THE month of August is to the year what Sunday is
to the week. During that month a section of the working world rests. Bradshaw is
consulted, portmanteaus are packed, knapsacks are strapped on,
steamboats and railway carriages are crammed, and from Calais to Venice
the tourist saunters and looks about him. It is absolutely necessary
that the Briton should have, each year, one month’s cessation from
accustomed labour. He works hard, puts money in his purse, and it is his
whim, when August comes, by way of recreation, to stalk deer on Highland
corries, to kill salmon in Norwegian fords, to stand on the summit of
Mont Blanc, and to perambulate the pavements of Madrid, Naples, and St
Petersburg. To rush over the world during vacation is a thing on which
the respectable Briton sets his heart. To remain at home is to lose
caste and self-respect. People do not care one rush for the Rhine; but
that sacred stream they must behold each year or die. Of all the deities
Fashion has the most zealous votaries. No one can boast a more extensive martyrology. Her
worshippers are terribly sincere, and many a secret penance do they
undergo, and many a flagellation do they inflict upon themselves in
private.
Early in the month in which English tourists descend
on the Continent in a shower of gold, it has been my custom, for several
years back, to seek refuge in the Hebrides. I love Loch Snizort better
than the Mediterranean, and consider Duntulme more impressive than the
Drachenfels. I have never seen the Alps, but the Cuchullins content me.
Haco interests me more than Charlemagne. I confess to a strong affection
for those remote regions. Jaded and nervous with eleven months’ labour
or disappointment, there will
a man find the medicine of silence and repose. Pleasant, after poring
over books, to watch the cormorant at early morning flying with
outstretched neck over the bright frith; pleasant, lying in some sunny
hollow at noon, to hear the sheep bleating above; pleasant at evening to
listen to wild stories of the isles told by the peat-fire; and
pleasantest of all, lying awake at midnight, to catch, muffled by
distance, the thunder of the northern sea, and to think of all the ears
the sound has filled. In Skye one is free of one’s century; the
present wheels away into silence
and remoteness; you see the ranges of brown shields, and hear the
shoutings of the Bare Sarks.
The benefit to be derived
from vacation is a mental benefit mainly. A man does not require change
of air so much as change of scene. It is well that he should for a space
breathe another mental atmosphere—it is better that he should get
release from the familiar cares that, like swallows, build and bring
forth under the eaves of his mind, and which are continually jerking and
twittering about there. New air for the lungs, new objects for the eye,
new ideas for the brain—these a vacation should always bring a man;
and these are to be found in Skye rather than in places more remote. In
Skye the Londoner is visited with a stranger sense of foreignness than
in Holland or in Italy. The island has not yet, to any considerable
extent, been overrun by the tourist. To visit Skye is to make a progress
into "the dark backward and abysm of time." You turn your back
on the present and walk into antiquity. You see everything in the light
of Ossian, as in the light of a mournful sunset. With a Norse murmur the
blue Lochs come running in. The Canongate of Edinburgh is Scottish
history in stone and lime; but in Skye you stumble on matters older
still. Everything about the traveller is remote and strange. You hear a
foreign language; you are surrounded by Macleods, Macdonalds, and
Nicolsons; you come on gray stones standing upright on the moor—
marking the site of a battle, or the burial-place of a chief. You listen
to traditions of ancient skirmishes; you sit on ruins of ancient date,
in which Ossian might have sung. The Loch yonder was darkened by the
banner of King Haco. Prince Charles wandered over this heath, or slept
in that cave. The country is thinly peopled, and its solitude is felt as
a burden. The precipices of the Storr lower grandly over the sea; the
eagle has yet its eyrie on the ledges of the Cuchullins. The sound of
the sea is continually in your ears; the silent armies of mists and
vapours perpetually deploy; the wind is gusty on the moor; and ever and
anon the jags of the hills are obscured by swirls of fiercely-blown
rain. And more than all, the island is pervaded by a subtle spiritual
atmosphere. It is as strange to the mind as it is to the eye. Old songs
and traditions are the spiritual analogues of old castles and
burying-places, and old songs and traditions you have in abundance.
There is a smell of the sea in the material air; and there is a ghostly
something in the air of the imagination. There are prophesying voices
amongst the hills of an evening. The raven that flits across your path
is a weird thing—mayhap by the spell of some strong enchanter, a human
soul is balefully imprisoned in the’ hearse-like carcass. You hear the
stream, and the voice of the kelpie in it. You breathe again the air of
old story-books; but they are northern, not eastern ones. To what better
place, then, can the tired man go? There he will find refreshment and
repose. There the wind blows out on him from another century. The Sahara
itself is not a greater contrast from the London street than is the Skye
wilderness.
The chain of islands on
the western coast of Scotland, extending from Bute in the throat of the
Clyde, beloved of invalids, onward to St Kilda, looking through a cloud
of gannets toward the polar night, was originally an appanage of the
crown of Norway. In the dawn of history there is a noise of Norsemen
around the islands, as there is to-day a noise of sea-birds. There
fought, as old sagas tell, Anund, the stanchest warrior that ever did
battle on wooden leg. Wood-foot he was called by his followers. When he
was fighting his hardest, his men used to shove toward him a block of
wood, and resting his maimed limb on that, he laid about him right
manfully. From the islands also sailed Helgi, half-pagan,
half-Christian. Helgi was much mixed in his faith; he was a good
Christian in time of peace, but the aid of Thor he was always certain to
invoke when he sailed on some dangerous expedition, or when he entered
into battle. Old Norwegian castles, perched on the bold Skye headlands,
yet moulder in hearing of the surge. The sea-rovers come no longer in
their dark galleys, but hill and dale wear ancient names that sigh to
the Norway pine. The inhabitant of Mull or Skye perusing the "Burnt
Njal," is struck most of all by the names of localities—because
they are almost identical with the names of localities in his own
neighbourhood. The Skye headlands of Trotternish, Greshornish, and
Vaternish, look northward to Norway headlands that wear the same or
similar names. Professor Munch, of Christiania, states that the names of
many of the islands, Arran, Gigha, Mull, Tyree, Skye, Raasay, Lewes, and
others, are in their original form Norwegian and not Gaelic. The
Hebrides have received a Norse baptism. Situated as these islands are
between Norway and Scotland, the Norseman found them convenient
stepping-stones, or resting-places, on his way to the richer southern
lands. There he erected temporary strongholds, and founded settlements.
Doubtless, in course of time, the son of the Norseman looked on the
daughter of the Celt, and saw that she was fair, and a mixed race was
the result of alliances. To this day in the islands the Norse element is
distinctly visible—not only in old castles, the names of places, but
in the faces and entire mental build of the people. Claims of pure
Scandinavian descent are put forward by many of the old families.
Wandering up and down the islands you encounter faces that possess no
Celtic characteristics; which carry the imagination to
"Noroway ower the faem ;"
people with cool calm
blue eyes, and hair yellow as the dawn; who are resolute and persistent,
slow in pulse and speech; and who differ from the explosive Celtic
element surrounding them as the iron headland differs from the fierce
surge that washes it, or a block of marble from the heated palm pressed
against it. The Hebrideans are a mixed race; in them the Norseman and
the Celt are combined, and here and there is a dash of Spanish blood
which makes brown the cheek and darkens the eye. This southern admixture
may have come about through old trading relations with the Peninsula—perhaps
the wrecked Armada may have had something to do with it. The Highlander
of Sir Walter, like the Red Indian of Cooper, is to a large extent an
ideal being. But as Uncas does really wear war-paint, wield a tomahawk,
scalp his enemies, and, when the time comes, can stoically die, so the
Highlander possesses many of the qualities popularly ascribed to him.
Scott exaggerated only; he did not invent. He looked with a poet’s eye
on the district north of the Grampians—a vision keener than any other
for what is, but which burdens, and supplements, and glorifies—which,
in point of fact, puts a nimbus around everything. The Highlander stands
alone amongst the British people. For generations his land was shut
against civilisation by mountain and forest and intricate pass. While
the large drama of Scottish history was being played out in the
Lowlands, he was busy in his mists with narrow clan-fights and revenges.
While the southern Scot owed allegiance to the Jameses, he was subject
to Lords of the Isles, and to Duncans and Donalds innumerable; while the
one thought of Flodden, the other remembered the "sair field of the
Harlaw." The Highlander was, and is still so far as circumstances
permit, a proud, loving, punctilious being: full of loyalty, careful of
social distinction; with a bared head for his chief, a jealous eye for
his equal, an armed heel for his inferior. He loved the valley in which
he was born, the hills on the horizon of his childhood; his sense of
family relationship was strong, and around him widening rings of
cousinship extended to the very verge of the clan. The Isles-man is a
Highlander of the Highlanders; modern life took longer in reaching him,
and his weeping climate, his misty wreaths and vapours, and the silence
of his moory environments, naturally continued to act upon and to shape
his character. He is song-loving, "of imagination all compact
;" and out of the natural phenomena of his mountain region—his
mist and rain-cloud, wan sea-setting of the moon, stars glancing through
rifts of vapour, blowing wind and broken rainbows—he has drawn his
poetry and his superstition. His mists give him the shroud high on the
living heart, the sea-foam gives him an image of the whiteness of the
breasts of his girls, and the broken rainbow of their blushes. To a
great extent his climate has made him what he is. He is a child of the
mist. His songs are melancholy for the most part; and you may discover
in his music the monotony of the brown moor, the seethe of the wave on
the rock, the sigh of the wind in the long grasses of the deserted
churchyard. The musical instrument in which he chiefly delights renders
most successfully the coronach and the battle-march. The Highlands are
now open to all the influences of civilisation. The inhabitants wear
breeches and speak English even as we. Old gentlemen peruse their Times
with spectacles on nose. Young lads construe "Cornelius Nepos,"
even as in other quarters of the British islands. Young ladies knit, and
practise music, and wear crinoline. But the old descent and breeding are
visible through all modern disguises: and your Highlander at Oxford or
Cambridge—discoverable not only by his rocky countenance, but by some
dash of wild blood, or eccentricity, or enthusiasm, or logical twist and
turn of thought—is as much a child of the mist as his ancestor who,
three centuries ago, was called a "wilde man" or a "red
shanks;" who could, if need were, live on a little oatmeal, sleep
in snow, and, with one hand on the stirrup, keep pace with the swiftest
horse, let the rider spur never so fiercely. It is in the Isles,
however, and particularly amongst the old Islesmen, that the Highland
character is, at this day, to be found in its purity. There, in the
dwelling of the proprietor, or still more in that of the large sheep
farmer— who is of as good blood as the laird himself—you find the
hospitality, the prejudice, the generosity, the pride of birth, the
delight in ancient traditions, which smack of the antique time. Love of
wandering, and pride in military life, have been characteristic of all
the old families. The pen is alien to their fingers, but they have
wielded the sword industriously. They have had representatives in every
Peninsular and Indian battle-field. India has been the chosen field of
their activity. Of the miniatures kept in every family more than
one-half are soldiers, and several have attained to no inconsiderable
rank. The Island of Skye has itself given to the British and Indian
armies at least a dozen generals. And in other services the Islesman has
drawn his sword. Marshal Macdonald had Hebridean blood in his veins; and
my friend Mr M’Ian remembers meeting him at Armadale Castle while
hunting up his relations in the island, and tells me that he looked like
a Jesuit in his long coat. And lads, to whom the profession of arms has
been shut, have gone to plant indigo in Bengal or coffee in Ceylon, and
have returned with gray hairs to the island to spend their money there,
and to make the stony soil a little greener; and during their thirty
years of absence Gaelic did not moulder on their tongues, nor did their
fingers forget their cunning with the pipes. The palm did not obliterate
the memory of the birch; nor the slow up-swelling of the tepid wave, and
its long roar of frothy thunder on the flat red sands at Madras, the
coasts of their childhood and the smell and smoke of burning kelp.
The important names in
Skye are Macdonald and Macleod. Both are of great antiquity, and it is
as difficult to discover the source of either in history as it is to
discover the source of the Nile in the deserts of Central Africa.
Distance in the one case appals the geographer, and in the other the
antiquary. Macdonald is of pure Celtic origin, it is understood; Macleod
was originally a Norseman. Macdonald was the Lord of the Isles, and more
than once crossed swords with Scottish kings. Time has stripped him of
royalty, and the present representative of the family is a Baron merely.
He sits in his modern castle of Armadale amid pleasant larch
plantations, with the figure of Somerlid—the half mythical founder of
his race—in the large window of his hall. The two families
intermarried often and quarrelled oftener. They put wedding rings on
each other’s fingers and dirks into each other’s hearts. Of the two,
Macleod had the darker origin; and around his name there lingers a
darker poetry. Macdonald sits in his new castle in sunny Sleat with a
southern outlook—Macleod retains his old eyrie at Dunvegan, with its
drawbridge and dungeons. At night he can hear the sea beating on the
base of his rock. His "maidens" are wet with the sea foam. His
mountain "tables" are shrouded with the mists of the Atlantic.
He has a fairy flag in his possession. The rocks and mountains around
him wear his name even as of old did his clansmen. "Macleod’s
country," the people yet call the northern portion of the island.
In Skye song and tradition Macdonald is like the green strath with
milkmaids milking kine in the fold at sunset, with fishers singing songs
as they mend brown nets on the shore. Macleod, on the other hand, is of
darker and drearier import—like a wild rocky spire of Quirang or Storr,
dimmed with the flying vapour and familiar with the voice of the blast
and the wing of the raven. "Macleod’s country" looks toward
Norway with the pale headlands of Greshornish, Trotternish, and Durinish.
The portion of the island which Macdonald owns is comparatively soft and
green, and lies to the south.
The Western Islands lie
mainly out of the region of Scottish history, and yet by Scottish
history they are curiously touched at intervals, Skye more particularly
so. In 1263 when King Haco set out on his great expedition against
Scotland with one hundred ships and twenty thousand men—an Armada, the
period taken into consideration, quite as formidable as the more famous
and ill-fated Spanish one some centuries later—the multitude of his
sails darkened the Skye lochs. Snizort speaks of him yet. He passed
through the Kyles, breathed for a little while at Kerrera, and then
swept down on the Ayrshire coast, where King Alexander awaited him, and
where the battle of Largs was fought.*
[* This battle
occupies the same place in early Scottish annals that Trafalgar or
Waterloo occupies in later British ones. It stands in the dawn of Scottish
history—resonant, melodious. Unhappily, however, the truth must be told—the
battle was a drawn one, neither side being able to claim the victory.
Professor Munch, in his notes to "The Chronicle of Man and the
Sudreys," gives the following account of the combat, and of the
negotiations that preceded it:-
"When King Hacon
appeared off Ayr, and anchored at Arran, King Alexander, who appears to
have been present himself at Ayr, or in the neighbourhood of the town,
with the greater part of his forces, now opened negotiations, sending
several messages by Franciscan or Dominican Friars for the purpose of
treating for peace. Nor did King Hacon show himself unwilling to
negotiate, and proved this sufficiently by permitting Eogan of Argyll to
depart in peace, loading him, moreover, with presents, on the condition
that he should do his best to bring about a reconciliation,—Eogan
pledging himself; if he did not succeed, to return to King Hacon. Perhaps
it was due to the exertions of Eogan, that a truce was concluded, In order
to commence negotiations in a more formal manner. King Hacon now
despatched an embassy, consisting of two bishops, Gilbert of Hamar, and
Henry of Orkney, with three barons, to Alexander, whom they found at Ayr.
They were well received, but could not get any definite answer,—Alexander
alleging that, before proposing the conditions, he must consult with his
councillors; this done, he should not fail to let King Hacon know the
result. The Norwegian messengers, therefore, returned to their king, who
meanwhile had removed to Bute. The next day, however, messengers arrived
from King Alexander, bringing a list of those isles which he would not
resign,—viz., Arran, Bute, and the Cumreys, (that is, generally
speaking, the isles inside Kentire,) which implies that he now offered to
renounce his claim to all the others. It is certainly not to be wondered
at that he did not like to see those isles, which commanded the entrance
to the Clyde, in the hands of another power. King Hacon, however, had
prepared another list, which contained the names of all those isles which
he claimed for the crown of Norway; and although the exact contents are
not known, there can be no doubt that at least Arran and Bute were among
the number. The Saga says that, on the whole, there was, after all, no
great difference, but that, nevertheless, no final reconciliation could be
obtained,—the Scotchmen trying only to protract the negotiations because
the summer was past, and the bad weather was begun. The Scotch messengers
at last returned, and King Hacon removed with the fleet to the Cumreys,
near Largs, in the direction of Cuningham, no doubt with a view of being
either nearer at hand if the negotiations failed, and a landing was to be
effected, or only of intimidating his opponents and hastening the
conclusion of the peace, as the roadstead in itself seems to have been far
less safe than that of Lamlash or Bute. King Alexander sent, indeed,
several messages, and it was agreed to hold a new congress a little
farther up in the country, which shows that King Alexander now had removed
from Ayr to a spot nearer Largs, perhaps to Camphill, (on the road from
Largs to Kilbirnie,) where a local tradition states the king encamped. The
Norwegian messengers were, as before, some bishops and barons; the Scotch
commissaries were some knights and monks. The deliberations were long, but
still without any result. At last, when the day was declining, a crowd of
Scotchmen began to gather, and, as it continued to increase, the
Norwegians, not thinking themselves safe, returned without having obtained
anything. The Norwegian warriors now demanded earnestly that the truce
should be renounced, because their provisions had begun to be scarce, and
they wanted to plunder. King Hacon accordingly sent one of his esquires,
named Kolbein, to King Alexander with the letter issued by this monarch,
ordering him to claim back that given by himself and thus declare the
truce to be ended, previously, however, proposing that both kings should
meet at the head of their respective armies, and try a personal conference
before coming to extremities; only, if that failed, they might go to
battle as the last expedient. King Alexander, however, did not declare his
intention plainly, and Kolbein, tired of waiting, delivered up the letter,
got that of King Hacon back, and thus rescinded the truce. He was escorted
to the ships by two monks. Kolbein, when reporting to King Hacon his
proceedings, told him that Eogan of Argyll had earnestly tried to persuade
King Alexander from fighting with the Norwegians. It does not seem,
however, that Eogan went back to King Hacon according to his promise. This
monarch now was greatly exasperated, and desired the Scottish monks, when
returning, to tell their king that he would very soon recommence the
hostilities, and try the issue of a battle.
"Accordingly, King
Hacon detached King Dugald, Alan M’Rory his brother, Angus of Isla,
Murchard of Kentire, and two Norwegian commanders, with sixty ships, to
sail into Loch Long, and ravage the circumjacent ports, while he prepared
to land himself with the main force at Largs, and fight the Scottish army.
The detachment does not appear to have met with any serious resistance,
all the Scotch forces being probably collected near Largs. The banks of
Loch Lomond and the whole of Lennox were ravaged. Angus even ventured
across the country to the other side, probably near Stirling, killing men
and taking a great number of cattle. This done, the troops who had been on
shore returned to the ships. Here, however, a terrible storm, which blew
for two days, (Oct. 1 and 2,) wrecked ten vessels; and one of the
Norwegian captains was taken sick, and died suddenly.
"Also the main fleet,
off Largs, suffered greatly by the same tempest. It began in the night
between Sunday (Sept. 30) and Monday (Oct. 1,) accompanied by violent
showers. A large transport vessel drifted down on the bow of the royal
ship, swept off the gallion, and got foul of the cable ; it was at last
cast loose and drifted toward the island; but on the royal ship it had
been necessary to remove the usual awnings and covers, and in the morning
(Oct. 1) when the flood commenced, the wind likewise turned, and the
vessel, along with another vessel of transport and a ship of war, was
driven on the main beach, where it stack fast, the royal ship drifting
down while with five anchors, and only stopped when the eighth had been
let go. The king had found it safest to land in a boat on the Cumrey, with
the clergy, who celebrated mass, the greater part believing that the
tempest had been raised by witch craft. Soon the other ships began to
drift; several had to cut away the masts; five drifted towards the shore,
and three went aground. The men on board these ships were now dangerously
situated, because the Scotch, who from their elevated position could see
very well what passed in the fleet, sent down detachments against them,
while the storm prevented their comrades in the fleet from coming to their
aid. They manned, however, the large vessel which had first drifted on
shore, and defended themselves as well as they could against the superior
force of the enemy, who began shooting at them. Happily the storm abated a
little, and the king was not only able to return on board his ships, but
even sent them some aid in boats; the Scotch were put to flight, and the
Norwegians were able to pass the night on shore. Yet, in the dark, some
Scots found their way to the vessel and took what they could. In the
morning (Tuesday, Oct. 2,) the king himself, with some barons and some
troops, went to shore in boats to secure the valuable cargo of the
transport, or what was left of it, in which they succeeded. Now, however,
the main army of the Scots was seen approaching, and the king, who at
first meant to remain on shore and head his troops himself, was prevailed
upon by his men, who feared lest he should expose himself too much, to
return on board his ship. The number of the Norwegians left on shore did
not exceed 1000 men, 240 of whom, commanded by the Baron Agmund Krokidans,
occupied a hillock, the rest were stationed on the beach. The Scotch, it
is related in the Saga, had about 600 horsemen in armour, several of whom
had Spanish steeds, all covered with mail; they had a great deal of
infantry, well armed, especially with bows and Lochaber axes.
The Norwegians believed
that King Alexander himself was in the army: perhaps this is true. We
learn, however, from Fordun that the real commander was Alexander of
Dundonald, the Stewart of Scotland. The Scotch first attacked the knoll
with the 240 men, who retired slowly, always facing the enemy and
fighting; but in retracing their steps down hill, as they could not avoid
accelerating their movement as the impulse increased, those on the beach
believed that they were routed, and a sudden panic betook them for a
moment, which cost many lives; as the boats were too much crowded they
sank with their load; others, who did not reach the boats, fled in a
southerly direction, and were pursued by the Scotch, who killed many of
them; others sought refuge in the aforesaid stranded vessel: at last they
rallied behind one of the stranded ships of war, and an obstinate battle
began; the Norwegians, now that the panic was over, fighting desperately.
Then it was that the young and valiant Piers of Curry, of whom even Fordun
and Wyntown speak, was killed by the Norwegian baron Andrew Nicholasson,
after having twice ridden through the Norwegian ranks. The storm for a
while prevented King Hacon from aiding his men, and the Scotch being
tenfold stronger, began to get the upper hand; but at last two barons
succeeded in landing with fresh troops, when the Scotch were gradually
driven back upon the knoll, and then put to flight towards the hills. This
done, the Norwegians returned on board the ships; on the following morning
(Oct. 3) they returned on shore to carry away the bodies of the slain,
which, it appears, they effected quite unmolested by the enemy; all the
bodies were carried to a church, no doubt in Bute, and there buried. The
next day, (Thursday, Oct. 4) the king removed his ship farther out under
the island, and the same day the detachment arrived which had been sent to
Loch Long. The following day, (Friday, Oct. 5,) the weather being fair,
the king sent men on shore to burn the stranded ships, which likewise
appears to have been effected without any hindrance from the enemy. On the
same day he removed with the whole fleet to Lamlash harbour."
With what a curious
particularity the Saga relates the events of this smokeless ancient combat—so
different from modern ones, where "the ranks are rolled in vapour,
and the winds are laid with sound"—and how Piers of Curry,
"who had ridden twice through the Norwegian ranks," towers
amongst the combatants! As the describer of battles, since the invention
of gunpowder, Homer would be no better than Sir Archibald Alison. We have
more explicit information as to this skirmish on the Ayrshire coast in the
thirteenth century than we have concerning the battle of Solferino; and
yet King Hacon has been in his grave these five centuries, and Napoleon
III. and Kaiser Joseph yet live. And "Our Own Correspondent" had
not come into the world at that date either.]
After the battle Haco,
grievously tormented by tempests, sailed for Norway, where he died. This
was the last invasion of the Northmen, and a few years after the islands
were formally ceded to Scotland. Although ceded, however, they could
hardly be said to be ruled by the Scottish kings. After the termination of
the Norway government, the Hebrides were swayed by the Macdonalds, who
called themselves Lords of the Isles. These chieftains waxed powerful, and
they more than once led the long-haired Islesmen into Scotland, where they
murdered, burned, and ravaged without mercy. In 1411 Donald, one of those
island kings, descended on the mainland, and was sorely defeated by the
Earl of Mar at Harlaw, near Aberdeen. By another potentate of the same
stock the counties of Ross and Moray were ravaged in 1456. In the Western
Islands the Macdonalds exercised authentic sovereignty; they owned
allegiance to the Scottish king when he penetrated into their remote
dominions, and disowned it whenever he turned his back. The Macdonald
dynasty, or quasi dynasty, existed till 1536, when the last Lord of the
Isles died without an heir, and when there was no shoulder on which the
mantle of his authority could fall.
How the Macdonalds came
into their island throne it would be difficult, by the flickering
rush-light of history, to discover. But wandering up and down the islands,
myself and the narrator swathed in a film of blue peat-smoke, a ray of
dusty light streaming in through the green bull’s-eye in the window, I
have heard the following account given :—The branches of the Macdonald
family, Macdonald of Sleat, Clanranald, who wears the white heather in his
bonnet, the analogue of the white rose, and which has been dipped in blood
quite as often, Keppoch, one of whose race fell at Culloden, and the rest,
were descended from a certain Godfrey, King of Argyll. This Godfrey had
four sons, and one of them was named Somerlid, youngest, bravest,
handsomest of all. But un-happily Somerlid was without ambition. While his
brothers were burning and ravaging and slaying, grasping lands and running
away with rich heiresses, after the fashion of promising young gentlemen
of that era, the indolent and handsome giant employed himself in hunting
and fishing. His looking-glass was the stream; his drinking. cup the heel
of his shoe; he would rather spear a salmon than spear his foe; he burned
no churches, the only throats he cut were the throats of deer; he cared
more to caress the skins of seals and otters than the shining hair of
women. Old Godfrey liked the lad’s looks, but had a contempt for his
peaceful ways, and, shaking his head, thought him little better than a ne’er-do-weel
or a silly one. But for all that, there was a deal of unsuspected matter
in Somerlid. At present he was peaceful as a torch or a beacon—unlit.
The hour was coming when he would be changed; when he would blaze like a
brandished torch, or a beacon on a hill-top against which the wind is
blowing.
It so happened that the men
of the Western Isles had lost their chief. There was no one to lead them
to battle, and it was absolutely necessary that a leader should be
procured. Much meditating to whom they should offer their homage they
bethought themselves of the young hunter chasing deer on the Argylishire
hills. A council was held; and it was resolved that a deputation should be
sent to Somerlid to state their case, and to offer that if he should
accept the office of chieftain, he and his children should be their
chieftains for ever. In some half-dozen galleys the deputation set sail,
and finally arrived at the court of old Godfrey. When they told what they
wanted, that potentate sent them to seek Somerlid; and him they found
fishing. Somerlid listened to their words with an unmoved countenance; and
when they were done, he went aside a little to think over the matter. That
done he came forward; "Islesmen," he said, "there’s a
newly-run salmon in the black pool yonder. If I catch him, I shall go with
you as your chief; if I catch him not, I shall remain where I am." To
this the men of the Isles were agreeable, and they sat down on the banks
of the river to watch the result. Somerlid threw his line over the black
pool, and in a short time the silvery mail of the salmon was gleaming on
the yellow sands of the river bank. When they saw this the Isles-men
shouted; and so after bidding farewell to his father, the elect of the
thousands stepped into the largest galley, and with the others in his
wake, sailed toward Skye a chief!
When was there a warrior
like Somerlid? He spoiled and ravaged like an eagle. He delighted in
battle. He rolled his garments in blood. He conquered island after island;
he went out with empty galleys, and he returned with them filled with
prey, his oarsmen singing his praises. He built up his island throne. He
was the first Lord of the Isles; and from his loins sprung all the Lords
of the Isles that ever were. He was a Macdonald, and from him the
Macdonalds of Sleat are descended. He wore a tartan of his own, which only
the Prince of Wales and the young Lord Macdonald, sitting to-day in Eton
school, are entitled to wear. And if at any time I ventured to impugn the
truth of this legend, I was told that if I went to Armadale Castle I
should see the image of Somerlid in the great
window of the hall. That was surely confirmation of the truth of the
story. He must surely be a sceptical Sassenach who would disbelieve after
witnessing that.
Although the Lords of the
Isles exercised virtual sovereignty in the Hebrides, the Jameses made many
attempts to break their power and bring them into subjection. James I.
penetrated into the Highlands, and assembled a Parliament at Inverness in
1427. He enticed many of the chiefs to his court, and seized, imprisoned,
and executed several of the more powerful. Those who escaped with their
lives were forced to deliver up hostages. In fact, the Scottish kings
looked upon the Highlanders very much as they looked upon the borderers.
In moments of fitful energy they broke on the Highlands just as they broke
upon Ettrick and Liddesdale, and hanged and executed right and left. One
of the Acts of Parliament of James IV. declared that the Highlands and
Islands had become savage for want of a proper administration of justice;
and James V. made a voyage to the Islands in 1536, when many of the chiefs
were captured and carried away. It was about this time that the last Lord
of the Isles died. The Jameses were now kings of the Highlands and
Islands, but they were only kings in a nominal sense. Every chief regarded
himself as a sort of independent prince. The Highland chieftains appeared
at Holyrood, it is true; but they drew dirks and shed blood in the
presence; they were wanting in reverence for the sceptre; they brought
their own feuds with them to the Scottish court, and when James VI.
attempted to dissolve these feuds in the wine cup, he met with but
indifferent success. So slight was lawful authority in 1589 that the
island of the Lewes was granted by the crown to a body of Fife gentlemen,
if they would but take and hold possession—just as the lands of the
rebellious Maories might be granted to the colonists at the present day.
Many a gallant ship of the
Spanish Armada was wrecked on the shores of the Western Islands, on the
retreat to Spain; and a gun taken from one of these, it is said, lies at
Dunstaffnage Castle. In the Islands you yet come across Spanish names, and
traces of Spanish blood; and the war ships of Spain that came to grief on
the bleak headlands of Skye and Lewes, may have something to do with that.
Where the vase is broken there still lingers the scent of the roses. The
connexion between Spain and the Western Islands is little more than a mere
accident of tempest. Then came the death of Elizabeth and the accession of
James to the English throne; and the time was fast approaching when the
Highlander would become a more important personage than ever; when the
claymore would make its mark in British History.
At first sight it is a
matter of wonder that the clans should ever have become Jacobite. They
were in nowise indebted to the house of Stuart. With the Scottish kings
the Highlands and Islands were almost continually at war. When a James
came amongst the northern chieftains he carried an ample death-warrant in
his face. The presents he brought were the prison key, the hangman’s
rope, the axe of the executioner. When the power departed from the Lords
of the Isles, the clans regarded the king who sat in Holyrood as their
nominal superior; but they were not amenable to any central law; each had
its own chief—was self-contained, self-governed, and busy with its own
private revenges and forays. When the Lowland burgher was busy with
commerce, and the Lowland farmer was busy with his crops, the clansman
walked his misty mountains very much as his fathers did centuries before;
and his hand was as familiar with the hilt of his broadsword as the hand
of the Perth burgher with the ellwand, or that of the farmer of the
Lothians with the plough-shaft. The Lowlander had become industrious and
commercial; the Highlander still loved the skirmish and the raid. The
Lowlands had become rich in towns, in money, in goods; the Highlands were
rich only in swordsmen. When Charles’s troubles with his Parliament
began, the valour of the Highlands was wasting itself; and Montrose was
the first man who saw how that valour could be utilised. Himself a feudal
chief, and full of feudal feeling, when he raised the banner of the king
he appealed to the ancient animosities of the clans. His arch-foe was
Argyll; he knew that Campbell was a widely-hated name; and that hate he
made his recruiting sergeant. He bribed the chiefs, but his bribe was
revenge. The mountaineers flocked to his standard; but they came to serve
themselves rather than to serve Charles. The defeat of Argyll might be a
good thing for the king; but with that they had little concern—it was
the sweetest of private revenges, and righted a century of wrongs. The
Macdonalds of Sleat fought under the great Marquis at Inverlochy; but the
Skye shepherd considers only that on that occasion his forefathers had a
grand slaying of their hereditary enemies—he has no idea that the
interest of the king was at all involved in the matter. While the battle
was proceeding, blind Allan sat on the castle walls with a little boy
beside him; the boy related how the battle went, and the bard wove the
incidents into extemporaneous song—full of scorn and taunts when the
retreat of Argyll in his galley is described—full of exultation when the
bonnets of fifteen hundred dead Campbells are seen floating in the Lochy—and
blind Allan’s song you can hear repeated in Skye at this day. When the
splendid career of Montrose came to an end at Philiphaugh, the clansmen
who won his battles for him were no more adherents of the king than they
had been centuries before: but then they had gratified hatred; they had
had ample opportunities for plunder; the chiefs had gained a new
importance; they had been assured of the royal gratitude and remembrance;
and if they received but scant supplies of royal gold, they were promised
argosies. By fighting under Montrose they were in a sense committed to the
cause of the king; and when at a later date Claverhouse again raised the
royal standard, that argument was successfully used. They had already
served the house of Stuart; they had gained victories in its behalf: the
king would not always be in adversity; the time would come when he would
be able to reward his friends; having put their hands to the plough it
would be folly to turn back. And so a second time the clans rose, and at
Killiecrankie an avalanche of kilted men broke the royal lines, and in a
quarter of an hour a disciplined army was in ruins, and the bed of the
raging Garry choked with corpses. By this time the Stuart cause had gained
a footing in the Highlands, mainly from the fact that the clans had twice
fought in its behalf. Then a dark whisper of the massacre of Glencoe
passed through the glens—and the clansmen believed that the princes they
had served would not have violated every claim of hospitality, and shot
them down so on their own hearthstones. All this confirmed the growing
feeling of attachment to the king across the water. When the Earl of Mar
rose in 1715, Macdonald of Sleat joined him with his men; and being
sent out to drive away a party of the enemy who had appeared on a
neighbouring height, opened the battle of Sheriffmuir. In 1745, when
Prince Charles landed in Knoydart, he sent letters to Macdonald and
Macleod in Skye soliciting their aid. Between them they could have brought
2000 claymores into the field; and had the prince brought a foreign force
with them, they might have complied with his request. As it was, they
hesitated, and finally resolved to range themselves on the side of the
Government. Not a man from Sleat fought under the prince. The other great
branches of the Macdonald family, Clanranald, Keppoch, and Glengarry,
joined him, however; and Keppoch at Culloden, when he found that his men
were broken, and would not rally at the call of their chief, charged the
English lines alone, and was brought down by a musket bullet.
The Skye gentlemen did not
rise at the call of the prince, but when his cause was utterly lost, a
Skye lady came to his aid, and rendered him essential service. Neither at
the time, nor afterwards, did Flora Macdonald consider herself a heroine,
(although Grace Darling herself did not bear a braver heart;) and she is
noticeable to this day in history, walking demurely with the white rose in
her bosom. When the prince met Miss Macdonald in Benbecula, he was in
circumstances sufficiently desperate. The lady had expressed an anxious
desire to see Charles; and at their meeting, which took place in a hut
belonging to her brother, it struck Captain O’Neil, an officer attached
to the prince, and at the moment the sole companion of his wanderings,
that she might carry Charles with her to Skye in the disguise of her
maid-servant. Miss Macdonald consented. She procured a six oared boat, and
when she and her companions entered the hovel in which the prince lay,
they found him engaged in roasting for dinner with a wooden spit the
heart, liver, and kidneys of a sheep. They were full of compassion, of
course; but the prince, who possessed the wit as well as the courage of
his family, turned his misfortunes into jests. The party sat down to
dinner not uncareless of state. Flora sat on the right hand, and Lady
Clanranald, one of Flora’s companions, on the left hand of the prince.
They talked of St James’s as they sat at their rude repast; and
stretching out hands of hope, warmed themselves at the fire of the future.
After dinner Charles
equipped himself in the attire of a maid-servant. His dress consisted of a
flowered linen gown, a light-coloured quilted petticoat, a white apron,
and a mantle of dun camlet, made after the Irish fashion, with a hood.
They supped on the sea-shore; and while doing so a messenger arrived with
the intelligence that a body of military was in the neighbourhood in quest
of the fugitive, and on hearing this news Lady Clanranald immediately went
home. They sailed in the evening with a fair wind, but they had not rowed
above a league when a storm arose, and Charles had to support the spirits
of his companions by singing songs and making merry speeches. They came in
sight of the pale Skye headlands in the morning, and as they coasted along
the shore they were fired on by a party of Macleod militia. While the
bullets were falling around, the prince and Flora lay down in the bottom
of the boat. The militia were probably indifferent marksmen; at all events
no one was hurt.
After coasting along for a
space, they landed at Mugstot, the seat of Sir Alexander Macdonald. Lady
Macdonald was a daughter of the Earl of Eglinton’s, and an avowed
Jacobite; and as it was known that Sir Alexander was at Fort Augustus with
the Duke of Cumberland, they had no scruple in seeking protection. Charles
was left in the boat, and Flora went forward to apprise Lady Macdonald of
their arrivaL Unhappily, however, there was a Captain Macleod, an officer
of militia, in the house, and Flora had to parry as best she could his
interrogations concerning Charles, whose head was worth £30,000. Lady
Macdonald was in great alarm lest the presence of the prince should be
discovered. Kingsburgh, Sir Alexander’s factor, was on the spot, and the
ladies took him into their confidence. After consultation, it was agreed
that Skye was unsafe, and that Charles should proceed at once to Raasay,
taking up his residence at Kingsburgh by the way.
During all this while
Charles remained on the shore, feeling probably very much as a Charles of
another century did, when, shrouded up in oak foliage, he heard the
Roundhead riding beneath. Kingsburgh was anxious to acquaint him with the
determination of his friends, but then there was the pestilent captain on
the premises, who might prick his ear at a whisper; and whose suspicion,
if once aroused, might blaze out into ruinous action. Kingsburgh had
concerted his plan, but in carrying it into execution it behoved him to
tread so lightly that the blind mole should not hear a footfall. He sent a
servant down to the shore to inform the strange maid-servant with the
mannish stride that he meant to visit her, but that in the meantime she
should screen herself from observation behind a neighbouring hill. Taking
with him wine and provisions, Kingsburgh went out in search of the prince.
He searched for a considerable time without finding him, and was about to
return to the house, when at some little distance he observed a scurry
amongst a flock of sheep. Knowing that sheep did not scurry about after
that fashion for their own amusement, he approached the spot, when all at
once the prince started out upon him like another Meg Merrilees, a large
knotted stick in his fist. "I am Macdonald of Kingsburgh," said
the visitor, "come to serve your highness." "It is
well," said Charles, saluting him.; Kingsburgh then opened out his
plan, with which the prince expressed himself satisfied. After Charles had
partaken of some refreshment, they both started towards Kingsburgh House.
The ladies at Mugstot were
all this while in sad perplexity, and to that perplexity, on account of
the presence of the captain of militia, they could not give utterance. As
Kingsburgh had not returned, they could only hope that he had succeeded in
finding the prince, and in removing him from that dangerous neighbourhood.
Meanwhile dinner was announced, and the captain politely handed in the
ladies. He drank his wine, paid Miss Macdonald his most graceful
compliments, for a captain—if even of militia only—can never, in
justice to his cloth, be indifferent to the fair. It belongs to his
profession to be gallant, as it belongs to the profession of a clergyman
to say grace before meat. We may be sure, however, that his roses of
compliment stung like nettles. He talked of the prince, as a matter of
course—the prince being the main topic of conversation in the Islands at
the period—perhaps expressed a strong desire to catch him. All this the
ladies had to endure, hiding, as the way of the sex is, fluttering hearts
under countenances most hypocritically composed. After dinner, Flora rose
at once, but a look from Lady Macdonald induced her to remain for yet a
little. Still the gallant captain’s talk flowed on, and he must be
deceived at any cost. At last Miss Flora was moved with the most filial
feelings. She was anxious to be with her mother, to stay and comfort her
in these troublous times. She must really be going. Lady Macdonald pressed
her to stay, got the gallant captain to bring his influence to bear, but
with no effect. The wilful young lady would not listen to entreaty. Her
father was absent, and at such a time the claim of a lone mother on a
daughter’s attention was paramount. Her apology was accepted at last,
but only on the condition that she should return soon to Mugstot and make
a longer stay. The ladies embraced each other, and then Miss Macdonald
mounted, and attended by several servants rode after Prince Charles, who
was now some distance on the road to Kingsburgh. Lady Macdonald returned
to the captain, than whom seldom has one—whether of the line or the
militia—been more cleverly hoodwinked.
Miss Macdonald’s party,
when she rode after the prince and Kingsburgh, consisted of Neil M’Eachan,
who acted as guide, and Mrs Macdonald, who was attended by a male and
female servant. They overtook the prince, and Mrs Macdonald, who had never
seen him before, was anxious to obtain a peep of his countenance. This
Charles carefully avoided. Mrs Macdonald’s maid, noticing the uncouth
appearance of the tall female figure, whispered to Miss Flora that she
"had never seen such an impudent-looking woman as the one with whom
Kingsburgh was talking," and expressed her belief that the stranger
was either an Irishwoman, or a man in woman’s clothes. Miss Flora
whispered in reply, "that she was right in her conjecture—that the
amazon was really an Irishwoman, that she knew her, having seen her
before." The abigail then exclaimed, "Bless me, what long
strides the jade takes, and how awkwardly she manages her clothes !"
Miss Macdonald, wishing to put an end to this conversation, urged the
party to a trot. The pedestrians then struck across the hills, and reached
Kingsburgh House about eleven o’clock, — the equestrians arriving soon
after.
When they arrived there was
some difficulty about supper, Mrs Macdonald of Kingsburgh having retired
to rest. When her husband told her that the prince was in the house, she
got up immediately, and under her direction the board was spread. The
viands were eggs, butter, and cheese. Charles supped heartily, and after
drinking a few glasses of wine, and smoking .a pipe of tobacco, went to
bed. Next morning there was a discussion as to the clothes he should wear;
Kingsburgh, fearing that his disguise should become known, urged Charles
to wear a Highland dress, to which he gladly agreed. But as there were
sharp eyes of servants about, it was arranged that, to prevent suspicion,
he should leave the house in the same clothes in which he had come, and
that he should change his dress on the road. When he had dressed himself
in his feminine garments and come into the sitting-room, Charles noticed
that the ladies were whispering together eagerly, casting looks on him the
while. He desired to know the subject of conversation, and was informed by
Mrs Macdonald that they wished a lock of his hair. The prince consented at
once, and laying down his head in Miss Flora’s lap, a lock of yellow
hair was shorn off—to be treasured as the dearest of family relics, and
guarded as jealously as good fame. Some silken threads of that same lock
of hair I have myself seen. Mr M’Ian has some of it in a ring, which
will probably be buried with him. After the hair was cut off, Kingsburgh
presented the prince with a new pair of shoes, and the old ones— through
which the toes protruded — were put aside, and considered as only less
sacred than the shred of hair. They were afterwards bought by a Jacobite
gentleman for twenty guineas—the
highest recorded price ever paid for that article.
Kingsburgh, Flora, and the
prince then started for Portree, Kingsburgh carrying the Highland dress
under his arm. After walking a short distance Charles entered a wood and
changed his attire. He now wore a tartan short coat and waistcoat, with
philabeg and hose, a plaid, and a wig and bonnet. Here Kingsburgh parted
from the prince, and returned home. Conducted by a guide, Charles then
started across the hills, while Miss Macdonald galloped along the common
road to Portree to see how the land lay, and to become acquainted with the
rumours stirring in the country.
There was considerable
difficulty in getting the prince out of Skye; a Portree crew could not be
trusted, as on their return they might blab the whereabouts of the
fugitive. In this dilemma a friend of the prince’s bethought himself
that there was a small boat on one of the neighbouring Lochs, and the boat
was dragged by two brothers, aided by some women, across a mile of boggy
ground to the sea-shore It was utterly unseaworthy—leaky as the old
brogues which Kingsburgh valued so much—but the two brothers nothing
fearing got it launched, and rowed across to Raasay.
When the news came that the
prince was at hand, Young Raasay, who had not been out in the rebellion,
and his cousin, Malcolm Macleod, who had been, procured a strong boat, and
with two oarsmen, whom they had sworn to secrecy, pulled across to Skye.
They landed about half a mile from Portree, and Malcolm Macleod,
accompanied by one of the men, went towards the inn, where he found the
prince and Miss Macdonald. It had been raining heavily, and before he
arrived, Charles was soaked to the skin. The first thing the prince called
for was a dram; he then put on a dry shirt, and after that he made a
hearty meal on roasted fish, bread, cheese, and butter. The people in the
inn had no suspicion of his rank, and with them he talked and joked.
Malcolm Macleod had by this time gone back to the boat, where he waited
the prince’s coming. The guide implored Charles to go off at once,
pointed out that the inn was a gathering place for all sorts of people,
and that some one might penetrate his disguise - to all this the prince
gave ready assent; but it rained still, and he spoke of risking everything
and waiting where he was all night. The guide became yet more urgent, and
the prince at last expressed his readiness to leave, only before going he
wished to smoke a pipe of tobacco. He smoked his pipe, bade farewell to
Miss Macdonald, repaid her a small sum which he had borrowed, gave her his
miniature, and expressed the hope that he should yet welcome her at St
James’s. Early in the dawn of the July morning, with four shirts, a
bottle of brandy tied to one side of his belt, a bottle of whisky tied to
the other, and a cold fowl done up in a pocket-handkerchief, he, under the
direction of a guide, went down to the rocky shore, where the boat had so
long been waiting. In a few hours they reached Raasay.
In Raasay the prince did
not remain long. He returned to Skye, abode for a space in Strath,
dwelling in strange places, and wearing many disguises—finally, through
the aid of the chief of the Mackinnons, he reached the mainland. By this
time it had become known to the Government that the prince had been
wandering about the island, and Malcolm Macleod, Kingsburgh, and Miss
Macdonald were apprehended. Miss Macdonald was at first confined in
Dunstaffnage Castle, and was afterwards conveyed to London. Her
imprisonment does not seem to have been severe, and she was liberated, it
is said, at the special request of Frederick Prince of Wales. She and
Malcolm Macleod returned to Scotland together. In 1750 Flora married Allan
Macdonald, young Kingsburgh,
and on the death of his father in 1772 the young people went to live on
the farm. Here they received Dr Johnson and Boswell. Shortly after, the
family went to America, and in 1775 Kingsburgh joined the Royal Highland
Emigrant Regiment. He afterwards served in Canada, and in 1790, finally
returned to Skye on half-pay. Flora had seven children, five sons and two
daughters, the Sons after the old Skye fashion becoming soldiers, and the
daughters the wives of soldiers. She died and was buried in the churchyard
of Kilmuir. To the discredit of the Skye gentlemen— in many of whom her
blood flows—the grave is in a state of utter disrepair. When I saw it
two or three months ago it was covered with a rank growth of nettles.
These are untouched. The tourist will deface tombstones, and carry away
chips from a broken bust, but a nettle the boldest or the most
enthusiastic will hardly pluck and convey from even the most celebrated
grave. A line must be drawn somewhere, and Vandalism draws the line at
nettles—it will not sting its own fingers for the world.
O
Death! O Time! O men and women of whom we have read, what eager but
unavailing hands we stretch towards you! How we would hear your voices,
see your faces, but note the wafture of your garments! With a strange
feeling one paces round the ruins of the House of Cornchatachin, thinking
of the debauch held therein a hundred years ago by a dead Boswell and
young Highland bloods, dead too. But the ruin of the old house of
Kingsburgh moves one more than the ruin of the old house of Corrichatachin.
On the shore of Loch Snizort—waters shadowed once by the sails of
Haco’s galleys—we stumble on the latter ancient site. The outline of
the walls is distinguished by a mere protuberance on the grassy turf; and
in the space where fires burned, and little feet pattered, and men and
women ate and drank, and the hospitable board smoked, great trees are
growing. To this place did Flora Macdonald come and the prince—his head
worth thirty thousand pounds—dressed in woman’s clothes; there they
rested for the night, and departed next morning. And the sheets in which
the wanderer slept were carefully put aside, and years after they became
the shroud for the lady of the house. And the old shoes the prince wore
were kept by Kingsburgh till his dying day, and after that a "zealous
Jacobite gentleman" paid twenty guineas for the treasure. That love
for the young Ascanius!— the carnage of Culloden, and noble blood
reddening many scaffolds, could not wash it out. Fancy his meditations on all that devotion when an old
besotted man in Rome—the glitter of the crown of his ancestors faded
utterly away out of his bleared and tipsy eyes! And when Flora was
mistress of it, to the same place came Boswell, and Johnson with a cold in
his head. There the doctor saluted Flora, and snivelled his compliments,
and slept in the bed the prince occupied. There Boswell was in a cordial
humour, and, as his fashion was, "promoted, a cheerful glass."
And all these people are ghosts and less. And, as I write, the wind is
rising on Loch Snizort, and through the autumn rain the yellow leaves are
falling on the places where the prince and the doctor and the toady sat.
One likes to know that Pope
saw Dryden sitting in the easy-chair near the fire at Will’s
Coffee-house, and that Scott met Burns at Adam Ferguson’s. It is
pleasant also to know that Doctor Johnson and Flora Macdonald met. It was
like the meeting of two widely-separated eras and orders of things. Fleet
Street, and the Cuchullins with Ossianic mists on their crests, came face
to face. It is pleasant also to know that the sage liked the lady, and the
lady liked the sage. After the departure of the prince the arrival of Dr
Johnson was the next great event in Hebridean history. The doctor came,
and looked about him, and went back to London and wrote his book.
Thereafter there was plenty of war; and the Isles-men became soldiers,
fighting in India, America, and the Peninsula. The tartans waved through
the smoke of every British battle, and there were no such desperate
bayonet charges as those which rushed to the yell of the bagpipe. At the
close of the last and the beginning of the present century, half the farms
in Skye were rented by half-pay officers. The Army List was to the island
what the Post-office Directory is to London. Then Scott came into the
Highlands with the whole world of tourists at his back. Then up through
Skye came Dr John M’Culloch — caustic, censorious, epigrammatic —and
dire was the rage occasioned by the publication of his letters—the rage
of men especially who had shown him hospitality and rendered him services,
and who got their style of talk mimicked, and their household procedures
laughed at for their pains. Then came evictions, emigrations, and the
potato failure. Everything is getting prosaic as we approach the present
time. Then my friend Mr Hutcheson established his magnificent fleet of
Highland steamers. While I write the iron horse is at Dingwall, and he
will soon be at Kyleakin— through which strait King Haco sailed seven
centuries ago. In a couple of years or thereby Portree
will be distant twenty-four hours from London—that time the tourist will
take in coming, that time black-faced mutton will take in going.
Wandering up and down the
Western Islands, one is brought into contact with Ossian, and is launched
into a sea of perplexities as to the genuineness of Macpherson’s
translation. That fine poems should have been composed in the Highlands so
many centuries ago, and that these should have existed through that
immense period of time in the memories and on the tongues of the common
people, is sufficiently startling. The Border Ballads are children in
their bloom compared with the hoary Ossianic legends and songs. On the
other hand, the theory that Macpherson, whose literary efforts when he did
not pretend to translate are extremely poor and meagre, should have, by
sheer force of imagination, created poems confessedly full of fine things,
with strong local colouring, not without a weird sense of remoteness, with
heroes shadowy as if seen through Celtic mists: poems, too, which have
been received by his countrymen as genuine, which Dr Johnson scornfully
abused, and which Dr Blair enthusiastically praised, which have been
translated into every language in Europe; which Goethe and Napoleon
admired; from which Carlyle has drawn his "red son of the
furnace," and many a memorable sentence besides; and over which, for
more than a hundred years now, there has raged a critical and philological
battle, with victory inclining to neither side—that the poor Macpherson
should have created these poems is, if possible, more startling than their
claim of antiquity. If Macpherson created Ossian, he was an athlete who
made one surprising leap and was palsied ever afterwards; a marksman who
made a centre at his first shot, and who never afterwards could hit the
target. It is well enough known that the Highlanders, like all half-civilised
nations, had their legends and their minstrelsy; that they were fond of
reciting poems and runes; and that the person who retained on his memory
the greatest number of tales and songs brightened the gatherings round the
ancient peat-fires as your Sydney Smith brightens the modern dinner. And
it is astonishing how much legendary material a single memory may retain.
In illustration, Dr Brown, in his "History of the Highlands,"
informs us that "the late Captain John Macdonald of Breakish, a
native of the Island of Skye, declared upon oath, at the age of
seventy-eight, that he could repeat, when a boy between twelve and fifteen
years of age, (about the year 1740,) from one to two hundred Gaelic poems,
differing in length and in number of verses; and that he learned them from
an old man about eighty years of age, who sang them for years to his
father when he went to bed at night, and in the spring and winter before
he rose in the morning." The late Dr Stuart, minister of Luss, knew
"an old Highlander in the Isle of Skye, who repeated to him for three
successive days, and during several hours each day, without hesitation,
and with the utmost rapidity, many thousand lines of ancient poetry, and
would have continued his repetitions much longer if the doctor had
required him to do so." From such a raging torrent of song the doctor
doubtless fled for his life. Without a doubt there was a vast quantity of
poetic material existing in the islands. But more than this, when
Macpherson, at the request of Home, Blair, and others, went to the
Highlands to collect materials, he undoubtedly received Gaelic MSS. Mr
Farquharson, (Dr Brown tells us,) Prefect of Studies at Douay College in
France, was the possessor of Gaelic MSS., and in 1766 he received a copy
of Macpherson’s "Ossian," and Mr M’Gillivray, a student
there at the time, saw them (Macpherson’s "Ossian" and Mr
Farquharson’s MSS.) frequently collated, and heard the complaint that
the translations fell very far short of the energy and beauty of the
originals; and the said Mr M’Gillivray was convinced that the MSS.
contained all the poems translated by Macpherson, because he recollected
very distinctly having heard Mr Farquharson say, after having read the
translations, "that he had all these poems in his collection."
Dr Johnson could never talk of the matter calmly. "Show me the
original manuscripts," he would roar. "Let Mr Macpherson deposit
the manuscript in one of the colleges at Aberdeen where there are people
who can judge; and if the professors certify the authenticity, then there
will be an end of the controversy." Macpherson, when his truthfulness
was rudely called in question, wrapped himself up in proud silence, and
disdained reply. At last, however, he submitted to the test which Dr
Johnson proposed. At a bookseller’s shop he left for some months the
originals of his translations, intimating by public advertisement that he
had done so, and stating that all persons interested in the matter might
call and examine them. No one, however, called; Macpherson’s pride was
hurt, and he became thereafter more obstinately silent and uncommunicative
than ever. There needed no such mighty pother about the production of
manuscripts. It might have been seen at a glance that the Ossianic poems
were not forgeries—at all events that Macpherson did not forge them.
Even in the English translation, to a great extent, the sentiments, the
habits, the modes of thought described are entirely primeval; in reading
it, we seem to breathe the morning air of the world. The personal
existence of Ossian is, I suppose, as doubtful as the personal existence
of Homer; and if he ever lived, he is great, like Homer, through his
tributaries. Ossian drew into himself every lyrical runnel, he augmented
himself in every way, he drained centuries of their songs; and living an
oral and gipsy life, handed down from generation to generation, without
being committed to writing and having their outlines determinately fixed,
the authorship of these songs becomes vested in a multitude, every reciter
having more or less to do with it. For centuries the floating legendary
material was reshaped, added to, and altered by the changing spirit and
emotion of the Celt. Reading the Ossianic fragments is like visiting the
skeleton of one of the South American cities; like walking through the
streets of disinterred Pompeii or Herculaneum. These poems, if rude and
formless, are touching and venerable as some ruin on the waste, the names
of whose builders are unknown: whose towers and walls, although not
erected in accordance with the lights of modern architecture, affect the
spirit and fire the imagination far more than nobler and more recent
piles; its chambers, now roofless to the day, were ages ago tenanted by
life and death, joy and sorrow; its walls have been worn and rounded by
time, its stones channelled and fretted by the fierce tears of winter
rains; on broken arch and battlement every April for centuries has kindled
a light of desert flowers; and it stands muffled with ivies, bearded with
mosses, and stained with lichens by the suns of forgotten summers. So
these songs are in the original—strong, simple, picturesque in decay; in
Mr Macpherson’s English they are hybrids and mongrels. They resemble the
Castle of Dunvegan, an amorphous mass of masonry of every conceivable
style of architecture, in which the ninth century jostles the nineteenth.
In these poems not only do
character and habit smack of the primeval time, but there is extraordinary
truth of local colouring. The Iliad is roofed by the liquid softness of an
lonian sky. In the verse of Chaucer there is eternal May and the smell of
newly-blossomed English hawthorn h’edges. In Ossian, in like manner, the
skies are cloudy, there is a tumult of waves on the shore, the wind sings
in the pine. This truth of local colouring is a strong argument in proof
of authenticity. I for one will never believe that Macpherson was more
than a somewhat free translator. Despite Gibbon’s sneer, I do
"indulge the supposition that Ossian lived and Fingal sung;"
and, more than this, it is my belief that these misty phantasmal Ossianic
fragments, with their car-borne heroes that come and go like clouds on the
wind, their frequent apparitions, the "stars dim-twinkling through
their forms," their maidens fair and pale as lunar rainbows, are, in
their own literary place, worthy of every recognition. If you think these
poems exaggerated, go out at Sligachan and see what wild work the pencil
of moonlight makes on a mass of shifting vapour. Does that seem nature or
a madman’s dream? Look at the billowy clouds rolling off the brow of
Blaavin, all golden and on fire with the rising sun! Wordsworth’s verse
does not more completely mirror the Lake Country than do the poems of
Ossian the terrible scenery of the Isles. Grim, and fierce, and dreary as
the night-wind is the strain, for not with rose and nightingale had the
old bard to do; but with the thistle waving on the ruin, the upright
stones that mark the burying-places of heroes, weeping female faces white
as sea-foam in the moon, the breeze mourning alone in the desert, the
battles and friendships of his far-off youth, and the flight of the
"dark-brown years." These poems are wonderful transcripts of
Hebridean scenery. They are as full of mists as the Hebridean glens
themselves. Ossian seeks his images in the vapoury wraiths. Take the
following of two chiefs parted by their king:— "They sink from
their king on either side, like two columns of morning mist when the sun
rises between them on his glittering rocks. Dark is their rolling on
either side, each towards its reedy pool." You cannot help admiring
the image; and I saw the misty circumstance this very morning when the
kingly sun struck the earth with his golden spear, and the cloven mists
rolled backwards to their pools like guilty things.
That a large body of
poetical MSS. existed in the Highlands we know; we know also that, when
challenged to do so, Macpherson produced his originals; and the question
arises, Was Macpherson a competent and faithful translator of these MSS.?
Did he reproduce the original in all its strength and sharpness? On the
whole, perhaps Macpherson translated the ancient Highland poems as
faithfully as Pope translated Homer, but his version is in many respects
defective and untrue. The English Ossian is Macpherson’s, just as the
most popular English Iliad is Pope's. Macpherson was not a
thoroughly-equipped Gaelic scholar; his most popular English Iliad is
Pope’s. Macpherson version is full of blunders and misapprehensions of
meaning, and he expressed himself in the fashionable poetic verbiage of
his day. You find echoes of Milton, Shakespeare, Pope, and Dryden, and
these echoes give his whole performance a hybrid aspect. It has a
particoloured look; is a thing of odds and ends, of shreds and patches; in
it antiquity and his own day are incongruously mixed—like Macbeth in a
periwig, or a ruin decked out with new and garish banners. Here is
Macpherson’s version of a portion of the third book of Fingal:-
"Fingal beheld the son
of Starno: he remembered Agandecca. For Swaran with the tears of youth had
mourned his white-bosomed sister. He sent Ullin of Songs to bid him to the
feast of shells. For pleasant on Fingal’s soul returned the memory of
the first of his loves!
"Ullin came with aged
steps, and spoke to Starno’s son. ‘O thou that dwellest afar,
surrounded like a rock with thy waves! Come to the feast of the king, and
pass the day in rest. Tomorrow let us fight, O Swaran, and break the
echoing shields.’ ‘To-day,’ said Starno’s wrathful son, ‘we
break the echoing shields: to-morrow my feast
shall be spread; but Fingal shall lie on earth.’ ‘To-morrow let the
feast be spread,’ said Fingal, with a smile. ‘To-day, O my sons, we
shall break the echoing shields. Ossian, stand thou near my arm. Gaul,
lift thy terrible sword. Fergus, bend thy crooked yew. Throw, Fillan, thy
lance through heaven. Lift your shields like the darkened moon. Be your
spears the meteors of death. Follow me in the path of my fame. Equal my
deeds in battle.’
"As a hundred winds on
Morven; as the streams of a hundred hills; as clouds fly successive over
heaven; as the dark ocean assails the shore of the desert; so roaring, so
vast, so terrible the armies mixed on Lena’s echoing heath. The groan of
the people spread over the hills; it was like the thunder of night when
the clouds burst on Cona, and a thousand ghosts shriek at once on the
hollow wind. Fingal rushed on in his strength, terrible as the spirit of
Trenmore, when in a whirlwind he comes to Morven to see the children of
his pride. The oaks resound on their mountains, and the rocks fall down
before him. Dimly seen as lightens the night, he strides largely from hill
to hill. Bloody was the hand of my father when he whirled the gleam of his
sword. He remembered the battles of his youth. The field is wasted in the
course.
"Ryno went on like a
pillar of fire. Dark is the brow of Gaul. Fergus rushed forward with feet
of wind. Fillan, like the mist of the hill. Ossian, like a rock, came
down. I exulted in the strength of the king. Many were the deaths of my
arm! dismal the gleam of my sword! My locks were not then so gray; nor
trembled my hands with age. My eyes were not closed in darkness; my feet
failed not in the race.
"Who can relate the
deaths of the people, who the deeds of mighty heroes, when Fingal, burning
in his wrath, consumed the sons of Lochlin? Groans swelled on groans from
hill to hill, till night had covered all. Pale, staring like a herd of
deer, the sons of Lochlin convene on Lena."
So writes Macpherson. I subjoin a more literal and
faithful rendering of the passage, in which, to some extent, may be
tasted the wild-honey flavour of the original :—
"Fingal descried
the illustrious son of Starn,
And he remember’d the maiden of the snow:
When she fell, Swaran wept
For the young maid of brightest cheek.
"Ullin of songs (the bard) approach’d
To bid him to the feast upon the shore.
Sweet to the king of the great mountains
Was the remembrance of his first-loved maid.
"Ullin of the most aged
step (the step of feeblest age) came nigh,
And thus address’d the son of Starn:
‘Thou from the land afar, thou
brave,
Like, in thy mail and thy arms,
To a rock in the midst of the billows,
Come to the banquet of the chiefs;
Pass the day of calm in feasting;
To-morrow ye shall break the shields
In the strife where play the spears.’
"‘This very day,’ said the son of
Starn, ‘this very day
I shall break in the hill the spear;
To-morrow thy king shall be low in the dust,
And Swaran and his braves shall banquet.’
"‘To-morrow let the hero feast,’
Smiling said the king of Morven;
‘To-day let us fight the battle in
the hill,
And break the mighty shield.
Ossian, stand thou by my side;
Gall, thou great one, lift thy hand
Fergus, draw thy swift-speeding string,
Fillan, throw thy matchless lance;
Lift your shields aloft
As the moon in shadow in the sky;
Be your spears as the herald of death.
Follow, follow me in my renown;
Be as hosts (as hundreds) in the conflict.’
"As a hundred winds in the oak of
Morven;
As a hundred streams from the steep-sided mountain;
As clouds gathering thick and black;
As the great ocean pouring on the shore,
So broad, roaring, dark and fierce,
Met the braves, a-fire, on Lena.
The shout of the hosts on the shoulders (bones) of the mountains
Was as a torrent in a night of storm
When bursts the cload on glenny Cona,
And a thousand ghosts are shrieking loud
On the viewless crooked wind of the cairns.
"Swiftly the king advanced in his
might,
As the spirit of Treninore, pitiless spectre,
When he comes in the whirl-blast of the billows
To Morven, the land of his loved sires.
The oak resounds on the mountain,
Before him falls the rock of the hills;
Through the lightning-flash the spirit is seen—
His great steps are from cairn to cairn.
"Bloody, I wee; was my sire in the
field,
When he drew with might his sword;
The king remember’d his youth,
When he fought the combat of the glens.
"Ryno sped as the fire of the sky,
Gloomy and black was Gall, (wholly black;)
Fergus rush’d as the wind on the mountain;
Fillan advanced as the mist on the
woods;
Ossian was as a pillar of rock in the combat.
My soul exulted in the king,
Many were the deaths and dismal
‘Neath the lightning of my great
sword in the strife.
"My locks were
not then so gray,
Nor shook my hand with age.
The light of my eye was unquench’d,
And ave unwearied in travel was my foot.
"Who will tell of the deaths of the
people?
Who the deeds of the mighty chiefs?
When kindled to wrath was the king;
Lochlin was consumed on the side of the
mountain.
Sound on sound rose from the hosts,
Till fell on the waves the night.
Feeble, trembling, and pale as (hunted) deer,
Lochlin gather’d on heath-clad Lena." *
* For this translation I am indebted to my
learned and accomplished friend the Rev. Mr Macpherson of Inverary.
To English readers the sun
of Ossian shines dimly through a mist of verbiage. It is to be hoped that
the mist will one day be removed— It is the bounden duty of one of
Ossian’s learned countrymen to remove it.
It is not to be supposed
that the Ossianic legends are repeated often now around the island
peat-fires; but many are told resembling in essentials those which Dr
Dasent has translated to us from the Norse. As the northern nations have a
common flora, so they have a common legendary literature. Supernaturalism
belongs to their tales as the aurora borealis belongs to their skies.
Those stories I have heard in Skye, and many others, springing from the
same roots, I have had related to me in the Lowlands and in Ireland. They
are full of witches and wizards; of great wild giants crying out, "Hiv!
Haw Hoagraich! It is a drink of thy blood that quenches my thirst this
night;" of wonderful castles with turrets and banqueting halls; of
magic spells, and the souls of men and women dolefully imprisoned in
shapes of beast and bird. As tales few of them can be considered perfect;
the supernatural element is strong in many, but frequently it breaks down
under some prosaic or ludicrous circumstance: the spell exhales somehow,
and you care not to read further. Now and then a spiritual and ghastly
imagination passes into a revolting familiarity and destroys itself. In
these stories all times and conditions of life are curiously mixed, and
this mixture shows the passage of the story from tongue to tongue through
generations. If you discover on the bleak Skye shore a log of wood with
Indian carvings peeping through a crust of native barnacles, it needs no
prophet to see that it has crossed the Atlantic. Confining your attention
merely to Skye—to the place in which the log is found—the Indian
carvings are an anachronism; but there is no anachronism when you arrive
at the idea that the log belongs to another continent, and that it has
reached its final resting-place through blowing winds and tossing waves.
These old Highland stories, beginning in antiquity, and quaintly ending
with a touch of the present, are lessons in the science of criticism. In a
ballad the presence of an anachronism, the cropping out of a comparatively
modern touch of manners or detail of dress, does not in the least
invalidate the claim of the ballad to antiquity—provided it can be
proved that before being committed to writing it had led an oral
existence. Every ballad existing in the popular memory takes the colour of
the periods through which it has lived, just as a stream takes the colour
of the different soils through which it flows. The other year Mr Robert
Chambers attempted to throw discredit on the alleged antiquity of Sir
Patrick Spens from the following verse
"Oh, laith, laith were our guid
Scots lords
To weet their cork-heel’d shoon;
But lang ere a’ the play was o’er,
They wat their heads abune,"—
cork-heeled shoes having been
worn neither by the Scots lords, nor by the lords of any other nation, so
early as the reign of Alexander III., at which period Sir Patrick Spens
sailed on his disastrous voyage. But the appearance of such a
comparatively modern detail of personal attire throws no discredit on the
antiquity of the ballad, because in its oral transmission each singer or
reciter would naturally equip the Scots lords in the particular kind of
shoes which the Scots lords wore in his own day. Anachronism of this kind
proves nothing, because such anachronism is involved in the very nature of
the case, and must occur in every old composition which is frequently
recited, and the terms of which have not been definitely fixed by writing.
In the old Highland stories to which I allude, the wildest anachronisms
are of the most frequent occurrence; with the most utter scorn of
historical accuracy all the periods are jumbled together; they resemble
the dance on the outside stage of a booth at a country fair before the
performances begin, in which the mailed crusader, King Richard III., a
barmaid, and a modern "swell" meet, and mingle, and cross hands
with the most perfect familiarity and absence from surprise. And some of
those violations of historical accuracy are instructive enough, and throw
some light on the cork-heeled shoes of the Scots lords in the ballad. In
one story a mermaiden and a General in the British army are represented as
in love with each other and holding clandestine meetings. Here is an
anachronism with a vengeance, enough to make Mr Robert Chambers stare and
gasp. How would he compute the age of that story? Would he make it as old
as the mermaiden or as modern as the British General? Personally, I have
not the slightest doubt that the story is old, and that in its original
form it concerned itself with certain love passages between a mermaiden
and a great warrior. But the story lived for generations as tradition, was
told around the Skye peat-fires, and each relater gave it something of his
own, some touch drawn from contemporary life. The mermaiden remains of
course, for she is sui generis; search nature and for her you can
find no equivalent—you can’t translate her into anything else. With
the warrior it is entirely different; he loses spear and shield, and grows
naturally into the modern General with gilded spur, scarlet coat, and
cocked hat with plumes. The same sort of change, arising from the
substitution of modern for ancient details, of modern equivalents for
ancient facts, must go on in every song or narrative which is orally
transmitted from generation to generation.
Many of these stories, even
when they are imperfect in themselves, or resemble those told elsewhere,
are curiously coloured by Celtic scenery and pervaded by Celtic
imagination. In listening to them, one is specially impressed by a bare,
desolate, woodless country; and this impression is not produced by any
formal statement of fact; it arises partly from the paucity of actors in
the stories, and partly from the desert spaces over which the actors
travel, and partly from the number of carrion crows, and ravens, and
malign hillfoxes which they encounter in their journeyings, The "hoody,"
as the crow is called, hops and flits and croaks through all the stories.
His black wing is seen everywhere. And it is the frequent appearance of
these beasts and birds, never familiar, never domesticated, always outside
the dwelling, and of evil omen when they fly or steal across the path,
which gives to the stories much of their weird and direful character. The
Celt has not yet subdued nature. He trembles before the unknown powers. He
cannot be sportive for the fear that is in his heart. In his legends there
is no merry Puck, no Ariel, no Robin Goodfellow, no half-benevolent, half
- malignant Brownie even. These creatures live in imaginations more
emancipated from fear. The mists blind the Celt on his perilous
mountain-side, the sea is smitten white on his rocks, the wind bends and
dwarfs his pine wood; and as Nature is cruel to him, and as his light and
heat are gathered from the moor, and his most plenteous food from the
whirlpool and the foam, we need not be surprised that few are the gracious
shapes that haunt his fancy. |