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Part III
Military Annals of
the Highland Regiments
Section VI
Fraser's, Montgomery's,
and Royal Highlanders.
St John's, Newfoundland,
1762—Bushy Run, 1763—Fort Pitt, 1764-—Ireland, 1767—Scotland, 1775.
We must now return to
Fraser's Highlanders, who remained in America, and to the two companies of
Montgomery's, who did not return to New-York from the expedition sent
against the Indians in the autumn of 1761, in time to embark with the rest
of the regiment for the West-Indies.
In the summer of 1762, a
French armament appeared on the coast of Newfoundland, and, landing some
troops, took possession of St John's. Commodore Lord Colville having
received intelligence of the event, sailed immediately to blockade the
harbour of St John's, and was soon followed by Colonel William Amherst,
with a small force collected from New-York, Halifax, and Louisburg. This
force consisted of the flank companies of the Royals, a detachment of the
45th, and two companies of Fraser's and Montgomery's Highlanders, with a
small detachment of Provincials. Colonel Amherst landed on the 13th of
September, seven miles to the northward of St John's, having experienced
little opposition from the enemy; and, pushing forward, took possession of
the strong post of Kitty Villey and two other fortified heights. On the i
7th, a mortar battery being completed, and ready to open on the garrison,
Count de Hausenville, the commander of the French troops, surrendered by
capitulation. The enemy's fleet, taking advantage of a heavy fog, had made
their escape two nights before. The prisoners on this occasion were more
numerous than the victors. The loss was 1 lieutenant and 11 rank and file
killed; 3 captains, 2 sergeants, 1 drummer, and 32 rank and file, wounded.
Captain Macdonell of Fraser's, and Captain Mackenzie of Montgomery's, died
of their wounds.
After this service, the
detachments joined their respective regiments in New-York and Louisburg,
where they passed the ensuing winter. During the same season the Royal
Highlanders were stationed in Albany. In the summer of 1763 they were put
under the command of Colonel Bouquet of the 60th regiment, and ordered to
the relief of Fort Pitt, along with a detachment of Bouquet's own
regiment, and another of the 77th Highlanders; in all, 956 men.
A variety of causes had
combined to irritate the Indians, whose passions were already inflamed by
the intemperate use of spirituous liquors. But the principal causes of
complaint were the encroachments of the colonial settlers, which were
greatly exaggerated by French emissaries, who were naturally anxious to
recover the territory they had lost, or at least to render the possession
of as little advantage as possible to the British, by attempts to
instigate and irritate the Indians against them. The consequence of these
irritations was soon seen. The revenge of the Indians first broke forth
against those settlers and traders who had chiefly provoked it. The
warriors of different nations united, and attacked in succession all the
small posts between Lake Erie and Pittsburgh, while the terror excited by
their approach was increased by exaggerated accounts of their numbers, and
of the destruction that attended their progress. So little suspicion of
these designs had been entertained by our Government, that some of the
posts were dependant on the Indians for their supplies of provisions. In
those enterprises they displayed no small degree of sagacity, and a great
improvement in their discipline and manner of fighting.
Colonel Bouquet, with his
detachment and a convoy of provisions, reached Bushy Run about the end of
July. Beyond this place was a narrow pass, having steep hills on each
side, and a woody eminence at the further extremity. It was his intention
to penetrate this pass in the night; but, towards the close of day, his
advanced guard was suddenly attacked by the Indians. The Light infantry of
the 42d regiment, being ordered to the support of the advanced guard,
drove the enemy from the ambuscade, pursuing them to a considerable
distance. But the Indians soon returned, and took possession of some
neighbouring heights. From these they were again driven; but no sooner
were they forced from one position than they appeared on another, till, by
continual reinforcements, they became so numerous, that they soon
surrounded the detachment, when the action became general. The enemy made
their attacks on every side with increasing vigour, but were constantly
repulsed. Night concluded the combat, which was renewed early the
following morning by the enemy, who kept up an incessant fire, invariably
retiring as often as any part of the troops advanced upon them. Encumbered
by the convoy of provisions, and afraid of leaving their wounded to fall
into the hands of the enemy, our troops were prevented from pursuing to
any distance. The enemy becoming bolder by every fresh attack, a stratagem
was attempted to entice them to come to closer action. Preparations being
made for a feigned retreat, two companies, which were in advance, were
ordered to retire and fall within the square, while the troops opened
their files, as if preparing to cover a retreat. This, with some other
dispositions, had the desired effect. The Indians, believing themselves
certain of victory, and forgetting their usual precaution of covering
themselves with trees or bushes, rushed forward with much impetuosity.
Being thus fully exposed, and coming within reach, they were vigorously
charged in front, while two companies, making a sudden movement, and
running round a hill, which, concealed their approach, attacked them in
flank. They were thus thrown into great confusion; and, in retreating,
they were pursued to such a distance that they did not venture to rally.
Colonel Bouquet resumed his march, and reached Port Pitt without farther
molestation. In this skirmishing warfare the troops suffered much from the
want of water and the extreme heat of the weather. The loss by the enemy
was 1 captain, 2 lieutenants, 1 sergeant, 1 drummer, and 44 rank and file,
killed; and 1 captain, 3 lieutenants, 1 volunteer, 5 sergeants, 1 drummer,
and 49 rank and file, wounded. Of the Royal Highlanders, Lieutenant John
Graham, and James Mackintosh, 1 sergeant, and 26 rank and file, were
killed; Captain John Graham of Duchray, Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, 2
sergeants, 2 drummers, and 30 rank and file, wounded. Of Montgomery's
Highlanders, 1 drummer and 5 privates were killed; and Lieutenant Donald
Campbell and Volunteer John Peebles, 3 sergeants, and 7 privates, wounded.
The Royal Highland Regiment
passed the winter in Fort Pitt; and early in the summer of 1764 was again
employed under Colonel Bouquet, now appointed Brigadier-General. Continued
encroachments on the territories of the Indians increased their irritation
to a high degree, and they retaliated with great fury on the back
settlers. To repress their attacks two expeditions were ordered; one from
Niagara, under Sir William Johnson, and another under Brigadier-General
Bouquet. The latter consisted of eight companies of the 42d, the Light
infantry of the 60th regiment, and 400 Virginian marksmen, with a
detachment from Maryland and Pennsylvania, having their faces painted, and
their clothes made in the Indian fashion. In this service the troops
traversed many hundred miles, cutting their way through thick forests, and
frequently attacked by, and attacking, skirmishing parties of the Indians,
who were at length so harassed with this constant state of warfare, that
they sued for a cessation of hostilities. This was granted, and was soon
followed by a peace, which was not interrupted for many years. If this
species of warfare was harassing to the Indians, it must have been no less
so to the troops, who were allowed no rest from the month of July 1764 to
January 1765, when they returned to Fort Pitt, two months after the winter
had commenced with great severity. Although forced to march through woods
of immense extent, where the snow had attained a depth unknown in Europe,
it is a remarkable fact, that, in these six months, three of which they
were exposed to extreme heat, and two to an equal excess of cold, with
very little shelter from either extreme, and frequently disturbed by an
active, though not a formidable enemy, the Highlanders did not leave a man
behind from fatigue or exhaustion. [In the month of August 1765, Captain
(afterwards General Sir Thomas) Stirling was detached with Lieutenants
Macculloch and Eddington and 100 men, and sent first down the Ohio, and
then 1500 miles up the Mississippi, to Fort Chartres in the Illinois, of
which he took possession in October. He occupied the Fort during the
winter and spring : in June he returned to Philadelphia, and joined the
regiment. Captain Stirling must have performed this service with great
prudence and attention; for, after a journey and voyage of more than 3000
miles, and an absence of ten months, he brought his whole detachment back
in perfect health, and without an accident.] Three men died of sickness;
and when they returned to Fort Pitt, there were only nineteen men under
charge of the surgeon. [Regimental Reports.]
The regiment was now in
better quarters than they had been for several years. They were much
reduced in numbers, as might have been expected from the extent, nature,
and variety of service in which, amidst the torrid heats of the West
Indies, and the rigorous winters of North America, they had been for so
many years engaged. During the following year they remained in
Pennsylvania; and, in the month of July 17G7, embarked at Philadelphia for
Ireland. Such of the men as chose to remain in America, rather than return
home, were permitted to volunteer into other regiments. The second
battalion had been reduced in 1763, and ] captain, 12 lieutenants, and 2
ensigns of the first battalion, were placed on half-pay. Captain Small,
[Afterwards well known and highly respected as a general officer and
lieutenant-governor of Guernsey.] who was reduced to half-pay, but
immediately put on the full pay of the Scotch Fusileers, being deservedly
popular among the men, drew along with him into that regiment a great
proportion of those who volunteered for America. The volunteers were so
numerous, that, along with those who had been previously discharged and
sent home as disabled, and others who were discharged in America, where
they settled, they reduced the number of the regiment to a very small
proportion of that which had left Scotland.
By their courage in the
field, and their integrity and orderly conduct in quarters, this body of
men seem to have made the same impression on the Americans as elsewhere.
One of the numerous proofs of this favourable impression will be found in
the following extracts from an article published in the Virginia Gazette,
dated the 30th July 1767. "Last Sunday evening, the Royal Highland
Regiment embarked for Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in
America, has been distinguished for having undergone most amazing
fatigues, made long and frequent marches through an unhospitable country,
bearing excessive heat and severe cold with alacrity and cheerfulness,
frequently encamping in deep snow, such as those that inhabit the interior
parts of this province do not see, and which only those who inhabit the
most northern parts of Europe can have any idea of, continually exposed in
camp and on their marches to the alarms of a savage enemy, who, in all
their attempts, were forced to fly." The article then proceeds: "And, in a
particular manner, the freemen of this and the neighbouring provinces have
most sincerely to thank them for that resolution and bravery with which
they, under Colonel Bouquet, and a small number of Royal Americans,
defeated the enemy, and insured to us peace and security from a savage
foe; and, along with our blessings for these benefits, they have our
thanks for that decorum in behaviour which they maintained during their
stay in this city, giving an example that the most amiable behaviour in
civil life is no way inconsistent with the character of the good soldier;
and for their loyalty, fidelity, and orderly behaviour, they have every
wish of the people for health, honour, and a pleasant voyage." [Virginia
Gazette, July 1767.]
Having continued the
history of the regiment to the termination of hostilities, and its safe
arrival in a friendly country, I subjoin a general list of the total loss
in killed and wounded during the war.
Comparing the loss
sustained by this regiment in the field with that of other corps, it has
generally been less than theirs, except in the unfortunate affair of
Ticonderoga. I have conversed with several officers who served in the
corps at that period, and they uniformly accounted for the moderate loss
from the celerity of their attack, and the use of the broadsword, which
the enemy could never withstand. This, likewise, was the opinion of an old
gentleman, one of the original soldiers of the Black Watch, in the ranks
of which, although a gentleman by birth and education, he served till the
peace of 1748. He informed me that, although it was believed at home that
the regiment had been nearly destroyed at Fontenoy, the thing was quite
the reverse; and that it was the subject of general observation in the
army, that their loss should have been so small, considering how actively
they were engaged in different parts of the field. "On one occasion," said
the respectable veteran, who was animated with the subject, "a brigade of
Dutch were ordered to attack a rising ground, on which were posted the
troops called the King of France's own Guards. The Highlanders were to
support them. The Dutch conducted their march and attack as if they did
not know the road, halting and firing, and halting, every twenty paces.
The Highlanders, losing all patience with this kind of fighting, which
gave the enemy such time and opportunity to fire at their leisure, dashed
forward, passed the Dutch, and the first ranks giving their firelocks to
the rear rank, they drew their swords, and soon drove the French from
their ground. When the attack was concluded, it was found that of the
Highlanders not above a dozen men were killed and wounded, while the
Dutch, who had not come up at all, lost more than five times that number."
During the preceding war,
the regiment was fortunate in possessing an excellent corps of officers,
men of respectable character, education, and family; several of whom were
distinguished for superior professional acquirements, and for their
accomplishments as gentlemen. The number of officers in the year 1759,
including the chaplains and medical staff of both battalions, was 83. Of
this number, seven only rose to be general officers, Francis Grant,
brother of the chief of the Grants; John Reid of Strathloch, or Baron
Reid; Allan Campbell, brother of Barcaldine; James Murray, (son of Lord
George Murray); John Campbell of Strachur; Thomas Stirling of Ardoch; and
John Small. Those who became field-officers were, Gordon Graham; Duncan
Campbell of Inneraw; Thomas Graham of Duchray; John Graham, his brother;
William Murray, brother of Lintrose; William Grant, son of Rothiemurchus;
James Abercromby of Glassa; James Abercromby, junior; Robert Grant; James
Grant; Alexander Turnbull of Strathcathro; Alexander Donaldson ; Thomas
Fletcher of Lindertis; Donald Robertson; Duncan Campbell; Alexander
Maclean, and James Eddington. Colonels Fletcher and Eddington attained
their rank in the East-India Company's service, in which they entered
after the peace of 1763; Captains Stewart of Urrard, Campbell of Melford,
Stewart of Stenton, and Sir William Cockburn, sold oat, and the others
retired, and died on half-pay as captains or subalterns. A corps of
officers, respectable in their persons, character, and rank in private
society, was of itself sufficient to secure the esteem of the world, and
to keep their men in an honourable line of conduct, even had they
manifested a contrary disposition. While the Colonel was unremitting in
his exertions to procure the appointment of good officers, and the men
possessed the moral virtues of a pastoral and agricultural life, elevated
by love of country, respect for their own character, and a spirit of
independence, the corps could not fail to acquire that character for which
it was so greatly distinguished). All these remarks apply with equal
justice to Fraser's and Montgomery's Highlanders, of whom it was said,
"That the officers were gentlemen, and the men were soldiers."
The regiment landed at
Cork, where their arrival was thus announced: "General Lord John Murray,
who has been here for some weeks, waiting the arrival of his regi-ment,
marched in this morning at their head, himself and his officers dressed in
the Highland garb, with broadsword, pistols and dirk." [Dublin Newsman.]
Recruiting parties were sent to the Highlands, and, on the '28th of May
following, when reviewed by General Armiger in Galway, the regiment was
complete to the then establishment, and all, except two, born north of the
Tay.
[At this time, the words of
"The Garb of Old Gaul" were composed by "Captain, afterwards Sir Charles
Erskine. Major Reid set them to music of his own composition, which has
ever since been the regimental march. Peace and country quarters affording
leisure to the officers, several of them indulged their taste for poetry
and music. Major Reid was one of the most accomplished flute-players of
the age. He died in 1806, at the age of eighty-five, a General in the
army, and Colonel of the 88th, or Connaught Rangers. He left the sum of L.
52,000 to the University of Edinburgh, assigning the interest to his only
daughter, who has no family, during her life. Then, as the will expressed
it, "being the last heir-male of an ancient family in the county of
Perth,'' he bequeathed, after the death of his only daughter, the sum of
L.52,000, in the 3 per cents., to the Principal and Professors of the
University of Edinburgh, where he was educated, and passed the happiest
years of his life, to be under their sole charge and management, on
condition of their establishing a Professorship of Music in the College,
with a salary of not less than L.300 per annum, and of holding an annual
concert in the hall of the Professor of Music, on the anniversary of his
birth-day, the 13th of January; the performance to commence with several
pieces of his own composition, for the purpose of showing the style of
music in his early years, and towards the middle of the last century.
Among the first of these pieces is the Garb of Old Gaul. He also directs
that a portrait of himself shall be hung up in the hall, one painted in
1745, when he was a Lieutenant in Lord Loudon's Highlanders, one in the
uniform of a General Officer, and a third as Colonel of the Connaught
Rangers. Mr Maclagan, the chaplain, composed Gaelic words to the same air,
as also did a soldier of the regiment. An intelligent officer, who, nearly
sixty years ago, commenced a service of thirty years in the 42d regiment,
states, "I cannot at this distance of time recollect the name of the man
who composed the Gaelic words of the "Garb of Old Gaul;" but he was from
Perthshire, as also John Dhu Cameron, who was drum-major when I joined,
and who sung and repeated several of this man's poems and songs. Before my
time, there were many poets and bards among the soldiers. Their original
compositions were generally in praise of their officers and comrades who
had fallen in battle, or who had performed some gallant achievement; but
they had great stores of ancient poetry. Their love songs were beautiful;
and their laments for the fallen brave, and recollections of their absent
friends, and distant glens and rocks, have often filled my eyes with
tears. There were four Serjeants of the names of Mackinnon, Maclean,
Macgregor, and Macdonald, who had a peculiar talent for these repetitions
and songs. They all died or were discharged before the American war. The
soldiers were much attached to Colonel Reid for his poetry, his music, and
his bravery as a soldier."]
At this period, the uniform
of the corps had a very dark and sombre appearance. The jackets were of a
dull rusty coloured red, and no part of the accoutrements was of a light
colour. Economy was strictly observed in the article of clothing. The old
jacket, after being worn a year, was converted into a waistcoat, and the
plaid, at the end of two years, was reduced to the philibeg. The hose
supplied were of so bad a quality, that the men advanced an additional sum
to the Government price, in order to supply themselves with a better sort.
Instead of feathers for their bonnets, they were allowed only a piece of
black bearskin ; but the men supplied themselves with ostrich feathers, in
the modern fashion, [Officers and non-commissioned officers always wore a
small plume of feathers, after the fashion of their country; but it was
not till the period of which I am now writing, that the soldiers used so
many feathers as they do at present.] and spared no expense in fitting up
their bonnets handsomely. The sword-belts were of black leather, two
inches and a half in breadth; and a small cartouch-box, fitted only for
thirty-two rounds of cartridges, was worn in front, above the purse, and
fixed round the loins with a black belt, in which hung the bayonet. In
these heavy colours, and dark blue facings, the regiment had a far less
splendid appearance at a short distance than English regiments, with white
breeches and belts; but on a closer view, the line was imposing and
warlike. The men possessed what an ingenious author calls "the attractive
beauties of a soldier; sun-burnt complexions, a hardy weather-beaten
visage, with a penetrating eye, and firm expressive countenance, sinewy
and elastic limbs, traces of muscles strongly impressed, indicating
capacity of action, and marking experience of service." [Dr Jackson's
European Armies.] The personal appearance of the men has, no doubt, varied
according as attention was paid to a proper selection of recruits. The
appointments have also been different. The first alteration in this
respect was made in the year 1769, when the regiment removed to Dublin. At
this period, the men received white cloth waistcoats, and the Colonel
supplied them with white goatskin and buff-leather purses, which were
deemed an improvement on the vests of red cloth, and the purses made of
badgers' skin.
The officers also improved
their dress, by having their jackets embroidered. During the war, however,
they wore only a narrow edging of gold-lace round the borders of the
facings, and very often no lace at all, epaulets and all glittering
ornaments being laid aside, to render them less conspicuous to the
Indians, who always aimed particularly at the officers. During their stay
in Ireland, the dress of the men underwent very little alteration. The
officers had only one suit of embroidery: this fashion being found too
expensive, was given up, and gold-lace substituted in its stead. Upon
ordinary occasions, they wore light hangers, using the basket-hilted
broad-sword only in full dress. They also carried fusils. The Serjeants
were furnished with carbines, instead of the Lochaber axe or halbert,
which they formerly carried. The soldiers were provided with new arms when
on Dublin duty in 1771. The Serjeants had silver-lace on their coats,
which they furnished, however, at their own expense.
At this period, the
regiment was held in such respect in the Highlands, and young men so
readily enlisted into it, that recruiting parties of other regiments, in
order to allure the Highland youth, frequently assumed the dress of the
old Highland regiment, for which they affected to be recruiting. When the
regiment lay in Dublin, a party of recruits arrived from the Highlands to
join the 38th regiment, then in Cork. When the recruits saw their
countrymen, they refused to go any farther, saying they had engaged to
serve in the Black Watch. The officer who had them in charge ordered
several of the men to be confined, and reported the business to
Major-General Dilkes, who commanded in Dublin Castle, and likewise to the
late Lord Blaney, Colonel of the 38th. The Lord Lieutenant, Lord Townshend,
ordered a court of inquiry, and, after a full investigation, it was found
that the officer and party had gone to the country in the Highland dress;
that it was the general belief that they were recruiting for the 42d
regiment; and that, although the 38th was inserted in the attestations, no
explanation was made to the recruits, who, ignorant of the English
language, considered that their engagement was to serve in the regiment of
their own country, and not among men whose language they did not
understand, and whose dress they so much disliked. On a clear proof of the
circumstances being led, they were all discharged, when they immediately
re-enlisted into the 42d regiment.
This was one of many
deceptions practised on these people, who, originally open and
unsuspscious, are now said to be frequently distrustful. Were I to judge
from my own experience, I should not credit the reality of such a change;
for in the course of twenty-one years service in the Highland corps, and
in my different transactions with soldiers, of whom I recruited a very
considerable number in the North, many of them left their bounty-money and
other sums in my hands, till they should have occasion for the money, or
till it could be remitted to their relations. In a variety of little
pecuniary transactions of this kind, I was never asked for a receipt for
money so lodged; and when I offered an acknowledgment, it was declined.
The regiment being removed
from Dublin to Donagha-dee, Belfast, and other towns, was actively
employed in different parts of the country in aid of the civil power. Four
companies were afterwards removed to the Isle of Man. On the 21st of
September 1771, orders were issued for adding a company to each regiment
on the Irish establishment, the officers to be taken from the half-pay,
Captain James Macpherson, Lieutenant Campbell, and Ensign John Grant,
were, in consequence, appointed to the 42d.
In 1772 the regiment was
stationed in Galway. At this period, fresh disturbances had broken out in
the county of Antrim, and other quarters, owing to disputes between the
Catholics and Protestants, and between landlords and tenants. In this
delicate service, the Highlanders were found particularly useful, both
from their knowledge of the language and from their conciliating conduct
towards the Irish, the descendants of the same parent stock with
themselves.
Nothing worthy of notice
occurred till the year 1775. The regiment was then embarked at Donaghadee,
and landing at Port-Patrick, marched to Glasgow, after an absence from
Scotland of thirty-two years, since the march to Finchley in 1748. [Many
of the old soldiers on this occasion evinced the force of that attachment
to the country of their birth, which is attributed to Scotchmen in general
and particularly to Highlanders. They leaped on shore with enthusiasm,
kissing the earth, and holding it up in handfuls.]
The following notice of the
conduct of the regiment, and its mode of discipline, during a residence of
eight years in Ireland, is extracted from the communication of a
respectable and intelligent freind, who served in it at that period, and
for many years both before and afterwards. He describes the regiment as
still possessing the character which it had acquired in Germany and
America, although there were not more than eighty of the men remaining who
had served in America, and only a few individuals of those who had served
in Germany, previously to 1748. Their attachment to their native dress,
and their peculiarity of language, habits, and manners, contributed to
preserve them a race of men separate from others of the same profession,
and to give to their system of regimental discipline a distinctive and
peculiar character. Their messes were managed by the non-commissioned
officers, or old soldiers, who had charge of the barrack-room; and these
messes were always so arranged, that, in each room, the men were in
friendship or intimacy with each other, or belonged to the same glen or
district, or were connected by some similar tie. By these means, every
barrack room was like a family establishment. After the weekly allowances
for breakfast, dinner, and small necessaries had been provided, the
surplus pay was deposited in a stock-purse, each member of the mess
drawing for it in his turn. The stock thus acquired was soon found worth
preserving, and instead of hoarding, they lent it out to the inhabitants,
who seemed greatly surprised at seeing a soldier save money. [In this
manner, a species of savings bank was established by these military
economists.]
Their accounts with their
officers were settled once in three months, and, with the exception of a
few careless spendthrifts, all the men purchased their own necessaries,
with which they were always abundantly provided. At every settlement of
accounts they enjoyed themselves very heartily, but with a strict
observance of propriety and good humour: and as the members of each mess
considered themselves in a manner answerable for one another's conduct,
they animadverted on any impropriety with such severity, as to render the
interference of farther authority unnecessary.
The standard height was
five feet seven inches for full grown men, and five feet six for growing
lads. When companies were complete on parade, none under five feet eight
inches were allowed to be in the front rank. The grenadiers were always a
body of tall men. But although the standard was nominally kept at the
above height, there were men of five feet five in the centre rank, and
those undersized men were frequently able to undergo greater fatigues than
any other in the corps.
Lord John Murray exerted
himself to procure for the regiment Scotch and Highland officers, well
knowing how much their influence would assist in procuring men from the
country, and sensible also of the advantage of possessing officers who
understood perfectly the peculiar disposition and character of the men.
Soon after the regiment arrived in Glasgow, two companies were added, and
the establishment of the whole regiment augmented to 100 rank and file
each company, thus making, when complete, a battalion of 1075 men,
including sergeants and drummers.
Officers with parties were
detached on the recruiting service, to those districts of the Highlands
where they had acquaintance and influence. Their object was speedily
obtained: young men were proud of belonging to the corps, and old men
regarded it as a representative and memorial of the achievements of their
forefathers. Hence the establishment was completed in a few weeks. The
bounty offered at this period was, in the first instance, one guinea and a
crown; it was afterwards raised to three guineas, but in the North the
increase had not the smallest influence on the success of recruiting. The
inclinations of the people were chiefly swayed by the expectation of
meeting their countrymen in the regiment; and when the bounty was
increased, those who took it generally left it, or sent it to their
parents or families.
At this time, there was a
keen struggle between the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland and Lord John Murray,
the former wishing to introduce some southern officers into the regiment,
which the latter strenuously resisted. The influence of the Lord
Lieutenant prevailed, and Lieutenants Littleton and Franklin were
appointed, and the commissions of Lieutenants Grant and Mackenzie, whom
Lord John had procured to be gazetted, were afterwards cancelled. The
officers brought from the half-pay, were Captain Duncan Macpherson,
Lieutenants Henry Munro, Alexander Munro, John Macdonald, John Robertson,
John Macgregor, Norman Macleod, John Grant, George Mackenzie, William
Stewart, Sergeant-Major Hugh Fraser, and Quartermaster-Sergeant Smith,
Adjutant and Quartermaster. On the 10th of April 1776, the regiment being
reviewed by General Sir Adolphus Oughton, was reported so complete, and
unexceptionable, that none were rejected. [Of the soldiers 931 were
Highlanders, 74 Lowland Scotch, 5 English, (in the band) 1 Welsh, and 2
Irish.]
Hostilities having
commenced in America, every exertion was made to teach the recruits the
use of the firelock, for which purpose they were drilled even by
candle-light. New arms and accoutrements were supplied to the men,
together with broad-swords and pistols, iron-stocked, the swords and
pistols being supplied at the expense of the colonel. |
