was a pupil of Duns Scotus,
wrote commentaries on the ‘Sentences,’ and earned for himself the title of
Doctor Ordonatissimus; but I am aware of no evidence that he was a
Scotsman. The most celebrated of the immediate pupils of Duns Scotus, if
those may be called pupils who in some measure controverted the doctrines
of their master, were Ocean and Bradwardine, both Englishmen. One Scotsman
at least, however, became distinguished in Paris as a scholastic
writer,—John Mair, or Major, chiefly known as the author of a history of
Great Britain, but who also wrote on the ‘Sentences.’ He was a doctor of
the Sorbonne, and his style has been sarcastically spoken of as Sorbonnic.
Buchanan stands under the accusation of having been educated and fed by
his bounty, and of having, when he became illustrious, satirised his
benefactor as one whose greatness was nowhere but in his name, Solo
cognomine Major. The expression of apparent contempt, however, is of
Major’s own selecting; he employs it as a jest which may be safely uttered
of himself by one whose fame was so secure as his. And indeed a general
notion that all who wrote on scholastic divinity were to be deemed foolish
men, could alone have brought people to look on such an author with
feelings other than respectful. His small history is full of very valuable
matter. He was a bold thinker on subjects both political and
ecclesiastical, and from the Sorbonne he wrote in favour of the limitation
of the papal power.
This book is a history not of
Scotland alone, but of Britain, including England and Scotland. As the
author requires to give a distinct narrative of the history of each, he
goes on, period after period, conceding with a becoming courtesy at each
change the precedence to England as the stranger. An English writer of the
same period professing to tell the history of Britain, would have given
its tone from England, making the affairs of Scotland a sort of provincial
matter, even if he did not insist on the feudal superiority. Mair,
speaking from the smaller country, could not take this tone, but he is
true to his nationality in giving more of the emphasis and bearing of his
narrative to Scotland than to England. So it was that the decorous
schoolman, trained in the formal ways of the brethren of the Sorbonne,
showed his nationality in a less obtrusive way than some others of his
countrymen whom we shall presently make acquaintance with. |