THERE is not a little consensus of opinion that
Wallace proceeded to France after the battle of Falkirk, but this part of
his career is vexatiously obscure.
Harry does not scruple to send Wallace to France, not
once only, but twice. The first visit extends from April 21 to the end of
August, in some year when Wallace was Guardian, and shortly before the
battle of Blackearnside. Wallace departs without announcing publicly his
intention; partly because he was aware that stout objections would be raised
to his going, partly because the English would be sure to take measures to
intercept him. Leaving the Steward as his substitute, he sailed in a fine
new barge from Kirkcudbright, with fifty men. Next morning he met with an
adventure. The Red Rover hove in sight; but the redoubtable pirate was
forced to strike his flag to Wallace, who spared his life. He turned out to
be a Frenchman, named Thomas de Longueville, who had hung out his 'red
blazon' because of injustices he had suffered. He received pardon and
knighthood, on Wallace's suggestion, from the French King; ever afterwards
he stood firmly by Wallace; and eventually he became lord of Kinfauns, near
Perth, where he founded, or continued by marriage with the heiress, the
family of Charteris. Landing at Rochelle, Wallace proceeded to Paris, where
he was cordially received by the French King. He soon tired of inaction,
however, and, getting together some 900 Scots, went to fight the English at
Guienne, his chief exploits being the capture of Schenoun (?Chinon) and
Bordeaux. Meantime, the Scots at home, being hard pressed, despatched
Guthrie to urge him to return. Guthrie sailed from Arbroath to Sluys, and,
having at length reached Wallace, brought him back by Paris to Sluys, and
landed him at Montrose. Wallace had been a little over four months absent.
The second visit Harry places immediately after
Wallace's resignation of the Guardianship, shortly after Falkirk. Wallace,
he says, sailed from Dundee in a merchant ship with eighteen companions.
Again he met with an adventure. Off the mouth of the Humber he encountered a
pirate, an Englishman this time, John of Lynn. Putting the crew down in the
hold out of his way, he engaged the pirate 18 to 14o, boarded him, and
killed him. From Sluys Wallace passed through Flanders to Paris, where the
King offered him the lordship of Guienne, which he declined. Again he
proceeds to Guienne; again he captures Schenoun; and again he besieges
Bordeaux. While staying at Schenoun, he finds that there is treachery in
France as well as in Scotland. Sent for by the King, he remains in the royal
household for two years; and even here he at length finds traitors at work.
He will stay no longer. The King gives him letters that had come from
Scotland urging his return, loads him with presents, and reluctantly parts
with him. Wallace sails from Sluys, and, passing up the Tay, lands at the
mouth of the Earn.
The two
visits are so similar in incident, that there is something to be said for
regarding them as variants of a single visit. The specific date of the first
visit must be wrong; nor is it easy to believe that Wallace would have left
the kingdom secretly—unless by 'secretly' Harry means what Sir Robert
Hastings means by 'without leave'—or have deputed the Steward to fill his
place. In itself, there is nothing improbable in the story of the Red Rover,
which Sir Walter Scott incorporated in The Fair Maid of Perth as 'given by
an ancient and uniform tradition, which carries in it great indications of
truth, and is warrant enough for its insertion in graver histories than'
that historical romance. The second visit is perplexed by one of Harry's
specific appeals to his 'auctor'; he rests his narrative of Blair's exploits
in the sea-fight on the account inserted by Gray (who represents himself as
an eye-witness) in the book that Harry professes to follow. In any case,
Wallace could hardly have spent two years at the French court. In the
existing lack of adequate criticism of Harry, one can only reproduce the
substance of the stories.
If
the author of the Muses' 7'hrenodie might be supposed to be independent of
Harry's influence, some interest might attach to the following verses
'I marvell our records nothing at all Do mention
Wallace going into France. How that can be forgote I greatlie scance;
For well I know all Gasconie and Guien Do hold that Wallace was a
mightie Gian Even to this day; in Rochel likewise found A towre from
Wallace' name greatly renown'd.'
The French Trouvères are said to have exercised their
poetic skill on the exploits of Wallace. But no aid appears to be now
derivable from that quarter: M. Michel states that the search for such
compositions has hitherto proved unavailing.
It is difficult to feel on more solid ground with the
annalist—Rishanger or another—when he states that Wallace, with five
knights, went to France after Falkirk, to ask aid of Philip; that at Amiens
he was ordered by Philip to be imprisoned and kept under observation—an
order that the Amiens people cheerfully obeyed, 'for much they loved the
King of England'; that Philip offered to deliver him to Edward; and that
Edward, with effusive thanks, begged Philip to keep him where he was. There
is nothing satisfactory here. Philip might indeed, in pressing
circumstances, have used Wallace as a political pawn; but we know that in
fact he treated him very differently. And it is extremely improbable that
Edward would have missed such an opportunity of taking his implacable and
vexatious foe into his own surer hands. We know how keen he was to catch
Lamberton; and Wallace would have been a vastly bigger prize.
More assistance is to be derived from Bishop
Stapleton's Kalendar of Treasury documents, compiled about 1323. One
interesting entry mentions 'certain letters of safe-conduct granted by
Philip King of France, John King of Scotland, and Haco King of Norway, to
William Wallace, enabling him to go to the realms of those kings, to sojourn
there, and to return; together with certain letters concerning "ordinances
and confederations" written to the said William by certain magnates of
Scotland.' These letters, it is added, were found on Wallace when he was
captured, and were delivered to Edward at Kingston by Sir John de Segrave.
They are now, unhappily, lost. The dates are not preserved in the Kalendar
entry. It is impossible, therefore, to do more than guess at the
circumstances of Wallace's proposed visit; and, so far as the entry goes, we
can only be certain that he seriously entertained the purpose of visiting
France—and possibly Norway—not that he actually carried out such purpose.
The inference that Wallace positively did visit France
may, however, be safely drawn from an existing letter of recommendation in
his favour. This letter may be translated as follows :-
'Philip, by the grace of God, King of the French, to
my beloved and trusty agents appointed to the court of Rome, greeting and
love. We command you to request the Supreme Pontiff to hold our beloved
William Wallace of Scotland, Knight, recommended to his favour in those
matters of business that he has to despatch with him. Given at Pierrepont on
Monday after the Feast of All Saints.'
This little document shows that Wallace had intended
to proceed to Rome, no doubt to urge the Pope to stronger action in favour
of Scotland, as against the encroachments of Edward. And it seems beyond
reasonable doubt that he was already at the court of Philip when he obtained
it. The absence of the year date is very tantalising.
Yet, may it not be fixed with fair certainty? On
August 20, 1299, Sir Robert Hastings, the castellan of Roxburgh, reported to
Edward an account of the stormy meeting of the Scots nobles at Peebles on
the preceding day, when, among other excitements, Sir David de Graham
demanded the lands and goods of Sir William Wallace, 'as he was going abroad
without leave.' True, Wallace's 'going abroad' may be nothing more than a
reported intention, the report not being necessarily trustworthy, though no
doubt honestly believed. Yet Sir Malcolm Wallace was present, and would
probably have known; but though he withstood Sir David, the grounds are not
stated. On the whole, however, it seems extremely probable that Wallace's
reported intention was a fact. If so, Philip's letter of recommendation
would readily fall to 1299.
Burton regrets 'that there is nothing to inform us distinctly whether the
scraps of evidence alluded to are or are not connected with eminent
diplomatic services performed by the popular hero.' There can be no
reasonable question that they are connected with a specific effort of
Wallace's at least to attempt to perform diplomatic services. It may be
taken as certain that Wallace did not go to France on private business, or
for mere pleasure, or even in disgust with the nobles. Lamberton had just
returned from a substantially unsuccessful mission to France; and it seems
extremely likely that Wallace had determined to go and see what he could do
in person.
It is historically
certain, then, that Wallace visited Philip at least once; that he intended
to visit the Pope, and perhaps the King of Norway, if he did not actually do
so; and that he used every possible opportunity on such visits to further
the interests of Scotland to the utmost of his power. It is apparently
beyond doubt that his mission was not official; but, in any case, his fame
would give him a hardly less influential standing. The Pope's spurt of
valorous policy about the time \\rallace would have been in Rome may entitle
us to reckon him among the 'enemies of peace' Edward then complained of so
bitterly. Scanty and dim as the facts are, such inferences appear to be
historically reasonable, if not inevitable.
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