IT will reasonably be urged that
it is not possible, owing to the building by-laws, to build houses in
Dunfermline at such a low cost as would enable them to be let without loss to
the poorest classes at a rent which would not unduly tax their resources. There
is considerable truth in this argument. The by-laws are responsible in no small
degree for the depopulation of the rural districts and for the congested state
of many of our larger towns, and I strongly urge that steps be taken to prevent
the application to a housing scheme for Dunfermline of by-laws intended for
large towns.
The building by-laws throughout
the country will probably soon be entirely overhauled and remodelled to meet
existing needs, and it may be helpful to give here a brief account of the recent
agitation against them with the grounds upon which it was based. Reference must
first be made to the remarkable article by Mr. Wilfred Scawen Blunt in the
Nineteenth Century and After. [October, 1904. The account which follows deals
with the English by-laws, but the whole question is so important to Scotland
also that no apology is necessary for including this chapter. I am, of course,
aware that the Building By-laws for Scotland are made under different acts to
those in England, but the problem is practically the same in each country.]
Mr. Blunt owns an estate of 4,000
acres in a poor agricultural district of Sussex. In the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries there was a considerable population, which has gradually
dwindled owing to causes which need not be gone into here. There still remained,
however, a good number of small freeholders, labourers who owned their own
cottages and strips of garden ground. It was reserved for recent times to see
the more general exodus of these under the pressure, in a large measure, "of a
new class selfishness and the operation of laws devised for the protection of
the poor, but so unintelligent in their framing, and so ruthlessly misapplied in
other interests than theirs," as to make it impossible for them to continue to
live in their ancestral homes. Mr. Blunt then explains how this misapplication
has come about.
"The Public Health Act of 1875
was the outcome of a philanthropic movement throughout England caused by the
coincidence of a period of great economic prosperity, and of certain gross
abuses of speculation in the housing of the poor, made possible by the rapid
expansion of town life. On every side London and the great industrial cities
were extending their borders, and the same was the case in most country
boroughs, and at all points where the railways favoured the creation of new
urban and suburban centres. Many of these new areas were being covered with
houses insanitary in their construction and unsafe for the poor who lodged in
them, and the whole question of housing was raised in an acute form."
The Public Health Act of 1875,
therefore, came into being. It was essentially an Act for the bettering of the
condition of the poor, especially of the London suburban slums, but an
unfortunate clause was introduced into it providing that the Poor Law districts
might declare themselves to be Urban Districts and so acquire powers similar to
those exercised in towns, and be enabled to issue their own by-laws as to
building, sanitation, etc. The purpose of the clause originally was that when
rural districts began to be built over and assumed an urban character, urban
regulations should be applied to them j but it was never intended that they
should be made applicable to the whole of the purely agricultural areas included
within the rural districts, and Mr. Blunt shows how the clause has been
"perverted by human stupidity and human selfishness into an instrument of class
tyranny over the labourers of our villages." Half the rural districts of England
have become possessed of urban powers, and the results have been entirely
disastrous. The candidates for the rural councils are, as a rule, either
tradesmen or retired tradesmen; or, perhaps, "a villa-dweller with idle time on
his hands; or, again, men who . . . have 'an axe to grind.'" In practice it has
been found that it is men of the last category who are the directing force in
nearly every council, the representatives of certain businesses which have a
direct trade interest in urbanising the district— local owners of residential
land which they desire to develop, contractors for local work, and, above all,
local builders, and so "the urbanising process is pushed on merrily and always
at the expense of the agricultural poor." The peasant is no longer wanted—only
the villa-dweller, and an impossible scale of expenditure, under by-laws
enforced in the interests of trade, is used to exterminate the former.
"The Public Health Act sprung in
ignorance of its meaning on many a rural district, and manipulated since by the
local building and contracting interests in connivance with suburban landowners,
has become not only the instrument of a vast amount of jobbing expenditure of
all kinds in rural England, but also an engine of direct tyranny, which is
driving the indigenous English peasantry from the soil of its forefathers."
Now to Mr. Blunt's own
experiences. He has long wished to re-erect peasant holdings, but the expense
prevented its economic success. This year, however, he had erected on the New
Forest a single-storied iron bungalow. It was simple in construction, effective
in its comfort, and wonderfully cheap. He inhabited it for some time, and tested
its practical advantages. He then gave a commission to his estate carpenter to
erect two similar cottages to serve as an experiment for further
cottage-building in Sussex. This he could do at the small cost of £130 for a
building covering 700 feet area, with a verandah of 240 feet more, and an
outbuilding containing wash-house and closet—" as snug and sanitary a home as
any poor man could wish to inhabit; for there was a large fireplace in every
room, roof ventilation, and ample door and window space."
These two cottages had been built
where there were no builders' by-laws, away from Mr. Blunt's principal property.
He now wished to erect similar ones on the latter, where, however, urban powers
had been obtained and the London by-laws were in force.
The plan of a cottage was
therefore submitted to a rural council, and no definite objection was raised
until the building materials were ready and the houses were about to be erected.
The council then gave notice that the plan was disapproved as violating the
by-laws. Mr. Blunt, however, very properly considered that he was fighting for
the interests of the whole community, and resolved to proceed and to trust to
the discretion of the county magistrates. The cottage was therefore built. It
replaced a very poor one for which a rent of 3s. 6d. had been paid. The new
cottage cost £130, and even with an additional quarter of an acre for garden
thrown in, Mr. Blunt was able to reduce the former rent by a shilling without
loss. However, Mr. Blunt's builder was summoned by the council for building
other than with bricks and mortar. A further action was brought against Mr.
Blunt, and a continuing penalty of two shillings a day was imposed against him
to oblige him to pull the building down.
The immediate amendment which Mr.
Blunt urges in the Public Health Act is that no by-law of any rural sanitary
authority shall apply to any new building to be erected on a freehold property
where such building is more than a given number of yards from the nearest other
dwelling or past the property of adjacent owners.
This is an amendment which
appears wise and reasonable, and admirably calculated to solve the difficulty
which at present exists. It will be an effectual safeguard against the risk of
damage to adjacent property through fire if the buildings proposed to be erected
are of wood, and it will at the same time give every encouragement to builders
to give plenty of ground to each cottage. Mr. Blunt has been joined in his
crusade by Sir William Grantham, one of his Majesty's judges and a large Sussex
landowner.
Sir William Grantham has been
subjected to not a little abuse in connection with his action; but he has been
solely actuated by a sincere desire to solve the housing difficulty on wise and
reasonable lines, and in the true interests of the peasant class. Like Mr.
Blunt, Sir William Grantham proposed to build cottages for the agricultural
workers on his estate, but was prevented from doing so by his rural council. Sir
William also headed a large deputation to the President of the Local Government
Board in November last, and presented the following statement of facts:—
I. That the by-laws governing the
building of cottages in the country are enforced by those who either have no
knowledge of the locus in quo or no knowledge of the wants and requirements of
the district, or no ability to administer, or an interest against the landlord
or person desirous of building, or a desire to administer by-laws suitable for
towns but most unsuitable for country districts, or there is a desire on the
part of the councils or officials of the councils to strain the language of the
by-laws against the building owner, and instead of assisting him throwing every
obstacle in the way of his carrying out the desired, work.
2. That hundreds more cottages
would have been built all over the country, which would have prevented (to some
extent) the people from crowding into the towns, if there had been more suitable
by-laws, or an elasticity allowed to those who administer them, or if there had
been no by-laws in those places or districts where there is no necessity to
enforce them.
The reply of Mr. Walter Long to
this deputation was distinctly encouraging. Whilst he did not definitely commit
himself to his future course of action, he stated that a model code of by-laws
for rural districts had already been drawn up, and that under these by-laws
cottages might be built either in wood or other materials. Only in the matter of
sanitation were by-laws applicable to rural buildings. And he further promised
to examine the rural code again, with a sympathetic desire to relieve unwise and
unnecessary restrictions; but added that in his view it was absurd that where
only trees and grass existed rules should be applied that were only intended for
aggregations of houses in towns.
The reply of Mr, Long will do
much to encourage the reforming party, and the new movement has also received
considerable impetus from the most helpful and suggestive correspondence which
has been appearing in the pages of the Spectator, The County Gentleman, and
other papers. In this correspondence emphasis has been rightly placed on the
necessity for wooden buildings to be freely permitted in all rural districts.
These are already common in America—a country which is subject to far greater
extremes of heat and cold than Britain. Yet such houses are absolutely
weather-tight, warm, and sanitary. Their cost is considerably less than any
houses which could be built with bricks or stones, and their general
introduction in this country would mean that landowners and others would be able
to house the peasant and labouring classes in rural districts at a capital
outlay which would bring a remunerative return. I have dealt at some length with
this question of the building by-laws because it is of the first importance that
in embarking on a housing scheme which will be of a semi-rural character the
trustees should have entire freedom to erect buildings in materials other than
those allowed under the existing by-laws for the Burgh of Dunfermline. It cannot
be too often repeated that the use of such materials does not mean an
unsuitable, inferior, or insanitary dwelling. It does mean a considerable help
towards the solution of one of the most pressing aspects of the housing problem.
The least to be contended for is permission to build under the model set of
by-laws drawn up by Mr. Long, to which reference has been made. I cannot, in
conclusion, do better than refer my readers to the approaching exhibition of
cottages to be held at Hitchin [June, 1905.] under the auspices of The County
Gentleman and The First Garden City Company, Limited; which is designed to bring
to an end the search for a cottage costing not more than £150 to build, which,
whilst healthy, convenient, and adequate, is not lacking in the elements of
beauty.