LORD GREY, of Wilton, who had commanded the English in Scotland, became Governor of Berwick as successor to Leek, who now retired to England. On his installation new orders were issued by Cecil, in Elizabeth's name, which were to compel order and good discipline in this thievish and ill-behaved garrison. Along with the old, the new set of orders were put into operation in the town, the former to be the governing power as long as it was not contradicted by the new. An almost complete copy of both will be found in Appendix No. 4. Abstracts of some of the more interesting may occupy a place in the narrative. The general characteristic of the ancient statutes is that of severity:

Death was the penalty for affrays at the gates or on the Watch Hill, or for going from the walls after the watchword was given, or for not searching carts laden with straw for fodder. Counterfeiting the keys of the gates or storehouses was a capital crime. Watchers not giving warning of any ship or person coming within sight to have their heads struck off at the Market Cross, and no Scotchman to be of the garrison, upon pain of death.

Others of the statutes are more curious than severe:

'No soldier to use any vile occupation, as fishing, and none to use dice or cards for money except within the 20 days of Christmas, or else at any of the gates of the toun, or within the watchhouses, market-place, or tollbooth, under pain of 3 days' imprisonment, and the stakes to be forfeited to the Queen's Bridge at Berwick. Again, no cur dogs to be kept over the feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross next coming, no greyhounds or spaniels to be in the streets except they be "hard led, or led in leashes or lyans;" for the third offence both master and dog shall be put out of the toun. No dogs shall be in the streets at night.

'Every watcher found asleep for the third offence, or warning his fellow who is asleep of the approach of the searchers for the second offence, as well the sleeper as the Escrier, both to be put over the walls where they made the same default, and set in baskets with a can of drink in their hands, and there he or they to tarry unto the time the rope be cut (when of course the occupant of the basket would fall into the ditch, where stood always about two feet of water).

These old orders bear no date, but undoubtedly, like other sets of laws, the number would grow with time, until fifty altogether had accumulated. The new orders, to which reference has been made, bear date October 1st, 1560. They are signed by the Queen, and are said to have been put in force while the fortifications were being finished and a garrison established—that is, a fixed and definite number of men to form a garrison. They were introduced by a long introductory note upon the propriety of all the soldiers attending on the sermons, and upon the mending and repairing the Church of the Trinity:

'Because the foundation of all worldlie strengthe is to be laide and established with the feare and service of Almighty God, without which except the Lord God kepe the cittie and build yt, all force of armes, strengthes, and riches be but vain, and nothing, as dailie is seen and perceived where yt pleaseth Almighty God contrarie to men's purposes to confounde strong townes, castles, and great armies by sundrie casualties.'

The order proceeds to declare that to establish the above declaration, cit is necessarie for all men to live in due service and feare of God ;' and that this may be done, the church and place of divine service within the town shall be repaired by the Surveyor of the Works, and c kept to the use onlie of praier, ministration of sacraments, and preachinge of God's word, and to no other prophane use.' It was further ordered that the service be in accordance with law, and that the minister be paid by the Queen's Treasurer of Berwick. And now, after the church was repaired, all the garrison must attend the services every holyday and Sunday, morning and evening, at least once in every fourteen or sixteen days. The attendance was compelled by heavy fines.

The new orders do not differ much from the old. Probably they are not so severe. They have their curiosities, as the others, but are not characterized by impartiality:

'None to play dice by night, except he be of the Council, under pain of four days' imprisonment' 'No person shall walk abroad after 10 o'clock in summer and eight in winter, or whistle, or sing, or shout after the said hours.' 'No flesh can be eaten on the fast-days, on pain of from four till six days' imprisonment, and if he be a soldier he shall forfeit a month's pay or 20 days' imprisonment on bread and water.'

It is to be hoped that when this fast-day diet was put in force there were no more of the 'naughty herrings' in her Majesty's stores. According to the new orders, a preacher was to be sent down to Berwick. The Dean of Durham and Mr. Sampson were the first that came. Their fees were willingly paid by a cess laid on the whole garrison. The immediate effect of their preaching was marvellous:

'Cecil may perhaps marvel to hear that every holiday in the Church are sung sundry Psalms and Prayers only by Gentlemen and Soldiers, and the most part gentlemen. Such fruit has followed the little abode which the Dean of Durham and good Mr. Sampson made. Berwick has become a civil town almost devoid of vices. Hope that the soldiers sent hence do not infect the realm now that they have purged Berwick.'

As a result of this elevation of the Berwick gentlemen and soldiers, the Governor informed Cecil in a postscript:

'There be already departed from Berwick and Tweedmouth 269 abominable Damoselles and some Scots forth of Berwick. I confess I am more apt to be a bumbailiff presently than I was thirty years past.'

'Like Prince, like people.' Elizabeth's penurious habits are well known; her servants likewise affected this habit, save in the matter of enriching themselves. The Mayor of this Burgh had been in the habit of receiving £10 from Government for many years—nay, for centuries—probably from the time of David I. when the town was established a Royal Burgh, and the officers were accounted officials of the Crown. Not only had the Mayor this grant from olden time, but he had a domestic servant as well as four Sergeants of the Mace. The Queen's officers in Berwick, on the appointment of these two new orders, called this payment in question, and were very desirous to discontinue the allowance; but, upon inquiry, they found that the commencement of the grant was not within the memory of man, therefore it was allowed to stand. When the new orders were established for the better government of the town, a military council was determined upon, which was to consist of the Governor of the town and the Warden of the East Marches, one High Marshal, the Treasurer, and the Porter, with four officers. These were declared to be the councillors in 1560. The records of this council's proceedings in its early days are lost, but from 1574 to the end of the century, some of the orders are still extant. These will be dealt with under 'The Guild History.'

Lord Grey of Wilton took his seat at this first council as Governor, and the Queen immediately wrote him— (1) To appoint one special day to sit in the Common Council House, there to direct such causes as shall be nedeful; (2) That the Scotch Market be removed from within the town to the void place betwixt the new wall and the Bell Tower.' This market had long been of great interest to the inhabitants and garrison of Berwick. In times of peace the Scots were courted to come with all kinds of provisions to the market. As early as the reign of Edward III. it was held outside the town, and, probably, in the same place as in the time of Henry VIII., viz., the Calf Hill. In an order about provisions, this passage occurs:

'And in this pacte, the Skotts repayring to the market uppon the Calfc Hill wold likewise be cherished and kept in good order from spoyles and other iniuries; and moch nedefull it were that there were a house builded uppon the said Calfe Hill wherein the said Scottishe people might in colde and stormye wether have fyer and meat and drinck for their money to repose themselves withall; otherwise, they shalbe not able to kepc market there thys wynter tyme which wil be a great hindrance of fresh victualls to the toune.'

To serve their own selfish ends, the people of Berwick and the Government officials were anxious enough to get the Scots to come to market to supply them with fresh and cheap provisions. But it was strictly forbidden for a Scot to live in Berwick, and it was death for one to be found in the garrison. Lord Grey wrote of them, at the time he was arranging this market-place:

'The four Scots stayed here four days, and at their departure understood such reason and courtesy in staying them that they be nothing at all grieved therewith. Wishes that he had been sufficiently powerful to have prevented them of such mischief as their hearts imagine. Without doubt they have conveyed in their hearts and budgetts a great mass of treason. God confound them and it together.'

The cause of this severe writing is not explained. This jealousy or hatred of the Scots becomes very apparent in a case that occurred a few years after this. Valentine Brown, the new Treasurer, wrote to Burleigh in February, 1574, 'that he would very much prefer George Beverley, a friend of his, to succeed to the vacant office of Customer of Berwick/ Burleigh at once granted the patent to Beverley. No sooner was this done, than he was informed that Beverley was descended from Scotch parents. A commission was appointed to sift the truth of this, when it was discovered that he was born of Scotch parentage in Haddington. His father died when he was but a child. His mother married, for a second husband, James Beverley, of Kirknewton, Yorkshire, who brought her and her son into England. When this truth was elicited, a truth of which George would be ignorant, for he had taken the name of his stepfather, he was at once obliged to surrender his patent, and retire from any office in England. Evidences of this same jealousy continually occur.

Lord Grey's Governorship of Berwick made a somewhat salutary impression upon the rude Border Land. He began by adjusting some long-standing disputes. Muschamp and Ralph Swinnow, who had quarrelled about property, were reconciled. He settled the long variance that had existed between Sir Thomas Grey and Sir John Forster, who had quarrelled about the said Forster's mother. For this he received Cecil's thanks. He even got the Laird of Cessford, though it would undoubtedly be a severe trial, to consent to act in the future with fairness and justice. Grey then looked nearer home for work, and sent a report of the state of Berwick to his chief. He found it very weak, and requiring more men to withstand a sudden rush. Moreover, he found in the old garrison the constables so unskilful that they were utterly unworthy their places, being men unlearned, who used generally to deliver the watchword to their children, or servants, or others to read, which was very dangerous. Having taken one in the act, he put him in, ward, and detained him until instructions arrived. This was a crime that those who framed the statutes of Berwick never contemplated. The Governor further wrote, that he was astonished that such a town as Berwick should be without a trumpet to sound for proclamations,' and desired Cecil to send him one. Cecil noted on the margin of this letter: c Grant an allowance of £20 per annum for a trumpet.' Grey, likewise, desired that a water-mill be set up in Berwick, as they have only one horse-mill.

Three days later, November 29th, he heard a report that the French were going to invade, so he hurried on the work at the fortifications; for, though the masons could not work on account of the frost, the pickaxes could still be in use. We cannot but regret the work of these pickaxes, for now, on the last day of this month of November, 1560, the Castle of Berwick and all the best houses that were reserved for the lodgings of the Captain and head officers, were defaced or plucked down for the furtherance of the fortification, except the house reserved for the Treasurer and Victualler, which was taken for the Governor's use. He returned this house to them again, and went to live in the Palace, where there was very sorry accommodation for him. The house had to be shored up, which, otherwise, would have lain in the earth. There were only two habitable rooms in it, not large enough even to entertain his friends ; they were not fourteen feet square. A few repairs were made on his entry, and fault was found with his extravagance, for he had really spent upon this work £11.

To carry out his plans for putting Berwick in order, he issued special instructions as to the watching of the walls while the new fortifications were still incomplete. Dated January 1st, 1561, these regulations claim to be an order for watch within the town of Berwick, as well for the old walls as for the new works, devised by Lord Grey, which may be executed, if the Queen and Council shall allow it, till the new fortifications be put in strength. at each, two men; at the Bell Tower, the Red Tower, the New Tower of the Sand, the Little Tower, St. Nicholas Tower, Comer's Bulwark, the Square Tower, Shore-gate and Brig-gate, at each, three men, thirty-six in all.

'For Stand watch at the Gates, viz., at the Bulwark between St. Mary Gate and the Cow-gate, at the Cow-gate, Brig-gate, Shore-gate, on the Pier and on the Bridge, in all eight men. The round search-houses at Shore-gate and Mary-gate consisting of two parties of twelve men each, to be continually sending out patrols to see that the Sentinels did their duty. The officers on duty are personally to visit the different posts, the stand-watch at the Castle to continue established, 16 footmen are to scout nightly without the walls. Captain Pragle and 50 men with the old garrison are lodged in the old town without the new works. At the alarm the new piece is to be manned on the bulwarks and curtains by the different captains posting their men at intervals of nine feet all round the walls. The townsmen to assemble with their weapons in the market-place, under Captains Baker and Lambert, pensioners. The labourers also to repair to the market-place, under Captains Ingleby and Aldey, pensioners, and to have weapons delivered them out of the Queen's store. Eighteen shall watch nightly, one on every bulwark and curtain of the new piece, and 12 men to search them. Every Captain shall watch the second day after his night watch with 91 men, viz., his Lieutenant with 30 men at the Briggate himself; and Sergeant at the Cowgate with 50 men, whereof 20 shall repair to St. Mary Gate, morning and evening, to let cattle out and in the town; at the Shore-gate ten men, and Corporal or Ensign. Six horsemen shall daily ride out at the Gates' opening, to search the suspect places.'

The watching of the town was doubly difficult at the present time, for the old walls were partly demolished and no part of the new was in a complete state of defence. Great difficulties were likewise thrust in the way of the swift progress of their completion. Here is a statement of difficulties by Jennyson, surveyor of the works, made to Cecil on February nth, 1561:

'Though he has charge of the stores and storehouses, yet he has no lodging therein, but two little chambers, a cellar and a kitchen, wherein Sir Richard Lee's men delay him, until they can hear from their master, so that he is forced to be from his charge at no little expense, and to leave his wife at Newcastle. The Sawyers are such triflers that they make easy expedition of the work, and the Smiths are such purloiners that, of one cwt. of iron delivered to them, he cannot receive above 72 or 76 lbs., who would make him believe the residue was waste. Trusts that by putting things out by great [the piece] double expedition may be used; for they work but 7 hours, and do not 5 hours' work. The price charged for the coals is exorbitant, and he is determined to confer about this with men at Newcastle. Would have ridden to London to see the stuff chosen; for the artificers say that little good stuff comes here.'

Jennyson went to Newcastle for stores, and has given interesting information about coals: 'The Lime-kilns and Smiths consumed 1,500 chaldrons yearly; he thought they should lay in a supply in summer for the following reasons: Firstly, they are lighter in summer than in winter. In summer two chaldrons in weight would be saved in every ship's lading. Secondly, the coals are more plentiful in summer, and their freight is less. There might be a saving of as. 6d. per chaldron. Thirdly, the owners of the boats will not serve Berwick in winter, the coast is so dangerous. He thought they should get 800 chaldrons of Darewen coals, and as many of the best Northumberland coal. The best sort cost 13s. the chaldron, and the worst 12s. per chaldron.'

We have seen that Scotchmen were not relished in Berwick at this epoch. Neither, it seems, were Irish. A great many of the latter were brought at this time for the work at the fortifications. One hundred hand-hewers and eight labourers were entered as Irish workmen on the 2nd of March, and again, on the 20th March, we have thirty-seven hand-hewers brought over by Philip Athlone. These had no sooner commenced their work, than on the 25 th, on Jennyson mustering the workmen, he was resisted and misused by the English masons, both in words and in other obstinate deeds.' Lord Grey, the Governor, having come to the rescue, committed divers of the fawters to the loathsomest and straitest prison with irons and ill fare. Yet there was much grudging and obstinate repining amongst the rest of their fellows, and, as far as they dare, it is like they will continue it.' It is just possible that the presence of the Irish was not the only reason of the revolt, for these workmen were still badly paid. Lord Grey, at this very date, wrote to Cecil:

'Very pity forces him to lament the continual moan and complaint of the gentlemen serving here, who are driven to very great extremities of want of money, want of victuals in store, the dearth of fish and other cates, and the strait abstinence from flesh, commanded by the late proclamation, who continually care for supply themselves, and that these soldiers are starved with hunger and ready to perish, who must either be relieved with money or with liberty of flesh-eating.'

Grey was very anxious to push on the fortifications, and asked for more workmen, but was denied the request. He suggested the employment of soldiers, and asserted that one thousand of them would do more work than three thousand day-workers. Instead, however, of more workmen being sent, a sudden whim came over her Majesty, and orders were sent down to Berwick to dismiss all workmen but four hundred. This stopped all progress, and put an end to the expectation of finishing the new work this year, or even of having the walls in a state to be guardable. The Governor got sick of all this worry, and retired to the Court. Before Grey set out to London he appointed Sir Thomas Dacre, of Lanercost, Marshal of Berwick, and committed the charge of the town to him in his absence. While absent, a strange idea of defending the town was originated with those left in charge of the works and this new Marshal. They thought that a deep and broad ditch dug from the river to the sea by way of the castle would act as the best defence, and render Berwick absolutely impregnable. Sir Thomas Dacre, Richard Goodall, and John Rophe took measurements of the distance. From low-water mark of the Tweed to low-water mark of the sea is four thousand feet. From Tweedside to seaside, taking one place with another, the ground is eighty feet deep, so that the sea may easily fall into the Tweed (!). For the safe-guard of the town there may be water fifty feet deep always standing, if need require. There are three hundred feet between the walls and where the ditch shall be for casting the earth towards the water/ There are strange and startling statements in this paper. How the sea may easily fall into the Tweed, or how fifty feet of water will always stand in this ditch when required, will certainly puzzle most of the engineers of the present day.

The pay of the soldiers was still an almost insurmountable difficulty. To assist in the relief of the town Valentine Brown, the Treasurer, begged for license to export the hides, fells, and tallow which came into his possession from the animals slaughtered for provision of the garrison and workmen. The power of exportation was in the hands of the freemen of Berwick, and they were unwilling to lose any of their rights. He was urgent, however, for his need was great, and this source of income would be considerable, since 20 hides, 60 fells, and 300 lbs. of tallow was the daily produce of the royal shambles. The Queen, at length, granted the required license, which produced a temporary relief to his greatly embarrassed position. He was £26,000 in debt, and he could not tell how to pay it. To make matters worse, he had some 'evil' malt in possession, upon which he lost heavily. One thousand quarters were still in his possession, after eight hundred and forty had been sold to Bertram Anderson, of Newcastle, who then said he could take no more. Money was so sparingly sent from London that, when a mass of treasure did arrive, it was exceedingly difficult to divide it so as to satisfy the most clamant. Brown says, 'With such an amount it is as troublesome to please the recipients as if none had come!' and 'Some evil rumours were swarming in the heads of the soldiers which broke forth in bills written and scattered in the streets. A Proclamation, August 5th, 1562, issued for the whole of England, troubled the Berwick authorities not a little, especially when they were in such straitened circumstances. Three points in this proclamation, that caused anxiety, were: First, ought they to proclaim at all in Berwick, 'which is of the realm, but not in it'. Secondly, the proclamation limits the size and order of the weapons, and the officers think that a Town of War should have no such order nor limitation. Thirdly, the uniform of soldiers was to be altered. Well, if this was to be done, c the soldiers in this garrison must go naked in the meantime/ It was not only the soldiers who suffered. Sir Thomas Dacre, Deputy-Governor, complained: 'Extreme necessity causeth me thus plainly to open my misery, for I knew this charge was thought a relief to me. I was undone before I came to it. I am now worse, and every day the longer the worse.' Lord Grey adds that 'Dacre is a very beggar'. This is enough to show the extreme misery that many of the Queen's servants had to endure.

Lord Grey returned to Berwick in the autumn of 1561, on the condition that he should remain here only half a year. At the expiration of the term Cecil refused to relieve him, and, from Grey's pen, after he had described the state of Berwick and its fortifications, we have the following appeal (April, 1562):* ' As he perceives that the preachers who are now absent do not intend to remain here, he would fain depart in their good company, and become a better man in his old days, and serve God now/ He asks Cecil 'to help him to some quietness, and to remember his age and his long troubled time of service/ It is evident the old man was in failing health, for, although he remained here during the summer, he retired early in the autumn to Cheshunt, in Hertfordshire, to the house of his son-in-law, where his death took place ere the year terminated, on the 25th December, 1562.

A word on the fortifications at the time of Grey's death—they were not yet nearly finished. To complete the work, it was now estimated that £50,000 would be necessary, and, from the sums that were actually paid, we learn that this sum was equalled, if not exceeded. A declaration of their state in the beginning of this year shows the exact position in which the surrounding wall then was. The statement accounts for their height and length from the point of the Bulwark at the west side (Meg's Mount) unto a place called the Cantewell' (Catwell). The walls are now built up 14 feet high for 4,743 feet of circuit, and 11 feet high for 370 feet more; and 2,149 feet are yet unfounded. No mention is yet made here of the part from the Catwell to the Bridge Gate. It was the intention of the authorities to build the wall 22 feet high, and it was estimated that it would take 71,238 feet of hewn stone to raise the height to 20 feet all round. The earthwork for riveting the walls was yet to be begun. It was to be continued from Roaring Meg, round the north part of the town, to St. Nicholas Mount (King's Mount), and was to consist ofc yerthe and hatherwork.

Considerable activity prevailed during the whole of 1562 on all the different parts of the walls. Great stores were sent from London to help, such as spades, shovels, scowpes, malles, steel, soap, elm-planks, gin-ropes, necessaries for carts, tumbrels for spars, deals for the smiths' forges, and three steel anvils. Johnson wrote to Cecil on August 22nd that the foundations of the north bulwark next the Snowke (Windmill Mount), from the middle of the 'Collyon,' all along the side of the bulwark for about 300 feet, were 10 feet high and 18 feet broad, and at every 16 feet a buttress was made, which runs 15 or 16 feet into the rampart. Then again, on December the 9th, Dacre and his friends wrote to Cecil, 'That before the winter is past a great deal will be in readiness for the new wall, as well as for making the curtain between the Catwell and the bulwark at St. Nicholas Ward, and for opening the ditch, that the flanks may serve to the point of the same bulwark.' They were now contemplating making the curtain between Bridge Gate and the Catwell, which was to be flanked for the purpose of stopping the back lanes that lead to the town, so that none can pass but by the Catwell. The work was actively carried on all the winter and during the spring of 1563, till the month of April, when, by some sudden whim, all progress was again stopped for the greater part of that year.

After Grey's death no new appointment was made for nearly a year; Sir Thomas Dacre, the Marshal, and Sir John Selby, the Master Porter, acted as deputies. A few unconnected incidents, which may be chronicled in order, are all that concerns our history for this year.

Earl Bothwell had an errand to Queen Mary's uncles in France, and was wrecked in passing along the coast. He escaped to Holy Island, where he was seized by Queen Elizabeth's agents, and where he was kept till orders were sent for his disposal. He had a packet of letters with him concerning the defeat of the Earl of Huntly, a Roman Catholic. In terror lest he should be delivered to the tender mercies of the Lords of the Congregation, he begged to be retained by Elizabeth, and promised that he would willingly serve her Majesty. He was handed over to Percy at Tynemouth, and thus passes out of our history.

About the same time another shipwreck occurred, which showed their frequency in those days. Clavering, who had then charge of Norham Castle, was blamed for taking away materials from the wreck. But Dacre excused the theft thus: Really, most of the goods were washed to sea, and the people hereabouts are not to blame. She is a mere wreck, with her keel upwards. The Admiralty, however, demanded £2,200 for the spoil, upon which Dacre added that this will be the ruin of this district, for the people got not £44 out of her. Clavering was Thomas Percy's deputy on the Borders, and Percy thus excused his lieutenants: He is grieved that no man is arrested, besides those of Norham, when all the world knows that the soldiers of Berwick had the spoil four hours before the Norham men came to it. Sir Ralph Grey has many of the goods ; divers gentlemen carried away two unbroken coffers each before Thomas Clavering. Sir James Crofts (who was the original offender in this business) had more than any ten there, although his "finesse" could well enough put the matter off.

The Scotch lords gave an account of another shipwreck to Sir Francis Leek. Thomas Kincaid and George Clapperton had sent a boat laden with dry fish and wheat to Berwick, and the said boat on the 12th inst. being within the haven, ran aground on the Spital side, when the inhabitants of Spital and other Englishmen came that night and spoiled the goods and merchandise forth of the boat, with all her apparrelling. The writer desires that restitution be made with all expedition.

Giles Cornwall was a noted captain of the garrison; an adventure of his occasioned many a hearty laugh in Berwick in these olden times. Giles was passing through Tweedmouth on a fine frosty day in February when he heard a noise in a house. He entered, and when he saw that soldiers caused the noise, he rebuked them. One returned upon him evil language and drew his weapon. Cornwall drew also, and in the scuffle gave him a dangerous blow on the head, and then departed. He made off to Berwick, where he was seized, and told that the man was dead. In the night he escaped in terror through the 'Windmillehole' and through the 'White Wall Postern,' and was found some time afterward at Coteford, in Northumberland, when, to his surprise, he was informed that his enemy had, in a few days, recovered from his hurt.

One act of particular condescension must be noticed. We have seen that Beverley, though only of Scotch extraction, was obliged to demit his office in Berwick; but we have now the fact that John Douglas, a Scotchman, had been preaching in Berwick, and had proved himself acceptable to Dacre, who sent to the Queen for permission for Douglas to stay with them. This permission was graciously granted. For maintenance of the garrison minister every officer was to give four days' wages and every other in 'Solde' two days. The Queen was to add £50 per annum.

The conduct of Valentine Brown, Treasurer, becomes very difficult to account for this year, especially if he was always a sober man. He was accused of Summoning riotous meetings of armed persons; he had liberated prisoners committed to ward; he had caused persons to assemble at night after the watch was set; he cast fireballs and squibs upon the walls, and he had disputed Dacre's authority. Brown made light of these accusations in a letter to Cecil: Has heard that he has been blown upon by Dacre and others, but he requires no favour.

Francis Russell, Earl of Bedford, received the appointment to the Governorship of Berwick in December, 1563, and he assumed the office in Berwick on the 29th March, 1564. For the first time in the Guild Books there is a notice of the incoming of the new Governor, which says that he was treated to a 'propine' of sugar and wine on his arriving in town, at a cost of £6 3s. 9d. After he was installed in office, some very sententious precepts were handed to him from Cecil for his guidance:

1. Think of some nobleman whom you can take as your pattern.
2. Consider your commission attentively.
3. Weigh well what comes before you.
4. Let your household be an example of order.
5. Allow no excess of apparel, no dispute of princes' affairs at table.
6. Be hospitable, but avoid excess.
7. Be impartial and easy of access.
8. Do not favour lawyers without honesty.
9. Try to make the country gentlemen agree; take their sons as your servants; train them in artillery, wrestling, etc.
10. Your doings have deserved praise; continue to deserve it.

No sooner was Bedford appointed than he complained of the defenceless state of the town. He finds the place weaker and less defensible than he conjectured, being, between the new and the defacing of the old, a thing of so little strength as a field is more guardable/ From this time, by means of this report, a new and steady effort was made to complete the walls and ramparts. In the beginning of this year the bulwarks called Meg's Mount and Hunsdon's Mount were nearly finished (...the two extreme bulwarks); Cumberland's, or Middle Mount, required some further work. The Brass Mount was not more than founded. The Windmill Mount was founded, but none of it was more than a few feet in height. This statement shows the work still to be done. Five hundred workmen and artisans were engaged for the completion of the work, and eight hundred soldiers of the garrison assisted in this laborious operation. The whole building went on apace save the work at the Brass Mount. After it was built up a certain height, the foundation slipped, for it consisted of loose gravel. The walls having cracked, the whole had to be pulled down, refounded, and rebuilt. This delayed the completion of the walls till near the close of 1565. The earthwork was not finished till the following year.

The engineers still continued to debate the question whether the Snook should be encircled with a wall—a wall taken from the Brass Mount to the top of the sea-cliff, then along the top of the cliff by the sea, right on by the Pier Road, till it joined the wall of the town at Hunsdon's Mount. Portinary, the Italian, had long held that this should be done. He was now supported by Jacob a Contio, a countryman of Portinary's, who had been brought to view the fortifications. William Pelham, sent by the Queen to aid in deciding about this debatable line, took the view of Lee, the resident engineer, that no such wall was necessary, which opinion, as it took less expense to carry it out, prevailed. The two Englishmen yielded to the Italians so far as to allow ' a ditch to be dug overthwart the Snook from the old Cowgate to the sea/ This is exactly the position of what is now called the € Covered Way.'

It has caused considerable debate in present times whence all the earth that rivets the walls and forms the bastions came. The fact seems very clear that there was more than sufficient at the time for all purposes. A contract was entered into with one John Fleming, of Berwick, for a thousand marks, to clear, especially from about the Cowgate, the clay that had accumulated there. He took it away to fill up some valleys in the 'Snowke' and cast the remainder into the sea. The mass of earth was undoubtedly furnished, partly, from the earthwork of the old wall, and, partly, from the ditch or moat that was dug around the present walls. This ditch was two hundred feet in width, and, in the middle of this ditch, there was another twelve feet broad and eight feet deep, which was always kept full of water. This would easily give the requisite mass of earth for all these purposes.

For the building of the walls the Queen's officers had seriously defaced the castle, and now contemplated the destruction of the Bell Tower. Lee recommended (and Bedford agreed with him) that the castle and Bell Tower should be levelled with the ground. The Queen at length ordered their demolition. Why this order was not carried into effect, there is no evidence to show. It was not for another century that the castle was thus hardly used; while the Bell Tower still stands, three hundred years after Sir Richard Lee, Surveyor of Berwick, had determined to raze it to the ground, the only remnant of that old line of fortification which Edward I. built, and Bruce did so much to strengthen.

The ownership of the 'Snowke' so frequently mentioned in these transactions, became at this time a matter of great dispute. It took folios to settle the question, whether it belonged to the Victualler to feed his beeves for her Majesty's service, to or the Surveyor that he might feed the horses necessary for the Queen's works going on at Berwick. After much time was wasted in this argument, it was found to belong to neither of them, but to the Mayor and Corporation, to whom it had been granted by Henry IV. in the year 1404 a.d.

The Borders had now, for some time, been moderately quiet, but this calm was again seriously disturbed—a consequence of the disorders in Scotland. On Darnley's marriage the Scots became arrogant. The death of Rizzio and the murder of Mary's husband intensified this feeling. During the next few years of Scotland's misrule, all life upon the Borders was stained with rapine and bloodshed. The Elliots had overthrown the Scots early in August, 1565; the Laird of 'Hakupe' was slain in Jedwart Forest—one 'tuik him on the heid and dang out all his harnes;' then thirty or forty Scots raided across the Border to Haggerston, where men and women were slain, horses and cattle as usual stolen. Supported by Bothwell's influence, the thieves continued to do great harm. The Berwick garrison were obliged to take part in the work. On the 5th January, 1566, being market-day, the Under-Marshal Drury (who had succeeded Dacre on Bedford's appointment), hearing that certain were spoiling, passed into the bounds with certain of the garrison without Bedford's knowledge, and, espying the reivers at 'Down's Law' coming with a trumpet in their company, appointed certain to prick at them. The reivers fled through Foulden and Eddington, where one of the Laird of Eddington's men told the Englishmen that his master was making ready to help them. After the English had passed, the Laird of Eddington, Davy Hume, and one of the Laird of Blacadder's sons rode to Chirnside, and then set upon them, hurt two and took seven, slew one horse and took eight. As the Scots denied they were in the bounds on that day, he straitly charged the Under-Marshal to tell the truth, i who said that two of the reivers were standing on a knoll within the Bounds, and that the rest had already passed the Bound Road.' Bedford commended his captain's action, and, finding no redress from the Queen of Scots, proceeded in the usual manner to take revenge. He sent certain captains with three hundred men of the old garrison of horsemen to Chirnside, to make search for his men, and to bring them away, with as many horses as would redeem theirs. However, his men brought sixteen men and forty-one nags. Four men were slain, and one boy, by chance, was shot with a harquebus. He has sent all back, save two men and seven horses.'

During the remainder of Bedford's residence here the Borders were in continual disturbance, which grew worse and worse, until he was recalled on the 9th October, 1567.

While Bedford was Governor, many notable persons visited Berwick. The Lords of the Congregation, after having had hard times in Scotland, came to see the town. Bedford wrote to Cecil to ask if they might walk on the walls, for they were all well affected. After their walk they passed into England, where they remained until 'David's' death, immediately after which they returned to take part in the stirring affairs which followed that event. Lord Darnley visited the town about the same time, but it seems to have been a mere pleasure excursion. Lord Seton, shortly after the last visitor had gone, fled to Berwick for refuge; for he had slain Francis Douglas, a Scotchman. Murray and Lethington were both here, travailing in peace-making to little purpose. Then, greater than all her lords, the Queen of Scotland came and looked upon it. After she had ridden that terrible ride to Hermitage, after her illness at Jedburgh and recovery therefrom, after she had actually been burned out of her house in Jedburgh, she turned towards Berwick. Word had been sent by Murray to Sir John Forster, deputy there, that as the Queen was passing to Coldingham, she desired to pass through part of the Bounds. Forster, at once, ordered the Master of the Ordnance to prepare the great guns, and ordered all the soldiers to be on the walls with armour and weapons. Leaving the Master in town, he took with him forty horsemen, and caused the gates to be locked after him, and so rode to the Bound Road and met her, with Murray, Huntly, Bothwell, Secretary Lethington, and Lord Hume, with five hundred horse. She came to Hallidoun Hill and, while she was there, the great ordnance shot off all that night.' So she passed towards Coldingham. Bedford, immediately after this, paid a return visit to Scotland, to be present at the naming of the Prince. On the 9th of December he rode towards Scotland with all the gentlemen that came to be with him. He expected to be met at the Bound Road and at Dunbar by a great company. He had received a letter from Elizabeth about the nomination of the child and thus was ready, when he got to Stirling, to give advice on this point if asked. Why Bedford should have troubled himself about the name is not easily comprehended. These creatures of Elizabeth's wrote about everything. Killigrew, at the Scotch Court, wrote Cecil thus: He was brought to the Queen's bedside, who received Queen Elizabeth's letter joyfully; was brought to the young Prince, whom he found sucking his "nourzee" Afterward he did see him as good as naked. His head, feet, and hands are, to his judgment, well proportioned.'*

Bedford's health was now beginning to give way, and he asked for recall from Cecil: Let me pray you have in remembrance my coming hence at Michaelmas ; for being subject to rheumes and catarres, as Dr. Hewycke, who knoweth best the state of my body and complexion, can declare. Fears this winter will make an end of me. I speak thus only for preservation of health.' He was recalled soon afterwards, and the management of the garrison fell upon Drury until a new appointment was made.