I am perfectly aware, that an objection may be made
to the opinions which I have, with too much presumption, urged as to the
value and importance of preserving undisturbed an ancient, faithful, and
attached tenantry, and of that personal influence possessed by many
former Highland noblemen and landed proprietors, by which they could, at
any time, command the personal service in the field of their tenants and
kinsmen. It has been alleged, that these services were not unbought, as
the sons of tacksmen and tenants were sent by their parents to fill up
the ranks of Highland regiments, on a direct or implied stipulation of
abatement of rent, or some pecuniary or other advantage to be received,
for the services of the youths who came forward to take up arms at the
call of their chiefs and landlords. Circumstances do not confirm this
view of the subject. As tenants, occupying land on feudal tenure, the
Highlanders paid rents, according to the value of the land, in full
proportion to the best lands in the Carse of Gowrie, the properties of
Lords Gray and Kinnaird, and others, which, as I have already noticed,
did not yield, seventy years ago, more than six or eight shillings the
acre. Lord Kinnoul's, and that part of the Duke of Atholl's estates in
the Lowlands, were still lower. The lands of Lords Gray and Kinnaird now
average L.6 Sterling per acre. Yet neither these noblemen, nor the Duke
of Atholl from his Lowland estates, ever could call on the personal
service of their tenants on account of these low rents, which, indeed,
if we consider the disproportion in climate and soil, were lower than
those of the Highlands, where the sentiments of the landlords and their
tenants, and their mutual confidence and dependence on each other, were
so remarkably different. Of this difference several instances occurred
in 1745. The Duke of Perth engaged in the Rebellion of that year; yet,
though possessed of a valuable, extensive, and populous estate, he had
not influence enough to carry along with him 150 men from the Lowland
portion of his property to support the cause he warmly espoused. Lord
Strathallan, who lost his title, his estate, and his life, in the same
cause, did not bring so many men to the field as did two young
gentlemen, the one a son of the Laird of Ballechin, the other a son of
the Laird of Glenlyon, whose fathers' estates were not equal to
one-third of the value of his. Lord Nairne also, whose estate lay at the
foot of the Grampians, close to the Highland boundary, was followed by
very few of his people when he joined the Prince, (so different were the
dispositions and feelings of the inhabitants of those adjoining
districts,) and entailed ruin on himself and family, without
strengthening the cause to which he was so ardently devoted, by any
great addition of men. So much was this the case, that, as he had few
followers of his own, Lord George Murray, the Commander-in-Chief of the
rebel army, gave to his Lordship the command of one of the Athole
regiments. These facts can only admit of one interpretation, namely,
that the Highland chiefs and landlords were not followed from mercenary
motives, but from a patriarchal, hereditary, and chivalrous attachment
to their persons and families. While thus, in feudal times, chiefs and
landed proprietors did not suffer any material diminution of rent by the
personal service of their followers, we find that, in later times, the
promptitude with which the Highland tenantry engaged in the service of
their country, contributed to raise the celebrity of their landlords,
and this without any sacrifice of rent or pecuniary loss, nothing being
asked or expected by the soldiers, except a preference to their families
in retaining their farms on paying an equal rent with any that might be
offered. Of this we have many instances, and particularly on Lord
Breadalbane's estates, from which great numbers engaged on similar
conditions; and that a preference of occupancy was the only favour
expected by the soldiers, is proved by the circumstance of a
considerable augmentation of rent having taken place during the time the
regiments were embodied, the rents paid by the fathers and brothers of
the soldiers having been increased in the same ratio with those paid by
the other tenants.
I deemed it necessary to notice
briefly the foregoing facts, which clearly prove that the mind of the
Highlander, who obeyed the call of his chief or landlord, and came
forward in a season of difficulty or danger, was not actuated by those
sordid and mercenary motives which some would ascribe to him, and that
Highland proprietors did not submit to any loss of rents, when they
acquired political consideration and importance by bringing forward
their brave and hardy mountaineers.
I have had frequent occasion to mention the family of
Grant, and particularly the late excellent chief Sir James Grant, to
whom may justly be applied the character given an unfortunate monarch by
a celebrated Judge and historian: "He was the worthiest gentleman, the
best master, the best friend, the best husband, the best father, and the
best Christian," [Clarendon's Charles I.] of the district to which he
was an honour and a blessing.
This good man, and patriarchal chief, lived at Castle
Grant, respected and beloved by all around him.
[A recent instance has shown that this feeling still
exists, and extends to Sir James Grant's family.
At the late general election, there was a keen
contest for some of the northern burghs; and in Elgin particularly, some
political intrigues and squibs were played off by the agents of the
candidates, of whom one was supported by the Chief of the Grants, now
Earl of Seafield, by his succession to that estate and Earldom, The
agents of the other candidates, not satisfied with some political squibs
within the burgh, contrived to inveigle a Bailie of Elgin, a voter for
the opposite interest, on board a vessel, and landed him safely on one
of the Orkney Isles, to amuse himself there till the election was over.
This exploit, with some other ingenious expedients to secure victory,
made some noise, and an exaggerated account of the transactions, with
several groundless additions, reached Strathspey, the " Grant's
Country." Among other things, it was said that Lord Seafield's sisters
were besieged, and kept as state prisoners in Grant Lodge, a house
belonging to the family in Elgin, The spirit of the clansmen caught
fire, and believing that the rights of the Chief were invaded, and his
sisters in jeopardy, upwards of 900 men assembled in a few hours, as if
under the guidance of one feeling; and without the least communication
with, or knowledge of the country gentlemen, they put themselves under
the guidance of two or three of their own number, and marched off in a
body to Elgin to support the cause and interest of their Chief. Had this
contest been carried on by the sword, as in old times, so numerous a
body might have secured success; but when the Highlanders reached the
scene of action, they had none to combat ; for, although it was true
that the unfortunate Bailie was stolen away, the ladies at Grant lodge
were respected and unmolested; and on a proper explanation, the clansmen
returned home with the same order, regularity, and quietness, with which
they had commenced and carried through their expedition.
Sir James Grant has been dead more than twenty years,
but his memory lives, and is preserved by the
remembrance of his character.
How far the remembrance of the character and kindness
of other proprietors will descend, and serve as a shield to protect
their family, time only can show; but much cannot be expected, where, it
is said, that the appearance of their superiors is hailed with cries
imitating the bleating of sheep, instead of the joyous acclamations of
better times for clansmen, and where the accounts of any accident or
misfortune are received with silent, but deep congratulation, as a
judgment from above.]
Few men therefore could, with more
confidence of success, step forward with an offer to his King of a
regiment of loyal men to support the Crown, the Constitution, and the
Independence of the country. The offer was early made and accepted, and
two months after the declaration of war, the Grant Fencibles were
assembled at Forres in the end of April 1793, being so complete in
numbers, that seventy men were discharged as supernumeraries in May; but
it was not till the 5th of June that the regiment was finally inspected
and embodied by Lieutenant-General Leslie.
Of the men, forty-one were from the Lowlands of
Scotland, three from England, and two from Ireland. The regiment was
marched to Aberdeen in August, and from thence to the south of Scotland,
and stationed in Linlithgow, Glasgow, Dumfries, Musselburgh, and almost
every town of any note south of the Forth.
The correctness of the observation, that a Highlander
will be led, but not driven, was unfortunately verified in the case of
this regiment at Linlithgow in 1794. At that time it was proposed to
extend the service of the Scotch Fencible regiments, which was confined
to Scotland. With this view directions were given to sound the men of
the Grant Fencibles on the subject, and ascertain if they would agree to
a proposal of this nature. Measures were accordingly taken, but
unfortunately not with that care, precaution, and ample explanation, so
necessary when men's feelings and prejudices are to be consulted, and
any previous agreement or understanding to be altered or renewed on
another and different basis. In this case, when the commanding officer
issued the orders on the subject, some officers thought it unnecessary
to offer any explanation to their men; others entirely mistook the
meaning and import of the proposals. The consequence was a degree of
jealousy and distrust; and, as busy and meddling advisers are not
wanting on such occasions, the soldiers became alarmed ; they knew not
what to believe, or what was intended; and even the explanations of
those officers who understood the nature of the proposed measure lost
much of their effect. The result of the whole was a division and
difference of opinion among the men; some were for volunteering, others
opposed it; the proposal was therefore abandoned, and no volunteering
took place. But it was not the mere volunteering, and the consequent
loss of more general and extended duty that was so much to be regretted,
as the want of confidence which this misunderstanding caused, and the
effect it had on the conduct of the men for a considerable time
afterwards. And here was exemplified another of the marked
characteristics of the Highlander which I have had frequent occasion to
notice. Reposing a confidence almost unlimited in those whom he regards
with respect, if that confidence be not reciprocal, and if he discover
any approximation to disingenuousness, no man is more suspicious.
However, this unpleasant arid unexpected circumstance passed away; and,
by the presence of Sir James Grant, who hurried up to join his regiment
when he heard of the affair, it was in some measure forgotten, and
confidence re-established. But when quartered in Dumfries in 1795, it
was unfortunately again broken, and unpleasant feelings renewed, by a
cause somewhat peculiar to this singular race of people; or which, if
not peculiar, has always had a powerful influence on their character and
habits.
I fear it will be thought that I recur too frequently
to the more marked traits of character peculiar to this people; but
without a knowledge of those peculiarities which I have attempted to
bring under the view of the reader, in the introductory sketch of
character, &c. the motives which guided many of their actions could not
be generally known. And farther, not to explain it would be unjust
towards officers whose conduct, discipline, and treatment of the
soldiers would, in many cases, be quite proper. In instances where the
usual discipline of the army was applied to the High-land soldier, the
officers acted agreeably to the usual instructions in so doing, and
particularly those officers who were ignorant of their language and
dispositions. And when they have been blamed for an apparent harshness
which occasioned much irritation, their conduct, in general, proceeded
more from ignorance than from unnecessary severity. Soldiers are often
like children, and require to be treated as such. The wholesome and
severe coercion which is highly necessary for some children would
destroy others. Thus it is with soldiers. The beating with canes, and
the blows so liberally applied by their officers, to correct the
Austrian, French, and other continental soldiers, would totally ruin a
British soldier, and either render him desperate, or so break his spirit
that he would never face his enemy. In the same manner, the corporal
punishments which are indispensable in restraining the unprincipled and
shameless-. ly depraved, who sometimes stand in the ranks of the British
army, would have struck a Highland soldier of the old school with a
horror that would have rendered him despicable in his own eyes, and a
disgrace to his family and name. The want of a due regard to, and
discrimination of, men's dispositions, has often led to very serious
consequences,
I know not how this matter stood in the Strathspey
Fencibles, whether any unnecessary severity had been exercised, whether
the men believed that they were teased with long drills and fatiguing
discipline, not required for soldiers who were never to meet an enemy,
or perhaps not very necessary for any service, whether the individuals
themselves were of a character different from, and inferior to, that of
many others whom I have had occasion to mention ; or whether, as is most
probable, some unpleasant recollections of the affair at Linlithgow
still existed:—Be these things as they may, at Dumfries a circumstance,
very trifling in itself, originating in a remark by a soldier in the
ranks, which might pass for a joke, or a piece of wit, according as the
thing was taken, led to a series of misunderstandings, of violence on
the part of the soldiers, and of threats and punishments on the part of
the officers, which ended in the trial, condemnation, and execution of
several of the men. [See a few particulars
of this affair in the article on the Mutinies of the Highland Regiments.]
On the first appearance of this improper spirit among
the soldiers, Sir James Grant was sent for, but unfortunately he arrived
too late; such acts of turbulence, and disobedience of orders had taken
place, that an example was considered necessary. The regiment was
marched to Musselburgh, where corporal James Macdonald, and privates
Alexander Fraser, Charles Mackintosh, Duncan Macdougall, and A.
Mackintosh, were tried and found guilty of mutinous conduct. The
corporal was sentenced to a corporal punishment, and the four soldiers
to be shot. The corporal was pardoned. On the 16th of July 1795, the
Scotch Brigade, (afterwards the 94th regiment,) and the Sutherland,
Breadalbane, and Grant Fencibles, were ordered to assemble on Gullane
Links, in East Lothian, to witness the execution of the four soldiers.
When they arrived on the ground, they were told that only two were to
suffer, and that two were to draw lots: (Alexander Fraser, who was the
most violent, was not permitted to draw.) That for execution fell on
Charles Mackintosh, who with Fraser suffered accordingly. The other two
prisoners were ordered to join regiments abroad. After this unfortunate
affair, which cast such a slur on the character of a body of men who, in
every other respect, conducted themselves in an exemplary manner, the
regiment was quartered in Dundee, Ayr, Musselburgh, &c. The soldiers
were afterwards quiet, orderly, and attentive to all duties. In spring
1799, it was resolved to discharge all Fencible regiments whose service
did not extend beyond Scotland, and in consequence the Grant, Gordon,
Breadalbane, (two battalions), Sutherland, Rothsay and Caithness, (1st
battalion), Argyle, and Hopetoun regiments, were disbanded.
