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IN the following ordinances
for the celebration of the Communion at Culross, we find the first
intimation of an order which is frequently repeated afterwards on similar
occasions—that all intending participators in the rite should be at harmony
with one another and make up their quarrels. This was doubtless a very
desirable consummation, but it may well be questioned whether such enforced
reconciliations could be productive of much benefit.
“8 March 1640
“This day it was proponed to
the session that the tyme of celebrating the Communion that is used to be
keipit in this congregation wes aproching, therfor that the session would
think of the first dyett, who all agreitt that it seemed the fittest time
would be that Sonday come a fifteen dayes —viz., the 22 of March for the
first day, and the 29 day for the second day, and so was appointed. Lykwise
it was desyred that if the eldership knew of any discords, that they would
stryve to reconcile them, otherwise to acquaint the session therewith, that
all may come in love to that blessed sacrament.”
“28 March 1640
“Likewise it is declared by
the elders that they have reconciled the most part of those that are at
variance, onlie David Lyells differed with Harie Barie and Hew Mitchell, two
voises in Bordie to be tome away. Therfor the saids parties being warned are
called, and declare they willinglie will be reconciled, on condition that
ther be.an Act for keeping them so for the time to come. Therfor they do
inact themselves hinc inde, that if they sail be foond to slander other, in
that caice they shall make their repentance and crave other pardon, and give
£10 ad pios usus.”
On 25th June 1640, a minute
is entered of another election of elders, with the districts of which they
are respectively to take charge. As in the list of 1632, several of the
names have been subsequently deleted. The number has been increased from
thirty to thirty-six.
The Scottish army had now
crossed the Border, and routed the King’s forces at Newbum. Doubtless there
were many applications in consequence like the following:—
“18 Dec. 1640.
“James Millar his wife gave
in a supplication for some help, because her goodman was in the campe; and
it was thought miet for the present to give her twenty-four shillings."
Presbytery is now triumphant,
and proceeds to suppress the festival days of Prelacy, more especially
Christmas:—
“22 December 1640.
"An Act was produced from the
Presbytrie against keeping of festival days, and especially Yule Day, and
was ordained to be registrat in this our session-book, and to be read
publicly before the wholl congregation, that none pretend ignorance.”
“Dunfermline,
tenth day of Decr. 1640 yean.
"The Presbetrie, considering
the great abuses in tyme past in keeping of festivall dayes, and especially
the keeping of Yule Day, by feasting, cessation fra ordinar work in labour,
and the spending of the day in riotous playing and ydle living, quhilkes
abuses are contrair to our Covenant and Acts of Generali Assembly—ordaines
all persons the said Yule Day to leave off their feasting and playing, and
goe to their ordinar work, under all highest censure of the Kirk, and that
the elders of every congregation shall give good example to the rest of the
congregation in obeying the said Act by themselves and their families, and
that every minister of the said Presbytrie notifie the same to their
sessiones the next session day, and therafter the Sabbath following to be
intimat and red publicly, to the end that none pretend ignorance. Extracted
furth of the Presbetrie books of Dunfermling be Patrick Kingome, clerk to
the same.”
After reading the above, one
can certainly scarcely be surprised that Presbytery should so often have
been regarded as a most dreary and repulsive form of Christianity. But the
dread of the Old Lady of Babylon was great—and justly so—in those days, when
the tendencies of the leading ecclesiastics at Court lay so much in the
direction of a return to the fold of the Roman Catholic Church. Every
practice, however harmless or even beneficial in itself, if enjoined by
Rome, and not expressly ordered by the Holy Scriptures, was regarded as
unwarranted and dangerous by the Presbyterians, who considered the safest
course was to deviate as far as possible from the pathways of the ancient
faith. And considering that their Church courts were essentially popular in
their constitution, and comprised a large and influential lay element, we
must believe that their proceedings were generally sanctioned by public
opinion, and were by no means the mere outcome of clerical dogmatism and
spiritual tyranny.
The appointment of a helper
or colleague to the minister had been mooted for some time. A minute in the
session-book, dated 9th May 1641, is the earliest intimation of proceedings
having actually commenced to accomplish that purpose. The result was the
establishment of a double or collegiate charge in Culross; but, as we shall
see, this was not effected till some years afterwards.
According to old
ecclesiastical ideas, it was deemed imperative on all to attend their own
parish church, however inconveniently distant they might be from it, or
however near to their residence might be the church of another parish. In
the case of Communions certainly, when several churches were vacant, to
swell the number of clergymen officiating in the place where the Sacrament
was celebrated, it was not merely regarded as permissible, but a duty, for
the inhabitants of different parishes to attend on that occasion. But in
general, “ vaiging ” from one’s own parish church to another was nearly as
serious an offence as not attending church at all. The following entries
record this and other irregularities on Sunday, the "bitter” observance of
which, as some would term it, is now beginning to be enforced with great
rigour:— .
"4 July 1641.
"The sessione, considering
the great abuse of peoples resorting to nighbour kirks and leaving of their
own parish kirk, therefor thought miet to mak this Act following: That
whosoever shall resort to other kirks about, and leave their owne parish
kirk, shall be delated and punished as absents.”
“8 Augt. 1641.
"Archibald Coalyer and Robert
Smith called, accusit for cutting of wands on the Sabbath-day, confessed
their fault, and made their repentance according to the order; and because
that oftene they were found in this fault, ane Act was made for them and the
wholl craft, that whosoever shall be found after or before sermon on Sabboth-day
in the fault, shall be punished as transgressors of the Sabbath-day.
“Ane Act was made for those
who stand in the kirkyard or parlyhill discoursing and talking when God’s
Word is reading in the kirk, shall be delated to the session and punished
accordingly—to pay 6 sh. This Act to be intimat the next Sabbath, which was
done.”
“23 November 1641.
“William Makeane delated be
the searchers for drinking with a fiddler on the Sabboth-day in tyme of
afternoon sermon, and to be warned against the next day.”
“30 November 1641.
“William Makeane callit,
accused for profaning the Lord's Day in drinking in tyme of service with a
fiddler; confessed his fault, and to pay 6 sh.”
14th Dec. 1641. — Of this
date a discharge is recorded in the session-books in favour of Thomas
Brace of Blairhall, son and
heir to Robert Bruce of Blairhall, for the sum of a thousand merks,
mortified by the latter as a provision for a second minister or helper, and
now paid by the former to the kirk-session of Culross. The money was
bequeathed by Robert Bruce in his will, dated October 1639.
Mr Duncan, the minister of
Culross, espouses zealously the new order of things, which under his
auspices develops itself vigorously in Culross:—
“3 April 1642.
“The minister asked the
elders what diligence they had used anent the trying who wes negligent in
the dewtie of family exercise so often recommended to them, and a particular
course to be taken for urging the samiae.”
“Johne Gib, accused of
dinging his wyf on the Sabboth-day in his drunkenness, confessed his fault;
ordained to mak his repentance publicly before the pulpit, and to stand
betwixt the second and third bell bareheaded at the kirk-door, and to pay 12
sh.—paid. Satisfied, and withal enacted himself, if ever he be found
hireafter to straike his wyf, in that caise he shall sit at the cross with
the branks, and to stand barefooted at the kirk door and pay a dollar.”
The branks was the bridle for
scolds. It was fastened by a clasp at the back of the head, and the bit was
provided with a little rowel like that of a spur, which, being placed on the
tongue, effectually prevented the least motion on the part of that unruly
member. A pair of branks hangs up in one of the vaults of the old castle of
Fordel, near Inverkeithing.
“10 April 1642.
“John Fiddes, elder, callit,
accused for breaking of the Saboth; confessed his fault, and ordiened to pay
12 sh.
“Andrew Duthie, callit,
accused for not keeping the Saboth; confessed his fault sincerly, and
promised amendment.
“Thomas Sands, callit,
accused for bargning in buying and selling of a horse with Robert Ronnald;
confessed his fault, and to pay 12 sh., and enacted himself under the pane
of a double punishment if ever he be found in the lyk fault.
“Robert Ronnald, callit;
confessed the. samyne to be of truth, and to pay 6 sh., and because he knew
not what commandment he had broken, wes ordined within twentie days to
rehears the commandments, otherways to be layable to the censure of the
sessione.”
George Bruce of Camock, who
had succeeded to his father’s lands and coal and salt works in this parish,
proposes to build a mausoleum, and also an aisle, as an addition to the
church. His name is still to be read over the door leading to the latter,
with the date 1642.
“Act for Fisching of Croces.
“8 May 1642.
“The sessione, considering
the great abuse and prophana-tion of the Saboth by fisching of crois in the
west part, thought miet to mak an Act as followeth: That if any be found on
the Saboth-day fisching or attending the crois at any tyme ather befor or
after sermone, shall pay tolies quotiea 12 sh., and to be intimat the next
Saboth,—which wes done.”
The “crois” or “cruive”
fishing was chiefly practised on the coast of that part of Culross parish
which was afterwards disjoined from it and annexed to Tulliallan. A
particular account of it and of the Sabbath desecration in connection
therewith will be found in the chapter on the Kirk-session Records of the
latter parish.
“22 May 1642.
"The kirk officer’s wyf of
Torribum callit, accused for selling of aill on the Saboth-day; confessed
her fault, and promised amendment.
“David Don callit, accused
for making a brydel supper in time of afternoon service; confessed his
fault, and to pay 13 sh.”
A tolerably effectual course
is taken for checking some of the Sunday loiterers in the churchyard or on
the Parlyhill:—
“To be intimat the next
Saboth, that if any of the poor be found in the kirkyaird, parlyhill, or one
the streit before or after sermon, or in tyme of sermon, to be delated to
the sessione, and their names presently to be steaped out of the roll, and
so to be debarred from that benefit.”
Beside cruive-fishing,
another great form of Sabbath desecration in Culross and Tulliallan was in
keeping the fires in the salt-works burning after a certain hour on Sunday
morning—or, as it was expressed, “ not having the pan drawn in time.” The
attention of the kirk-session is frequently directed to this:—
“19 Jun 1642.
“Hendrie Wannane callit,
accused for having his panne not drawene at ten hours on Sunday last;
confessed his fault, and ordined to pay in penaltie 24 sh.”
Here is a contemptible
offender:—
“26 June 1642.
“Robert Davidson, accused for
fisching of other men's crowes in his drunkennes on the Lord’s Day,
confessed his fault; ordinet to mak his repentance publicly, and to pay 24
sh. Satisfied.”
The people in the west part
of Culross—that is to say, about Kincardine—seem to have been frequently
before the session, and thus occasioned the church officer many a long
trudge to summon them:—
“3 July 1642.
“James Huttone, kirk officer,
explained that every day he was trubled warning of these people of the vest
part of the parish, and never got any consideration for his paines be the
sessione; therfor ordined that he should reseave 2 sh. of ther penaltie
toties quoties as he should be warning of the west of the parish.”
The following applicant for
aid was probably, with her family, a fugitive, in consequence of the Irish
massacre:—
“10 July 1642.
“Isobel Knesone, a distressed
woman from Yrland, borne within this toune, gauve in a bill desyring some
helpe to convey hir to England, with her husband and bairns, where shee may
find her calling—to reseave 4 dollars.”
“13 Augutt.
“Johne Stephenson, accused
for vaiging from the kirk on the Lord’s Day, confessed his fault, and payed
24 sh.”
“James Craich, accused for
having his daughter carrying bread from Culros to Kincame on the Saboth-day,
promised amendment, and not to be found in the lyk hirafter, God •willing.”
The sacramental occasion is
over, and discipline is now to be exercised against those absent from or
debarred from partaking of the rite:—
“21 Septr. 1642.
“Callit John Smith, accused
for absenting himself from the Communion, confessed his fault; ordiened to
stand the next Lord’s Day at the kirk door betwixt the 2 and 3 bell,
bearfooted and bearheaded, and thereafter to mak his repentance publicklie.
“The persons following,
because of ther ignorance, wer debared—to wit, Johne Stephansone, Bess
Cooper, Margt. New, and Bessy Benny—under the pain of the highest censure,
and to pay ther hail year’s fie, if they were not able against Martinmas
next to rehearse the Lord’s Prayer, Belief, and Ten Commandments, and to
answer the ordinary Catechism.”
Legal officers have no
immunity from kirk-session jurisdiction:—
“25 Septr. 1642.
“Robert Hendrie, messenger,
accused for charging1 of people on the Lord’s Day, wes exhorted to amend,
and inacted as followeth, that if he be found guiltie of the said fault hier-after,
shall be punished as a breaker of the Lord’s Day.”
The kirk-session seem
disposed to obey in the letter, if not in the spirit, the apostolic
injunction,
Citing by legal process to
pay a sum of money or perform some act “ Look not every man on his own
things, but eveiy man also on the things of others ” :—
“30 October 1642.
“To remember the minister to
wreat to the ministers of the other syd1 anent the saltpanes, which wer
seene going ordinarily one the Saboth-day."
Parents are obliged to see
that their sons are, at the proper age, set to some honest calling:—
“20 December 1642.
“Thomas Patone and William
Huttone accused for keeping ther sonnes (being now come to perfect years for
a calling) idle and vaigeing through the toune, promised to tak a course for
putting them to some honest calling shortly.”
In February 1643, there were
in Culross nineteen elders for the land, and seventeen for the town— in all,
thirty-six—conform to list in session-book. Among those for the town are “
George Bruce, Provost,” builder of the “yle” above referred to; and “Edward
Bruce,”—the latter being, doubtless, the former’s eldest son, afterwards
Earl of Kincardine.
An alarm is raised as to the
prevalence of sorcery and witchcraft; and from the entry quoted below, it
would appear that the ecclesiastical authorities thought it necessary to
provide accommodation in the church steeple for the anticipated overflow of
prisoners on these charges from the tolbooth. The place of confinement was
doubtless the large apartment on the first floor of the steeple, below the
clockroom, where the bell-ropes are suspended. Though weird-looking and
dreary enough, it can scarcely be denominated a chamber of little ease, as
it is sufficiently spacious and lofty. A view of the Forth and the Lothian
shore can be obtained by scrambling up to the small window on the south
side; and through a hole in the groined arch supporting the floor, the
entrance - porch beneath to the church, with the worshippers passing through
it, might be contemplated every Sunday, amid the jangle of the bells
overhead. The mark of a witch’s foot is still pointed out on the
turret-stair leading to this apartment, and is reported to have been made by
one of these unfortunate women. In the course of the summer of this year, we
shall find the session very busy with the witches—though, as far as appears,
both from their records and those of the town council, no capital
convictions ensue. It is not till after the Restoration that we hear of any
witches being actually put to death; and these have both sentence and
execution passed upon them in Edinburgh, to which they have been removed
from Culross :—
“5 March 1643.
“Ordenis Catherine Rowane to
be brought from the tol-buth to the stiple that roume might be mead for
otheris delated as guiltie of sorcerie and witchcraft.”
In further reference to this
subject of witches, the following passage may be quoted from Spalding’s ‘
History of the Troubles in Scotland and England,’ 1624-1645
“1643.—About this time many
witches are taken in Anstruther, Dysert, Culros, Sanctandrois, and sundrie
uther pairtis in the cost syde of Fyf. They maid strange confessions, and
war brynt to the death.”
“16 Apryll 1643.
"Janet Young, for swearing,
cursing, and selling eall to beggers, delated to be warned against the next
day.”
“23 Apryll 1643.
“James Chattow his goodmother
and wyf. delated for vaiging from the kirk at the second bell, to be
warned.”
"1 October 1643.
“William Paton and Robert
Henderson accused for drinking on Saturday at night, and undertaking to
drink a pynt at a drink, and to drink others to the door—denyed; bot the
elders proved the samyne to be of truth, therefore ^ordained to make their
repentance, and pay 20 sh.—payed.”
It should be remembered, in
connection with the above, that the “ pynt ” was the Scotch pint, containing
more than two imperial quarts.
“John Ronald, accused for
profaning the Lord’s Day by carrying a burden from Kincardine to Culross,
confessed his fault, promised amendment, and to pay, according to the Act,
12 sh.
It seems not a little curious
that in the Culross kirk-session records of 1643 there is no reference to
one of the most famous incidents of the year—the framing and subscription of
The Solemn League and Covenant, which was destined to occupy a more
important position in history and with posterity than either the National
Covenant of 1638 or the older one subscribed by the Reformers. This
world-renowned document was drawn up and presented to the General Assembly
of the Church and Convention of Estates at Edinburgh, on 17th August 1643.
Having received their approbation, it was forwarded to England, where it
received the sanction of Parliament and the Westminster Assembly of Divines,
and was finally approved at Edinburgh on 11th and 12th October. Its objects
were in many respects identical with those in the National Covenant; but it
took a firmer standpoint, as well as a wider range, inasmuch as it comprised
the whole three kingdoms. In its own phraseology, the subscribers swear
“that we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, through the grace of God,
endeavour, in our severall places and callings, the preservation of the
Reformed religion in the Church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship,
discipline, and government, against our common enemies; the reformation of
religion in the kingdomes of England and Ireland, in doctrine, discipline,
and government, according to the Word of God and the example of the beBt
Reformed Churches; and shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the
three kingdomes to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion,
Confession of Faith, form of Church government, Directory for Worship, and
catechising.”
The Solemn League and
Covenant was ordained by the General Assembly and Convention of Estates “to
be, with all religious solemnities, sworn and subscribed by all his
Majesties subjects of this kingdom: and that under the pain, to such as
still postpone or refuse, to be esteemed and punished as enemies to
religion, his Majesties honour, and peace of thir kingdoms; and to have
their goods and rents confiscate for the use of the publick, and that they
shall not bruik nor enjoy any benefite, place, nor office within this
kingdome. And also ordains all sheriffs, stuarts, and others his Majesties
magistrates to burgh and land, and committees in the severall shires, to be
assisting to ministers and presbyteries in procuring reall obedience
hereunto; and that with all diligence they make report to the Committee of
Estates of the names of all such persons as shall postpone or refuse, to the
effect course may be taken with them as aforesaid.”
Considering all this
impartially, it must be admitted that the high-handed and tyrannical
measures pursued after the Restoration, when the Episcopalians had again
gained the upper hand, could scarcely be regarded as altogether
unaccountable and without excuse. In order that a general subscription to
the document might take place, it was ordered that it should be “ forthwith
printed, and that the printed copies, bound with some clean sheets of paper,
be sent unto the ministery; and that every minister upon the first Lord’s
Day after the same shall come to his hands, read and explain it, and by
exhortations prepare the people to the swearing and subscribing thereof
solemnly the Lord’s Day next immediately following.” The copy of the Solemn
League and Covenant sent as above directed to Culross in common with other
parishes, and subscribed by the parishioners, both in 1643 and subsequently
in 1648, has been preserved. There are adhibited to it 217 genuine
signatures (including those of the minister, Mr Duncan, and almost all the
heritors), and 490 subscribed by Robert Forrett and James Kennewie, as
notaries, on behalf of those unable to write—making a total of 707, which,
after making all allowances, would certainly demonstrate the existence of a
much larger population in Culross parish in those days than now prevails. I
shall have occasion to notice the renewal of the Solemn League and Covenant
by the Culross people in 1648, of which a full account is preserved in the
session-book, though there is such a strange omission as to the first
subscription in 1643.
The next entry that comes
before us is the following, recording the delinquency of certain colliers,
who, notwithstanding the injunctions of the Church, had been spending a
jovial Christmas, and abstaining from their ordinary work:—
“7 Jany. 1644.
“The colyears of the Valy
field, Thomas TVatchman, Thomas Penman, Alexr. Eeid, Wm. Coustone, Thomas
Maine, Robert Symson, and Thomas Younger, were accused for keeping of Yule
Day, in feasting and drinking and abstaining from their ordinarie work;
confessed their fault, and made their repentance according to the order, and
payed every one of them 20 sh., and enacted with their own consent that if
ever they should be found guiltie of the like herafter, to pay in penaltie
ilk one of them 10 lb., and mak their repentance in publick.”
“30 March 1644.
“Thomas Tealyer, accused for
travelling on the Lord’s Day with his work - lomes, confessed he came from
Kincardine on Sunday last, at six in the morning, and promised never to do
the lyk hirafter.”
The following presents a very
curious account of a prosecution against a “ charmer ” or “ witch-man.” The
faith in the powers of these personages to alleviate and heal the ailments
of men and beasts continued long deeply rooted, and is scarcely extinct even
at the present day:—
“9 June 1644.
“Andro Clerk and his wyf, for
seeking their daughter’s helth from Adam Donaldson, which they confessed,
ordined to mak thir repentance in publick.”
“23 June 1644.
“Adam Donaldson, cited,
accused for charming of kine and horse—denyed; the reporters of it—to wit,
David Sandis of Birkenhead, Johne Bird, and Johne Sands—to be heard the next
day.”
“30 June 1644.
“The witnesses concerning
Adam Donaldson his business, were examined; and imprimis, John Bird deponed
that Adam Donaldson said to him he coft a cow at a tyme in Dumblane Fair,
and brought hir home to his hous, but she could give no milk; and purposing
to tak her back to the. place where she came from, by the way he met with a
woman who asked him where he was going. He answered as before. The woman
said, * Good man, ye need not be so hastie; tak hir back agane, and put a
piece of rantle-tree [Another name for the rowan or mountain-ash, which was
supposed to possess great efficacy in warding off the malevolent designs of
witches. The old rhyme is—
“ Rantle-tree and red thread
Puts the witches to their speed.'*]
under her taille, and say
thrice on your knees, Lord Jesus, send me milk/—which he did accordingly,
and the cow gave milk in abundance, more than ever before or since: and
farther, he confessed that ever since to this tyme he had rantle-tree under
his kines tell [tail].
"John Bowey deponed the
samene,
“John Henderson, examined
anent the premiss, deponed that he baid him, when he was to buy a cow, lead
hir home himself, milk her himself, and drink the milk himself, and all the
divels in hell should not have power over hir; and if he wer to buy a horse,
the first south-running water he came to, light of with the horses hinder
feete in the water, and tak up a handfull of sand out of the water, and
three severall tymes straik the horse back from his forret to his shoulders,
and then to his taile, and all evill spirits should not have power to wrong
his horse in knee nor thigh.”
We hear nothing more of this
case. Perhaps it was handed over to the civil authorities either in the
burgh or regality court. Of the former of these the records of this period
have unfortunately been lost, and I have never been able to procure any
information as to the proceedings of the latter.
A terrible visitant was now
on his way to Culross. The year 1645 is memorable as that in which the
Plague made its last appearance in Scotland, and, like its congener the
Great Plague of London, its ravages on the occasion of its farewell visit
were more terrible than at any previous period. The kirk-session of Culross
takes the alarm, and issues the following edict to prevent the importation
of the malady:—
“1 July 1645.
“The session taking to
consideration the great danger of infection of the plaige now spreading
round about this parioch, have ordained that none, toune nor land, presume
to receive any strangers, especially from suspect places, under the paine of
present upclosing, and a pecuniall some to be exacted from them, and to have
no benefit of kirk or market.”
The threat of “ upclosing ”
points to the practice, common in those days when any one was attacked by
the plague, of shutting up the house where he lay, that neither persons nor
things might be allowed to issue therefrom so as to spread infection.
Probably also, as in the case of the Jewish leper, it was customary to
imprison within his own house any one suspected of being infected, till the
possibility of being so were over.
The pestilence was now close
at hand, and the autumn and winter of 1645 were to be marked with mourning,
lamentation, and woe. The following entry from the kirk-session book of
Camock, in the hand of its minister, the celebrated John Row, shows the
state of matters in the district adjoining Culross:—
“21 Sept. 1645.—Also because
the plague of the pestilence was spreading bothe in Dunfermlyne and Culrose,
and in Torriburne, and other partes neir us, we cannot keipe our kirk door
with two or three elders, that no stranger mycht cum to us, except thay wer
the better knowen; and openlie dischargit strangeris to cum to us till we
suld see quhat helpe the Lord wald send.”
Very many died in the town of
Dunfermline at. this time, and also, as we are informed, in and around
Culross. To prevent overcrowding in the churchyards, many persons were
buried in the fields and remote places, as is still testified by the
existence of through stanes marking their place of sepulture. One of these
is still to be seen in Tulliallan Forest, and is more particularly described
in the chapter on the girdlesmiths. And a wide tradition still prevails that
the great blue boulder-stone in the little harbour of Culross, opposite the
centre of the town, covers or hes contiguous to the place where many of the
victims of the plague of 1645 were buried. Bones and fragments of coffins
are still occasionally disinterred at this spot by the action of the tides,
and are found there at their ebbing. From the 10th of August 1645 to the 7th
of January 1646 inclusive, the session-book of Culross is wholly devoid of
entries; and on a wide vacant space in the page appears in large letters an
announcement which explains too well the fatal reason—
DURING THIS INTERMISSIONS
THE PLAIGE WA8 HAVIE
UPON OUR TOUNE. |
