Interpolations in Bede's Ecclesiastical History and
Other Ancient Annals
Affecting the early history of Scotland and Ireland
PALLADIUS’ MISSION.
In the thirteenth chapter of Book I. these words occur:
" Palladius was sent by
Celestinus, the Roman Pontiff, to the Scots that believed
in Christ, to be their first bishop." This passage,
although it rather favours our view of the subject at issue, for the Scots
there mentioned ought to be taken for those spoken of in the twelfth
chapter, appears to be an interpolation, at least in the form in
which it is given in Bede’s work. There is no evidence to show that the
Romish Church was acknowledged by the Scots at this time, or that they had
any bishops over them till the twelfth century. The notice of this event,
as it appears in the Saxon Chronicle, is less objectionable. It reads
thus: " 430. This year
Palladius, the bishop, was sent to the Scots by Pope Celestinus, that he
might confirm their faith." Another manuscript has:
" 430. This year Patrick was sent
by Pope Celestine to preach baptism to the Scots." Ethelwerd has:
"Bishop Palladius is sent by the
holy Pope Celestinus to preach the gospel of Christ to the Scots." This
passage is varied and extended in such a way that it requires to be
separately treated in speakimig of the authors’ works in which it appears.
If it is to be accepted as
a genuine record of an event that really took place, it is certain that it
refers to the inhabitants of North Britain, for Henry of Huntingdon and
Ordericus Vitallis both copy it without note or comment: and these authors
lived when Scots is allowed by every writer to have
been the name for the inhabitants of Scotland only.
A WRONG
RENDERING.
The following sentence occurs in the fonrteenth
chapter: "The Irish robbers thereupon returned home, in order to come
again soon after." As usual, this is copied into Huntingdon’s work thus:
"The Scots returned with
shame to Ireland" (Hibernia). That this is a wrong rendering of the word,
perhaps purposely done, is evident from the translation of the same
passage as given in Bohn’s translation of Gildas’ work, thus: "The
audacious invaders therefore return to their winter quarters, determined
before long again to return and plunder." Marianus Scotus, a native of
present Scotland, as has been already stated, [Ireland
not the Hibernia of the Ancients, p. 29.]
in relating the actions of the Picts and Scots in the same expedition,
says: "Scoti Revertunum Domum," instead of the word Hiberni, used by
Gildas and Bede. Ordericus Vitallis follows Marianus, saying:
"The Scots returned to their
homes." Florence of Worcester has: "The Scots retreated to their own
country," Arid neither Ethelwerd nor Malmesbury say anything to support
the translation in the Ecclesiastical History and Huntingdon’s work.
ETHELFRITH's BATTLE WITH AEDAN.
In the last chapter of Book I. of the Ecclesiastical H istory,
it is said that Etheifrith, king of the Northumbrians,
defeated " AEdan, king of
the Scots that inhabit Britain," It would be unnecessary to notice this
passage were it not fixed upon by some writers as showing
that Bede added the words "that inhabit Britain," to
distinguish these Scots from those who inhabited Ireland. Let us therefore
see how it has been treated by his successors. Henry of Huntingdon, as
usual, gives the passage in the same words. Florence of Worcester and
William of Malmesbury, other two writers, not altogether above suspicion,
refer to the battle, but leave out the words: "that inhabit Britain,"
after the Scots. The earliest extant manuscript of the Saxon Chronicle has
only these words referring to the same battle :
"603. This year there was a battle at Egesanstane."
A later manuscript has: "603.
This year AEthan, king of the Scots, fought against the Dalreods and
against Etheifrith, king of the Northumbrians, at Daegsanstane.... Since
then no king of the Scots has dared to lead an army against this nation."
Ethelwerd takes no notice of this battle, although he closely follows the
Saxon Chronicle in other instances, and copies the two preceding and the
two following entries in it.
This, taken along with Roger of Wendover’s silence regarding this battle,
is significant; the more so, as he speaks of Ethelfrith, the king of the
Northumbrians, fighting a battle with the Britons at Caerlegion, in the
same year in which the battle with the Scots is said to have taken place.
In addition to these circumstances, the chapter in the Ecclesiastical
History, in which the battle with AEdan is described, repeats the word
English three or four times, and this is not in favour of its being the
work of Bede’s hands.
LAURENTIUS AND THE SCOTS.
The fourth chapter of the Second
book of the Ecelesiastical History is entitled: "Laurentius
and his bishops admonish the Scots to observe the unity of the
Holy Church, particularly in the
keeping of Easter; Melitus goes to Rome." It
begins:—
"Laurentius succeeded Augustine in the bishopric,
having been ordained thereto by the latter in his lifetime, lest, upon his
death, the state of the Church, as yet unsettled, might. begin to falter,
if it should be destitute of a pastor.... He (Laurentius) not only took
care of the new church formed among the English, but endeavoured also to
employ his pastoral solicitude among the ancient inhabitants of Britain,
as also the Scots, who inhabit the island of Ireland, which is next to
Britain. For when he understood that the course of life and profession of
the Scots in their aforesaid country, as well as of
the Britons in Britain, was
not truly ecclesiastical,"
He and his fellow-bishops wrote to them—
The beginning of which epistle is
as follows:—’ To our most dear brothers, the lords, bishops, and abbats
throughout all Scotland, Laurentius, Melitus, and Justus...... We held
both the Britons and Scots in great esteem for sanctity, believing that
they had proceeded according to the custom of the universal Church; but
coming acquainted with the errors of the Britons, we thought the Scots
had been better; but we have
been informed . . . that the Scots in no way
differ from the Britons.’"
It is almost needless to say that
this is all given in Henry of Huntingdon’s History, with the remarkable
exception of the words: "who
inhabit the island of Ireland, which is next to Britain." Why these words
are omitted in his work, it is impossible to say,
for they entirely alter the meaning of the whole passage. Appearing in
a work written in the twelfth
century, without the words quoted, or any reference
to make the chapter apply to inhabitants of Ireland,
it could only be taken as referring to the Scots as
inhabitants of present Scotland. That the most of this chapter is an
interpolation is shown by the following facts. The Saxon Chronicle,
Florence of Worcester, and William of Malmesbury, all speak of Laurentius,
but they take no notice of his connection with the Scots. Roger of
Wendover does likewise, and it is significant to find him giving the
opening sentence of this chapter in almost the very
words of Bede; and then going on to describe
Melitus’ visit to Rome, as given at the end of the chapter. His omission
of all reference to the Scots here clearly manifests that the passages
qnoted above were not in Bede’s original work.
POPE HONORIUS AND THE SCOTS.
The nineteenth chapter of Book II. is of the same
character as the one which has just been analysed. It states that:
" Pope Honorius wrote to
the Scots, whom he had found to err in the observance of
Easter....Likewise John, who succeeded Severinus, successor to the same
Honorius, being yet but Pope elect, sent to them letters..... correcting
the same error."
This chapter is found in Huntingdon also, especially
the words quoted, but they are just copied into his work as they stand in
the Ecclesiastical History, so that had Huntingdon written them he would
have intended them to apply to men living on the north of the Forth.
Florence of Worcester, another interpolated writer, also copies the words
quoted. The Saxon Chronicle says, under the year 627:
" Archbishop Justus died,.... and
Honorius was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury by Paulinus at
Lincoln. And to this Honorius the
Pope, also sent a pall: and he sent a letter to the Scots, desiring that
they should turn to the right Easter." Neither Ethelwerd nor Malmesbury
take any notice of this. Wendover does, however, but his slight
agreement with the Saxon Chronicle, and disagreement with
the Ecclesiastical History, enables us to estimate
the worth of this chapter.
Of the preceding chapter,
the eighteenth, Wendover
copies the substance of these words: "Archbishop
Justus was taken up to the
heavenlv kingdom, and Honorius was elected to the see in
his stead." This is just what the Saxon Chronicle has, with the exception
of the record of the Pope’s writing to the Scots,
which finds no place in Wendover’s work. In fact, of the seventeenth,
eighteenth, and nineteenth chapters of the Ecclesiastical History,
which all contain some reference to Pope Honorius,
as well as to the archbishop of the same name, Wendover only gives the
words last quoted; and he takes no notice of this Pope Honorius or of Pope
John, but implies that there were no such popes at that time, as may be
seen by comparing his notice of the popes under the
years 614 and 621. Is this not an instance of transferring the
events of a later period to an earlier, to support claims
which had no real foundation
? The following scrap of thirteenth century history leads
to this conclusion: " Pope
Honorius, listening to the request of the king of Scotland, who had
forwarded copies of King John’s letters to the Pope, transmitted a full
confirmation of all the liberties of the Scottish
Church in the year 1219." [Robertson's
Scotland, under her Early Kings, vol. ii. p, 10.]
THE REAL SCOTS AND THE FICTITIOUS SCOTS.
The first chapter of Book Ill, contains
the following words :—
"All the time that Edwin reigned the sons of the
aforesaid Ethelfrith, who had reigned before him, with many of the
nobility, lived in banishment among the Scots or Picts, and
were there instructed according to the doctrine of the Scots, and
received the grace of baptism."
The third
chapter, which it will
be better to consider along
with the first, is entitled: "The
same king Oswald, asking a bishop of the Scottish
nation, had Aidan sent him," &c. It then goes on to
say:—
"The same Oswald, as soon as he ascended the throne,
being desirous that all his nation should receive the Christian
faith,..... sent to the elders of the Scots, among whom himself and his
followers, when in banishment, had received the sacrament of baptism,
desiring they would send him a bishop They sent him Bishop Aidan.
. . . He was wont to keep Easter Sunday
according to the custom of his country,.... the northern province of the
Scots and all the nation of the Picts celebrating Easter then after that
manner. . . But the Scots who dwelt in the south
of Ireland had long since, by the admonition of the bishop of the
apostolic see, learned to observe Easter according to the canonical
custom. On the arrival of the bishop the king appointed him his episcopal
see in the isle of Lindisfarne...... When the bishop, who was not skilful
in the English tongue, preached the gospel, it was most delightful
to see the king himself interpreting the Word of God to his commanders and
ministers, for he had perfectly learned the language of the Scots during
his long banishment. From that time many of the Scots came daily into
Britain, and with great devotion preached the Word to those provinces of
the English over which king Oswald reigned..... The English, great and
small, were, by their Scottish masters, instructed in the rules and
observance of regular discipline..... Bishop Aidan was himself a monk of
the island called Hii, whose monastery was for a long time the chief of
almost all those of the northern Scots, and all those of the Picts, and
had the direction of their people. That island belongs to Britain, being
divided from it by a small arm of the sea, but had been long since given
by the Picts, who inhabit those parts of Britain, to the Scottish monks,
because they had received the faith of Christ through their preaching."
These passages, including the words about the
Scots dwelling in the south of Ireland, are
copied into Huntingdon’s work, with
these important exceptions. He says that "Oswald
sent into Scotia or Scotland where he had been exiled," and
"some monks
corning from Scotland zealously taught the people."
This is an unmistakeable indication that Scotia and
Ireland were names of different countries at that
time, for, had it been
otherwise, Huntingdon would have said so, but
throughout the whole of his History he never affirms
that Ireland was called Scotia.
The passage about Scots in Ireland in the above
quotation is of course not genuine. It is remarkable
to find that there is not a word of
all this, which has just been quoted from the
Ecclesiastical History, in the Saxon Chronicle or in
Ethelwerd. With reference to the same events Florence of Worcester merely
says: "King Oswald applied
to the elders of the Scots to send him bishops. Aidan
was sent: by whom, and the most illustrious and holy king
Oswald himself, the Church
of Christ was first founded and established in the
pronnce of Bernicia." Malmesbury endorses the information about the sons
of Ethelfrith being baptised in Scotland, and king Oswald interpreting
.Aidan’s Scotch to his people only. Wendover does likewise, and also
endorses the words of Huntingdon about Oswald sending into Scotland for a
bishop. None of these last three writers, however, say anything about
Scots in Ireland in connection with this subject.
COLUMBA AN ICELANDIC SAINT.
The next chapter of the Ecclesiastical History, the
fourth, also requires
examination. It states that:—
"There
came into Britain a famous priest and abbat, a
monk by habit and life, whose name was Columba, to preach the Word
of God to the provinces of the northern Picts,..... for the southern
Picts, . . . . as is reported, had long before
forsaken the errors of idolatry, and embraced the truth by the
preaching of Ninias,...Whose episcopal see, named after St Martin the
Bishop, and famous for a stately church,....is
still in existence among the English nation. The place belongs to the
province of the Bernicians, and is generally called the White House
(Candida Casa), because he there built a church of stone, which was
not usual among the Britons. Columba came into
Britain in the ninth year of the reign of Bridius..... Before he passed
over into Britain he had built a noble monastery in Ireland, which, from
the great number of oaks, is in the Scottish tongue called Dearmach.....
From both which monasteries many others had their beginnings through his
disciples, both in Britain and Ireland; but the monastery in the island
where his body lies is the principal of them all. That island has for its
ruler an abbat, who is a priest, to whose direction all the province, and
even the bishops, contrary to the usual method, are subject."
it is necessary to repeat that all this is found in
Huntingdon, with the alteration of Columba’s burial- place, which is said
to be at St Ninian’s see, the White House. Let us see, however, what
support the other authorities give to this account.
The Saxon Chronicle has:-
Columba, a mass-priest, came to the Picts, and
converted them to the faith of Christ.
. . . And their king gave him the island which
is called Ii. . . . There Columba built a
monastery.... The southern Picts had been baptised long before: Bishop
Ninia, who had been instructed at Rome, had preached baptism to them,
whose church and his monastery is at Whitherne, consecrated in the name of
St Martin: there he resteth with many holy men. Now in Ii there must ever
be an abbot, and not a bishop; and all the Scottish bishops ought to be
subject to him, because Columba was not a bishop." Another manuscript of
the Saxon Chronicle has: "Columba the presbyter came from the Scots among
the Britons, to instruct the Picts, and he built a monastery in the island
of Hii."
Ethelwerd has: "Columba came
from Scotia to Britain, to preach the Word of God to the Picts."
Florence of Worcester endorses the account in the
Ecclesiastical History, and in Huntingdon, about Columba coming from
Ireland.
Wendover says: " St
Columbanus came from Scotland into Britain, and was greatly renowned."
Malmesbury takes no notice of Columba, nor of Ninias.
It is noticeable here in the first instance that Henry
of Huntingdon’s History, Florence of Worcester’s Annals, and Bede’s
Ecclesiastical History, all agree in representing Ireland or Hibernia as
the country from which Columba came to Britain. This is what might have
been expected, as all these three works appear to have been interpolated
for the purpose of obscuring the early history of Scotland. But the
information they contain on this point is nullified by what is said on the
same subject by other annalists writing about the same period. Neither the
Saxon Chronicle, nor Ethelwerd, nor Roger of Wendover, give any
countenance to the statement that Columba came from
Ireland. The first says he came from the Scots and settled among
the Britons. Ethelwerd and Roger of Wendover both say that he came from
Scotia to Britain. it might be urged by the supporters of the
Ireland-Scotia theory that Scotia was the name of Ireland in the time of
Ethelwerd, but this would not stand the test of examination. Ethelwerd
does not say that such was the case, and throughout the whole of his
annals he gives evidence that the only Scots and Scotia he knew of were to
the north of the Forth. In addition to this he distinctly says that
Ireland was formerly called Bretannis. No such
objection can be urged against Roger of Wendover’s plain statement.
He wrote at a time when Scotia is allowed by all historians to have been
the well— known name of thecountry north of the Forth, and of it only.
Besides, he was well acquainted with Bede’s History. If such statements as
these quoted above, regarding Columba, had been in it when Wendover wrote
his annals, is it possible to believe that he would have said that Columba
came from Scotia to Britain, without explaining that Ireland was called
Scotia in Columba’s time, if such had been the case? It is somewhat
remarkable that Malmesbury takes no notice of Columba, nor even of Ninian.
He was also thoroughly versed in Bede’s History; and his omission of all
notice of these saints would imply that Bede said nothing about them in
his genuine work. But this is improbable. The likelihood is that he would
say something about such eminent men, which was copied or abridged by all
the other early annalists, including Malmesbury; and that the easiest way
of dealing with Malmesbury’s notice was to delete it from his works, while
Bede’s has been altered to suit the views of the manipulating monks.
In Reeves’ edition of Adamnan’s Life of St Columba, a
sentence relating to the departure of Columba for Hii reads: "de Scotia ad
Britanniam," A note to it says: "Venit de Hibernia . .
. Columba Brittaniam— Bede H. E. III.,
4. This one statement ought to have been sufficient at any time to
prove where Scotia lay." Mr Reeves was a strong supporter of the
Ireland—Scotia theory, and this is meant as a reproof for those persons
who had doubted its truth. It is evident that he had no suspicion of the
words quoted from Bede’s work being an interpolation, or of any other
country but Ireland being called Hibernia. In "Ireland not the Hibernia of
the Ancients," an attempt has been made to show that Iceland was also
called Hibernia; and, from what has been said above regarding the passage
in the Ecclesiastical History, there is good grounds for believing that it
never was penned by Bede. Besides, it is stated that Columba was a native
of Iceland on good authority; so that even if the passage in the
Ecclesiastical History could be proved to be genuine, it might have been
the ancient Hiberia, or Iceland, that he referred to when he spoke of
Columba coming from there to Britain. In Olafsen and Povelsen’s Travels in
Iceland," the church which was built by Orlyg at Euisberg, is said to have
been dedicated to St Collomcyle, who is supposed to be the same as
"Collumban, an Icelander who converted the Picts
to the Christian religion in 562." [English
Translation, P. 38.] Such an out of the way statement is
more to be depended on than one found in the common historical highway, as
it is more likely to have escaped the notice of the monks. There were at
least seven churches in the Orkney Islands dedicated to St Columba; a fact
which supports the statement made in Olafsen and Povelsen’s travels
regarding the native country of the saint. Of course this was well known
by the monks, and they took means to
account for it otherwise, as all who
have read Adamnan's Life know; but we hope
to be able to show that this is
not a genuine work either, and thus
leave Columba to be claimed by the Icelanders as a countryman of theirs.
It is not improbable that Columba, when he left Iceland, might land first
in the country then called Scotia, that is, the northeast of present
Scotland, and after staying some time there, say at Dunkeld, he might
leave Scotia and settle on Inchcolm, which we hope to be able to identfy
with Hii, and which then very likely belonged to the country called
Britain. This would account for both Ethelwerd and Roger of Wendover
saying that Columba came from Scotia to Britain.
HERMITS.
Near the end of the fourth chapter of Book III. we come
across the first of a series of peculiar references to Ireland. It is as
follows: "Egbert, of the English nation, who had
long lived in banishment in Ireland for the sake of Christ, and was most
learned in the Scriptures." In the seventh chapter of the same book the
next of the series occurs. It is to this effect: "Agilbert, by nation a
Frenchman, had lived a long time in Ireland, for the purpose of reading
the Scriptures." Another is found in the thirteenth chapter, thus:
"And that in Ireland, when being yet only a
priest, he (Wilbrord) led a pilgrim’s life for love of the eternal
country,’’
Henry of Huntingdon speaks of Agilbert being in Ireland
and Florence of Worcester of Egbert being there. The Saxon Chronicle,
though it speaks of these three worthies, takes no notice of their life in
Ireland. Ethelwerd never mentions them. Florence speaks of
Agilbert and Wilbrord, but never
alludes to their having been in Ireland. Malmesbury takes notice
only of Agilbert, but says nothing about his
life in Ireland. Huntingdon mentions Egbert, as will be seen later on, but
takes no notice of his life in Ireland. Wendover never mentions Egbert,
but he notices Agilbert and Wilbrord, without saying anything about
Ireland in connection with either.
From the way in which these passages in the
Ecclesiastical History are treated by later writers, it does not seem
possible that those referring to Ireland or Hibernia can he genuine. But
if there were any possibility of such being the case, there is evidence to
show that they refer rather to the ancient than the modern Hibernia. It is
accepted as beyond doubt that Iceland, and the islands near it, were the
settlements of Christian hermits at this early period. In Laing’s preface
to his translation of the "Heimskringla" of Snorro, it is said:—
"The Irish (Scottish) monk, Dieuil, who wrote in 825
his work, De Mensura Orbis Terrae,
published by Walckrnar, in Paris in 1828, says that for a hundred years,
that is from 725, the desire for a hermit life had led many Irish Clerks
(eremitae ex nostra Scottia, are the words given in Todd’s
Irish Version of Nennius' Historia Britonum, p. 148, note), to the islands
to the north of the British sea, which, with a fair wind, may be reached
in two days’ sail from the most northerly British islands." [Preliminary
Dissertation to Heimskringla by Laing, vol. i. p. 40.]
Another writer Says:—
"There was an old tradition that Papes, i.e., Christian
ecelesiastics, had formerly resided there (in Iceland). It seems to be
beyond doubt that, at several places on the south-eastern side, the first
Norwegian settlers found traces of these ecclesiastics, such as croziers,
books, &c., and that after them, two of these places got their names, the
island of Papey, and the small district of Papyli. It is greatly confirmed
by the indisputable authority of Dicuil; who says that some Irish
(Scottish) clergymen told him that about A.D. 705,
they had passed the time from February to August on an island which
they believed to be Thule, where the sun at the summer solstice was but a
short time below the horizon, and that it was only a day’s sail from the
frozen sea. This description can hardly mean any country but Iceland, and
coincides exactly with the unpretending and simple narative of the
Icelandic recorders. . . . According to the
oldest Icelandic writer, Ari Frodi, the Papes even continued to reside in
Iceland till the arrival of the Norwegians, and left it only because they
would not reside with Pagans." [Munch’s
Chronicle of Man and the Sudreys,
Preface, pp, 15 and 16]
The monks who tampered with Bede’s work had probably
read of this somewhere, and may have inserted the passages in the
Ecclesiastical History which connected Egbert, Agilbert. and Wilbrord with
the only Hibernia known to most people at the time of the Reformation,
that is Ireland, in order to bolster up claims which had little else but
false history to support them.
THE SCOTTISH BISHOPS AND THE EASTER CONTROVERSY.
We now come to evidence that the Scotia of the
Ecclesiastical History, even as the work now exists, was part of the
Scotia of the present day. In the seventeenth chapter of Book III., after
mentioning Aidan’s death, these words occur: " Finan,
who had likewise come from the same monastery of Hii in the Scottish
island, succeeded him." Four chapters further on we are informed of the
death of Diuma, called "a Scot by nation,"
bishop of the Midland Angles and Mercians, after which these words are
found: "Ceollach, of the Scottish nation,
succeeded him in the bishopric. This prelate, not long after, left his
bishopric, and returned to the island of Hii, which among the Scots, was
the chief and head of many monasteries." The twenty-fourth chapter or the
same book informs us that Diuma was "the first bishop of the Mercians.
. . . The second was Ceollach, who, quitting the
episcopal office whilst still alive, returned into Scotland, to which
nation he belonged, as well as bishop Diuma." The twenty-fifth chapter is
headed: "How the controversy arose about the time of keeping Easter, with
those that came out of Scotland (Scotia)." These words occur in the
chapter: "Bishop Aidan being dead, Finan, who
was ordained and sent by the Scots, succeeded him in the bishopric, and
built a church in the isle of Lindisfarne, the episcopal see;
nevertheless, after the manner of the Scots, he made it, not of stone, but
of hewn oak, and covered it with reeds..... But after the death of Finan,
who succeeded him (Aidan), when Colman, who was also sent out of Scotland
(Scotia), came to be bishop..... Oswy (the king) having been instructed
and baptised by the Scots, and being perfectly skilled in their language."
We now turn to the twenty—sixth chapter, where it is stated that
" Colman... went back into Scotland (Scotia)....
When Colman was gone back into his own country, God’s servant, Tuda, was
made bishop of the Northumbrians..... He came out of Scoiland (Scotia)
whilst Colman was yet bishop."
We may just as well consider along with these
passages what is said about Colman in the fourth chapter of Book IV.,
although we shall see that it is only found in the Ecclesiastical History.
It is entitled: "Colman, the Scottish bishop,
having left Britain, built two monasteries in Scotland the one for the
Scots, the other for the English he had taken along with him." It then
goes on to relate how...
"Colman, the Scottish bishop, departing from Britain,
took along with him all the Scots he had assembled in the isle of
Lindisfarne, and also about thirty of the English nation, who had been all
instructed in the monastic life; and, leaving some brothers in his church,
he repaired first to the isle of Hii, whence he had been sent to preach
the word of God to the English nation. Afterwards he retired to a small
island which is to the west of Ireland, and at some distance from its
coast, called in the language of the Scots, Innisbofinde, the Tsland of
the White Heifer."
He built a monastery there and placed the monks of both
nations in it, but as they disagreed, Colman found a place "in the island
of Ireland, fit to build a monastery on which, in the language of the
Scots, is called Mageo," where he built a monastery and placed the
"English" in it. Then it is said that this monastery is
" to this day possessed by English," and also that it contains
monks "gathered there from the province of the English."
If this latter chapter were to he considered the
genuine work of Bede, the qaotations given from the third book would be
confusing. It is quoted here at some length as a sample of the clumsy way
in which the monks commissioned to tamper with ancient history, so as to
identify Scotia with Ireland, went to work. If they had made Bede say that
Ireland was also called Scotia in his day, one might have given up the
attempt to show that Scotland was the only Scotia in despair. Let us now
see what foundations there are for all these quotations just produced from
the Ecclesiastical History, in later writers, many of whom profess to copy
Bede’s information; and one of whom at least (Wendover) often has whole
chaptets of Bede’s work copied almost verbatim.
In the first place, it is remarkable that neither the
Saxon Chronicle nor Ethelwerd have anything about Aidan, Finan, Diuma, or
Ceollach. The Saxon Chronicle only mentions Colman under the year 664, but
merely says: "Colman, with his companions, went to his country."
Florence of Worcester says, under the year 651: "After
the murder of King Oswin, bishop Aidan departed to the realms of bliss....
Finan was raised to the bishopric in his place, being consecrated and sent
by the Scots." Under the year 655, he has: "Diuma . .
was the first who was made bishop of the province of Mercia.... The
second was Ceollan, a Scotchman by birth." Under the year 661, we have:
"Finan, bishop of the Northumbrians, died, and was succeeded by Colman,
who was also sent from Scotland." Under 664: "In the thirtieth year after
the Scotch bishops were established in Northumbria....questions having
been raised in that province respecting Easter," &c., a synod was held, at
which, after much debate, it was "agreed to relinquish the invalid usages
of the Scotch. . . . Colman, silenced by the
unanimous resolution of the Catholics, re-joined his adherents in
Scotland, and, on his withdrawing to his own country, Tuda was appointed
bishop of the Northumbrians in his stead." This is all he says about
Colman and these Scottish bishops.
Henry of Huntingdon says:
"Diuma became the first bishop of the Midland Angles,
and the Mereians. He died and was buried in Mercia, and was succeeded by
Ceollach, who, however, retired to the Scots, from whom he came.
. . . In the meantime Finan, the bishop, erected
a church of hewn timber in the isle of Lindisfarne. . .
When Finan died, he was succeeded by Colman, who kept Easter
irregularly, as Aidan and Finan had done. Whereupon a conference was held
in the presence of King Oswy.... . Colman being
unwilling to change the usage of Father Aidan, returned to his own
country. . . . Tuda succeeded him in the see of
Northumbria.... The three Scottish bishops—Aidan, Finan, and Colman—were
extraordinary patterns of sanctity and frugality."
Roger of Wendover has under the year 651: He (Aidan)
was succeeded in the bishopric of Lindisfarne by Finan, a Scot by nation."
Under 656: "Diuma was the first bishop in the province of the
Mercians.....The second bishop of the same province was Ceollac, who,
quitting the episcopal office, returned to Scotland." "663. At the same
time there was a great disputation in England beween the English and the
Scots, respecting the observance of Easter; for there assembled at
Streneshal, King Oswy and his son Alfrid, Colman, a Scot, bishop of
Lindisfarne, with his clergy from Scotland," "664, Colman, bishop of
Lindisfarne, returned to Scotland with his clergy, and Tuda was ordained
bishop in his room."
William of Malmesbury mentions Aidan only, and all that
he says about the Scots and the Easter controversy
is this: "This faith (the Christian),
brought to maturity shortly after by the Scots, but wavering in many
ecclesiastical observances, was now settled on canonical foundations."
In Reeves’ edition of Adamnan’s Life of St Columba,
published by the Irish Archicological Society, a note at page 341, after
quoting the passages given above from Bede’s third Book, chapters
seventeenth, twenty-first, twenty-fourth. and twenty-fifth, says:
"From the above, Bede considered Hii to be in
Scotia." There can be little doubt of this. And if we take the
twenty-sixth chapter along with these, and look at the same events
recorded by later annalists with Bede’s work before them, especially
Huntingdon and. Wendover, it is certain, if they are all genuine records
of the writers in whose works they appear, that Bede’s Scotia was a part
of the Scotland of the present day. As we shall soon have occasion to
show, Huntingdon knew of no Scots in Ireland in the seventh century; and
this is also true of Wendover, who endorses Bede’s words regarding the
country to which Colman returned by calling it Scotia or Scotland also.
There is nothing in any of the chapters of Book III.
from which quotations have been made to imply that there were Scots in any
other place but Scotland and the north of England. Hibernia or Ireland is
not even mentioned in any one of them. But we can easily see from the way
in which a fabricated account (chapter nineteen) of an Irish saint is
placed after the seventeenth chapter, and another fabricated account of
Egbert’s life in Ireland, after the twenty-sixth, as well as the account
of Colman’s visit to Ireland already quoted, how the interpolators managed
their task. Regarding the chapter about Colman’s visit to Ireland, it is
noteworthy to observe that a small island on the west of Ireland should
retain at the present day the name by which it was known in Bede’s time;
and the reader will have observed that the word English is frequently used
in it. This must have been an ambiguous word in Bede’s days; and it is
apparently only used in the fabricated passages. In genuine chapters, such
as the twenty-first and twenty-second of Book III. he speaks of the
Northumbrians, Mercians, Midland Angles, and East Saxons. In the latter
chapter he also speaks of the language of the Saxons.
It is needful also to remark here that the words about
Finan having built a church after the manner of the Scots, not of stone,
but of hewn oak, which appear in the twenty-fifth chapter of Book III. of
the Ecclesiastical History, are only found in Huntingdon. None of the
other later works than Bede’s have anything confirming this passage, and
surely such a circumstance would have been noticed by some of the more
trustworthy annalists if it had had a place in Bede’s original manuscript.
When the archaeological evidence is under consideration, this wooden
church will be further commented upon. |