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Part III
Military Annals of
the Highland Regiments
Section III
Operations in America
Embark for New York,
1756—Louisburg, 1757—Ticonderoga, 1758—Louisburg, 1758—Fort Du Quesne,
1758—West In-dies, 1759—Guadaloupe, 1749.
In the year 1754, mutual
encroachments on their respective territories in the Western world led to
hostilities between the English and the French in that quarter. Several
skirmishes were fought on the frontiers. The first of these, in point of
importance, was an attack on a post commanded by Major (afterwards the
celebrated General) Washington, which the French claimed as within their
territories. Washington, after a good defence, surrendered by
capitulation. This affair, which gave the first proof of Washington's
military talents, excited a considerable sensation in England; but nothing
further was done, than to direct our ambassador to make a representation
on the subject to the French Court. In this manner hostilities were
continued for nearly two years, till at length, in May 1756, war was
formally declared.
A body of troops, the
Highlanders forming a part, were embarked under the command of
Lieutenant-General James Abercromby, and landed at New York, in June 1756.
These were soon followed by more troops, under the Earl of Loudon, who was
appointed Commander-in-Chief of the army in North America. An active war
was now expected ; but much valuable time was wasted in holding councils
of war, in making preparations, and in accustoming the troops to what were
called the usages of war. The general was so occupied with schemes for
improving the condition of his troops, that he seemed to have no time for
employing them against the enemy, and allowed a whole season to pass away
without undertaking a single enterprise. In the mean time, the Marquis de
Montcalm, the commander of the French army, carried on, with great
activity, an irregular warfare, by skirmishes and detached incursions,
exceedingly distressing to the inhabitants, and destructive to the British
troops.
The Forts of Ontario,
Oswego, Granville, &c. fell in succession. Oswego, under the command of
Colonel Mercer, held out for two days, when he was killed ; and the death
of their brave commander so dispirited the garrison that they surrendered
immediately. By the terms of capitulation, it was agreed that the troops
should be protected from plunder, and conducted safely as prisoners to
Montreal. These terms were most scandalously violated. The troops were
robbed and insulted by the Indians; several were shot as they stood
defenceless on the parade; and, to crown all, Montcalm gave up twenty of
the men to the Indians, to be sacrificed by them to the manes of their
countrymen, who had fallen in battle. Montcalm attempted to exonerate
himself from the reproach of such inhuman conduct, by alleging that the
British soldiers gave spirits to the Indians, and that, in their
intoxication, these excesses were committed; though he did not explain how
his prisoners came to have spirits at their disposal.
Some time previous to this,
several changes and promotions took place in the 42d regiment.
Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell (the late Duke of Argyll) was promoted to the
command of the 54th regiment, and was succeeded by Major Grant; [When the
men understood that there was to be a vacancy in the regiment, by the
promotion of Colonel Campbell, they came forward with a sum of money,
subscribed among themselves, to purchase the Lieutenant-Colonelcy for
Major Grant; but the promotion going in the regiment without purchase, the
money was not required.] Captain Duncan Campbell of Inveraw was advanced
to the majority; Thomas Graeme of Duchray, James Abercromby, son of
General Abercromby of Glassa, then their Commander-in-Chief in America,
and John Campbell of Strachur, were appointed captains; Lieutenant John
Campbell, captain-lieutenant; Ensigns Kenneth Tolme, James Grant, John
Graeme, brother of Duchray, Hugh M'Pherson, Alexander Turnbull of
Stracathro, and Alexander Campbell, son of Barcaldine, were appointed
lieutenants ; and from the half-pay list were taken, Lieutenants Alexander
M'Intosh, James Gray, William Baillie, Hugh Arnot, William Sutherland,
John Small, and Archibald Campbell; the ensigns were, James Campbell,
Archibald Lamont, Duncan Campbell, George M'Lagan, Patrick Balneaves, son
of Edradour, Patrick Stewart, son of Bon-skeid, Norman M'Leod, George
Campbell, and Donald Campbell.
Previous to the departure
of the regiment from Ireland, officers with parties had been sent to
Scotland to recruit. So successful were these, that in the month of June,
seven hundred recruits were embarked at Greenock for America. When the
Highland regiments landed on that continent, their garb and appearance
attracted much notice. The Indians, in particular, were delighted to see a
European regiment in a dress so similar to their own. [A gentleman in New
York wrote, that, "when the Highlanders landed, they were caressed by all
ranks and orders of men, but more particularly by the Indians. On the
march to Albany, the Indians flocked from all quarters to see the
strangers, who, they believed, were of the same extraction as themselves,
and therefore received them as brothers."]
During the whole of 1756,
the regiment remained inactive in Albany. In the winter and spring of
1757, they were drilled and disciplined for bush-fighting and
sharp-shooting,—a species of warfare for which they were well fitted,
being in general good marksmen, and expert in the management of their
arms. Their ardour and impatience, however, often hurried them from their
cover, when they ought to have remained concealed.
In the beginning of summer,
a plan was laid for an attack on Louisburg. In the month of June, Lord
Loudon embarked, with Major-General Abercromby and the 22d, 42d, 44th,
48th, 2d and 4th battalions of the 60th, together with 600 Rangers; making
in all 5300 men. Proceeding to Halifax with this force, he was there
reinforced by Major-Generals Hopson, Lord Charles Hay, Colonels Lord Howe
and Forbes, with Fraser's and Montgomerie's Highlanders, and the 43d,
46th, and 55th regiments, lately arrived from England. The united force
amounted to 10,500 men.
The fleet and army were on
the eve of departing from Halifax, when information was received that the
Brest fleet, consisting of 17 sail of the line, besides frigates, had
arrived in the harbour of Louisburg. This intelligence suspended the
preparations, and several councils of war were held. Opinions differed
widely, and were maintained with considerable warmth.
[At one of those councils,
Lord Charles Hay, son of the Marquis of Tweed-dale, a gallant and
enterprising officer, so far lost his temper, as to openly accuse the
commander-in-chief of designedly wasting, by his delay and inert
movements, the great force placed by his country under his command;
movements, as he said, dictated by timidity, and leading to the certain
disgrace of our arms.
Lord Charles was put under
arrest, and ordered home to be tried; but his death, occasioned, as was
supposed, by anxiety of mind, prevented the intended court-martial.]
However, it was at length
resolved, that, as the place was so powerfully reinforced, and the season
so far advanced, the enterprise should be deferred till a more favourable
opportunity. Lord Loudon returned soon after to New York, taking with him
the Highlanders and four other regiments. During his absence, the enemy
had been most active. Montcalm, as soon as he heard of the expedition
intended for Louisburg, collected all his disposable forces, including the
Indians, and a large train of artillery, amounting in all to more than
8000 men, and laid siege to Fort William Henry, garrisoned by 3000 men,
under the command of Colonel Munro. General Webb, with 4000 men, was
stationed at Fort Edward, at the distance of six miles. The siege was
conducted with vigour, and in six days after its commencement, Colonel
Munro surrendered, on condition that his garrison should not serve for
eighteen months. The garrison were allowed to march out with their arms
and two field pieces. As soon as they were without the gate, they were
attacked by the Indians, who committed all sorts of outrages and
barbarities; the French, as they said, being unable to restrain them.
Thus terminated this
campaign in America, undistinguished by the acquisition of any object, or
the performance of a single action which might compensate the loss of
territory and the sacrifice of lives. With an inferior force, the enemy
had been successful at every point, and, by the acquisition of Fort
William Henry, had obtained complete command of the Lakes George and
Champlain. The destruction of Oswego gave the dominion of those Lakes,
which connect the St Lawrence with the Mississippi, and opened a direct
communication from Canada; while, by the possession of Fort du Quesne,
they obtained an ascendancy, which enabled them to preserve their alliance
with the Indians. The misfortunes attending our arms in America were, in a
great measure, to be ascribed to the state of the government at home,
distracted by contending factions, and enfeebled by frequent revolutions
of counsels and parties. So rapid and so great were frequently the changes
of men and measures, that officers knew not how their services would be
appreciated, and thus lost one of the most powerful incentives to action,
in the apprehension, that the services performed agreeably to the
instructions of one minister, might be disapproved of by his successor.
Few opportunities of distinguishing themselves were thus offered to the
troops, and, excepting the abortive expedition designed a-gainst
Louisburg, the 42d regiment had no particular duty assigned them during
this year.
By the addition of three
new companies and the junction of 700 recruits, the corps was now
augmented to upwards of 1300 men, all Highlanders, for at that period none
else were admitted into the regiment. To the three additional companies
the following officers were appointed; James Murray, son of Lord George
Murray, James Stewart of Urrard, and Thomas Stirling, son of Sir Henry
Stirling of Ardoch, to be captains; Simon Blair, David Barklay, Archibald
Campbell, Alexander Mackay, Alexander Menzies, and David Mills, to be
lieutenants ; Duncan Stewart, George Rattray, and Alexander Farquharson,
to be ensigns: and the Reverend James Stewart to be assistant chaplain.
In the autumn of this year
the command of the army again devolved on Lieutenant-General Abercromby,
Lord Loudon having been recalled.
The campaign of 1758 opened
with brighter prospects. By a change in the Cabinet of the mother country,
new spirit was infused into her councils, and the stimulus of popular
favour imparted energy and alacrity to the schemes of the new ministers.
The command was transferred to new officers, in whom confidence was
reposed, and who, relying on the due appreciation of their conduct,
undertook, with energy, every enterprise which was proposed to them. A
great naval armament, and a military force of 52,000 men, of whom 22,200
were regulars, perfectly fitted for action, afforded the best hopes of a
vigorous and successful campaign, and, in the present more favourable
expectations, people were willing to forget the delays, disappointments,
and disasters, to which they had, for the last three years, been
accustomed.
Admiral Boscawen was
appointed to command the fleet, and Major-General Amherst, and
Brigadier-Generals Wolfe, Townsend, and Murray, were added to the military
staff. Three expeditions were proposed for this year. The first was
designed to renew the attempt upon Louisburg; the second was to be
directed against Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and the third against Fort
du Quesne, a position from which the French, in conjunction with their
Indian allies, had been in the habit of making incursions into the
neighbouring state.
The expedition against
Ticonderoga was undertaken by General Abercromby, the Commander-in-Chief.
The force allotted for the purpose amounted to 15,390 men, consisting of
the 27th, 44th, 46th, 55th, Lord John Murray's Highlanders, and the 1st
and 4th battalions of the 60th; in all 6337 of the line, with 9024
provincials, and a respectable train of artillery.
Ticonderoga, situated on a
point of land between Lake Champlain and Lake George, is surrounded on
three sides with water, and on one half of the fourth by a morass. The
remaining part was strongly fortified with high entrenchments, supported
and flanked by three batteries, and the whole front of that part which was
accessible intersected by deep traverses, and blocked up with felled
trees, with their branches turned outwards, and their points first
sharpened, and then hardened by fire; forming altogether a most formidable
defence. The troops were embarked in boats on Lake George, and landing
without opposition, were formed into two parallel columns. In this order
they marched, on the 6th of July, to the enemy's advanced post, which was
abandoned without a shot. The march was continued in the same order, but
the ground not having been previously examined, and the guides proving
extremely ignorant, the columns came in contact, and were thrown into
confusion. A detachment of the enemy, which had got bewildered in the
wood, fell in with the right column, at the head of which was Lord Howe. A
smart skirmish ensued, in which the enemy were driven back and scattered,
with considerable loss. This petty advantage was dearly purchased by the
death of Lord Howe, who was killed in the beginning of the skirmish, and
who was deeply and universally regretted, as a young nobleman of the most
promising talents. "He had distinguished himself in a peculiar manner by
his courage, activity, and rigid observance of military discipline, and
had acquired the esteem and affection of the soldiery by his generosity,
sweetness of manners, and engaging address." He was indeed the life and
soul of the expedition, and his death threw a damp over all. General
Abercromby, perceiving that the men were fatigued, ordered them to march
back to the landing-place, which they reached about eight o'clock in the
evening. Next morning he again advanced to the attack, his operations
being hastened by information obtained from the prisoners, that General
Levi, with 3000 men, was advancing to succour Ticonderoga. The garrison
already consisted of 5000 men, of whom, according to the French account,
2800 were French troops of the line, stationed behind the traverses and
felled trees in front of the fort. Alarmed at the report of this
unexpected reinforcement, the General determined to strike a decisive blow
before a junction could be effected. He, therefore, ordered the engineer
to reconnoitre the state of the entrenchments; and report being made that
these were still unfinished, and might be attempted with a prospect of
success, the necessary dispositions for the attack were immediately
formed. The picquets were to commence the assault, and to be followed by
the grenadiers, supported by the battalions and reserve. The reserve was
composed of the Highlanders, and the 55th regiment, which had been Lord
Howe's. When the troops marched up to the entrenchments, they were
surprised to find a regularly fortified breast-work, which, with its
formidable chevaux-de-frize (defended by so strong a force in its rear),
could not be approached without the greatest exertions, particularly as
the artillery had not yet been brought up. Unexpected and disheartening as
these obstructions were, the troops displayed the greatest resolution,
though exposed to a most destructive fire, from an enemy well covered, and
enabled to take deliberate aim, with little danger to themselves. The
Highlanders, impatient at being left in the rear, could not be restrained,
and rushing forward from the reserve, were soon in the front, endeavouring
to cut their way through the trees with their broadswords. These weapons
were here particularly useful; indeed, without them, no man could have
pierced through this species of defence. Much time was lost in this
preliminary operation, and many men had fallen from the fire of the strong
body who manned the trenches in rear of the trees, and who retreated
within the fort when the assailants penetrated the exterior defences. This
destructive fire from the fort was continued with great effect. No ladders
had been provided for scaling the breast-work. The soldiers were obliged
to climb up on each other's shoulders, and, by fixing their feet in the
holes which they had made with their swords and bayonets in the face of
the work, while the defenders were so well prepared that the instant a man
reached the top, he was thrown down. At length, after great exertions,
Captain John Campbell, [This officer has been already mentioned as one of
the two soldiers presented to George II. in the year 1745.] with a few
men, forced their way over the breast-work, but were instantly dispatched
with the bayonet. After persevering for four hours under such
disadvantageous and disheartening circumstances, the General, despairing
of success, gave orders for a retreat; but the soldiers had become so
exasperated by the unexpected check which they had received, and the loss
of so many of their comrades, that they could with difficulty be recalled.
The Highlanders in particular were so obstinate, that it was not till
after the third order from the General that the commanding officer,
Colonel Grant, was able to prevail upon them to retreat, leaving on the
field more than one-half of the men, and two-thirds of the officers,
either killed or desperately wounded.
This impetuosity of
Highland soldiers, and the difficulty of controlling them, in the most
important part of a soldier's duty, has been frequently noticed and
reprobated. To forget necessary discretion, and break loose from command,
is certainly an unmilitary characteristic; but, as it proceeds from a very
honourable principle, it deserves serious consideration, how far any
attempt to allay this ardour may be prudent, or advantageous to the
service. An officer of judgment and feeling, acquainted with the character
of his soldiers, and disposed to allow this chivalrous spirit full play,
will never be at a loss for a sufficient check. It is easier to restrain
than to animate. It has also been observed, that the modern Highland corps
display less of that chivalrous spirit which marked the earlier corps from
the mountains. If there be any good ground for this observation, it may
probably be attributed to this, that these corps do not consist wholly of
native Highlanders. If strangers are introduced among them, even admitting
them to be the best of soldiers, still they are not Highlanders. The charm
is broken,- the conduct of such a corps must be divided, and cannot be
called purely national. The motive which made the Highlanders, when
united, fight for the honour of their name, their clan, and district, is
by this mixture lost. Officers, also, who are strangers to their language,
habits, and peculiar modes of thinking, cannot be expected to understand
their character, their feelings, and their prejudices, which, under
judicious management, have so frequently stimulated to honourable conduct,
although they have sometimes served to excite the ridicule of those who
knew not the dispositions and cast of character on which they were
founded. But if Highland soldiers are judiciously commanded in quarters,
treated with kindness and confidence by their officers, and led into
action with spirit, it cannot on any good grounds be alleged that there is
any deficiency of that firmness and courage which formerly distinguished
them, although it may be readily allowed that much of the romance of the
character is lowered. The change of manners in their native country will
sufficiently account for this.
[The recent statistical
changes in the Highlands have set to flight poetry, chivalry, and all
remembrance of warlike achievements. These have now given way to stories
of squabbles with excise officers, the feats of smugglers, or the
adroitness of speculators and bankrupts, seasoned by the cant of pretended
inspirations of the gospel; by political and religious tracts, of which
they do not comprehend the scope or object; by complaints of the harshness
of landlords, and discussions on the legality of distraining for rent, or
rouping out. These are the subjects which modern civilization and
improvement have provided for the present generation of Highland soldiers,
and in which they are to form their education, their habits, and a
military, chivalrous spirit.]
But, even if their former
sentiments and ancient habits had still been cherished in their native
glens, the young soldier could not easily retain them, if mixed with other
soldiers, strangers to his language, his country, poetry, traditions of
battles and of acts of prowess. These companions would be more disposed to
jeer and deride, than to listen to what they did not understand.
In the earlier part of the
service of the 42d regiment, and when the ancient habits of the people
remained unchanged, the soldiers retained much of these habits in their
camps and quarters. They had their bards for reciting ancient poems and
tales, and composing laments, elegies, and panegyrics on departed friends.
These, as they were generally appropriate, so they were highly useful,
when none were present to hear them but those who understood them, and
whom they could warm and inspire. Another cause has contributed to change
the character of the Highland soldier. This is the reserved, haughty, and
distant etiquette of modern manners and military discipline. When many of
the officers were natives of the mountains, they spoke in their own
language to the men, who, in their turn, addressed the officers with that
easy but respectful familiarity and confidence which subsisted between the
Highland people and their superiors. Another privilege of a Highlander of
the old school, was that of remonstrating and counselling where the case
seemed to him to require it.
[In my time, much of that
which I have here described had disappeared. The men had acquired new
habits from their being in camps and barracks. However, many old soldiers
still retained their original manners, exhibiting much freedom and ease in
their communications with the officers. I joined the regiment in 1789, a
very young soldier. Colonel Graham, the commanding officer, gave me a
steady old soldier, named William Fraser, as my servant,—perhaps as my
adviser and director. I know not that he had received any instructions on
that point, but Colonel Graham himself could not have been more frequent
and attentive in his remonstrances, and cautious with regard to my conduct
and duty, than my old soldier was, when he thought he had cause to
disapprove. These admonitions he always gave me in Gaelic, calling me by
my Christian name, with an allusion to the colour of my hair, which was
fair, or bane, never prefixing Mr or Ensign, except when he spoke in
English. However contrary to the common rules, and however it might
surprise those unaccustomed to the manners of the people, to hear a
soldier or a servant calling his master simply by his name, my honest old
monitor was one of the most respectful, as he was one of the most
faithful, of servants.]
It frequently happened,
also, that they would become sureties, on their own responsibility, for
the good conduct of one another; and, as responsibility implies regularity
of conduct and respectability of character, these suretyships had the most
beneficial influence on the men. But things are now managed differently.
The Highland soldier is brave, and will always prove so, if properly
commanded; but the chivalry of the character has almost disappeared, and
officers may now entertain less dread that their men will disobey orders,
and persevere in a disastrous and hopeless conflict. But their character
must be acted upon by some powerful cause indeed, unless they continue to
be, what they have always been, and what they proved themselves to be at
Ticonderoga,—first in the attack, and last in the retreat, which, after
all, was made deliberately, and in good order.
The enemy appeared to be so
well satisfied with the defence which they had made, that they kept within
their lines, without attempting either to pursue or to annoy the wounded,
who were all carried away. These amounted to 65 officers, 1178
non-commissioned officers and soldiers: 23 officers, and 567 rank and
file, were killed. Of these the 42d regiment had 8 officers, 9 serjeants,
and 297 men, killed; and 17 officers, 10 Serjeants, and 306 soldiers,
wounded. The officers were, Major Duncan Campbell of Inveraw, Captain John
Campbell, Lieutenants George Farquharson, [One of the lieutenants killed
that day was remarked for great firmness of character and good sense. Yet
he could not shake off a presentiment that seized him the morning of the
action that he would be killed. He gave some directions about his family
affairs to Captain Stewart of Urrard and Lieutenant Farquharson. Captain
Stewart endeavoured to remove this impression; but when he found that his
arguments had no effect, he recommended to him to exchange his turn of
duty; to which he answered, "I know you are my friend, otherwise I would
consider your proposal an insult." He marched at the head of the grenadier
company, and was shot through the breast by the first discharge.]
Hugh M'Pherson, William Baillie, and John Sutherland, Ensigns Patrick
Stewart, brother of Bonskied, and George Rattray—killed: Captains Gordon
Graham, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart
of Urrard, James Murray, (afterwards General;) Lieutenants James Grant,
Robert Gray, John Campbell, William Grant, John Graham, brother of Duchray,
Alexander Campbell, Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David
Miller, Patrick Balneaves; and Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant—wounded.
Severe as their loss was on
this occasion, the regiment had the greatest gratification that soldiers
could receive in such cases—the approbation of their country. No encomiums
could be stronger than those bestowed on their conduct in that affair. The
periodical publications of the time are full of anecdotes and panegyrics
of the corps. I select, from a great number, the two following letters.
The first is from an officer of the 55th, or Lord Howe's regiment: "With a
mixture of esteem, grief, and envy, I consider the great loss and immortal
glory acquired by the Scots Highlanders in the late bloody affair.
Impatient for orders, they rushed forward to the entrenchments, which many
of them actually mounted. They appeared like lions, breaking from their
chains. Their intrepidity was rather animated than damped by seeing their
comrades fall on every side. I have only to say of them, that they seemed
more anxious to revenge the cause of their deceased friends, than careful
to avoid the same fate. By their assistance, we expect soon to give a good
account of the enemy and of ourselves. There is much harmony and
friendship between us." [St James's Chronicle.] The next is an extract of
a letter from an officer (Lieutenant William Grant) of the old Highland
regiment, [By this name the original Highland corps was now called, in
contradistinction to those raised in the Seven Years' War.] not so
enthusiastic as that of the English officer, but containing apparently a
candid detail of circumstances: "The attack began a little past one in the
afternoon, and, about two, the fire became general on both sides, which
was exceedingly heavy, and without any intermission, insomuch, that the
oldest soldier present never saw so furious and incessant a fire. The
affair at Fontenoy was nothing to it: I saw both. We laboured under
insurmountable difficulties. The enemy's breastwork was about nine or ten
feet high, upon the top of which they had plenty of wall-pieces fixed, and
which was well lined in the inside with small arms. But the difficult
access to their lines was what gave them a fatal advantage over us. They
took care to cut down monstrous large oak trees, which covered all the
ground from the foot of their breastwork about the distance of a cannon
shot every way in their front. This not only broke our ranks, and made it
impossible for us to keep our order, but put it entirely out of our power
to advance till we cut our way through. I have seen men behave with
courage and resolution before now, but so much determined bravery can be
hardly equalled in any part of the history of ancient Rome. Even those
that were mortally wounded cried aloud to their companions, not to mind or
lose a thought upon them, but to follow their officers, and to mind the
honour of their country. Nay, their ardour was such, that it was difficult
to bring them off. They paid dearly for their intrepidity. The remains of
the regiment had the honour to cover the retreat of the army, and brought
off the wounded as we did at Fontenoy. When shall we have so fine a
regiment again? I hope we shall be allowed to recruit." This hope was soon
realized; for at this time letters of service were issued for adding a
second battalion, and an order to make the regiment Royal, "as a testimony
of his Majesty's satisfaction and approbation of the extraordinary
courage, loyalty, and exemplary conduct of the Highland regiment. ". This
mark of approbation was the more gratifying, as it was conferred before
the conduct of the corps at Ticonderoga was known in England; for, if
their previous conduct was considered worthy of approval, their gallantry
at Ticonderoga would have given an additional claim.
The vacancies occasioned in
the 42d by the deaths at Ticonderoga were filled up in regular succession.
The second battalion was to be formed of the three additional companies
raised the preceding year, and of seven companies to be immediately
recruited. These were completed in three months, and embodied at Perth in
October 1758, each company being 120 men strong, all Highlanders, with a
few exceptions, [Eighteen Irishmen were enlisted at Glasgow by two
officers anxious to obtain commissions. Lord John Murray's orders were
peremptory, that none but Highlanders should be taken. It happened in this
case that several of the men were O'Donnels, O'Lachlans, O'Briens, &c. The
O was changed to Mac; and they passed muster as true Macdonnels,
Maclachlans, and Mac-briars, without being questioned.] and hardy and
temperate in their habits. The seven companies formed a battalion of 840
men, the other three companies having previously embarked for America to
reinforce the first battalion.
The officers appointed to
the seven additional companies were, Francis M'Lean, Alexander Sinclair,
John Stewart of Stenton, William Murray, son of Lintrose, Archibald
Campbell, Alexander Reid, and Robert Arbuthnot, to be captains; Alexander
M'Lean, George Grant, George Sinclair, Gordon Clunes, Adam Stewart, John
Robertson, son of Lude, John Grant, James Fraser, George Leslie, John
Campbell, Alexander Stewart, Duncan Richardson, and Robert Robertson, to
be lieutenants; and Patrick Sinclair, John M'Intosh, James M'DufF, Thomas
Fletcher, Alexander Donaldson, William M'Lean, and Willam Brown, to be
ensigns.
So much was the General
disconcerted by his disaster at Ticonderoga, that he immediately embarked
his army, and sailed across Lake George to his former camp. Yet,
unfortunate as the result of that affair was, the nation was highly
satisfied with the conduct of the army; and the regret occasioned by the
loss of so many valuable lives was alleviated by the hope, that an
enterprise, so gallantly though unsuccessfully conducted, offered a fair
presage of future success and glory.
The old Highland regiment
having suffered so severely, and the second battalion being ordered on
another service, (to the West Indies), they were not employed again this
year. But as it is part of my plan to give a detailed narrative of the
military service of all corps raised in the Highlands ; with a view to
preserve an uniformity in combined operations, I shall now trace the
movements of an expedition against Louisburg, in which Fraser's
Highlanders [See article Fraser's Highlanders, 2d vol.] were employed, and
then follow those of the expedition against Fort du Quesne, under
Brigadier-General Forbes, with Montgomery's Highlanders. [See article
Montgomery's Highlanders, 2d vol.]
For the first of these
enterprises a formidable armament sailed from Halifax on the 28th May,
under the command of Admiral Boscawen and Major-General Amherst, and
Brigadier-Generals Wolfe, Lawrence, Monckton, and Whitmore. This armament,
consisting of twenty-five sail of the line, eighteen frigates, and a
number of bomb and fire-ships, with the Royals, 15th, 17th, 22d, 28th,
35th, 40th, 45th, 47th, 58th, the 2d and 3d battalions of the 60th, 78th
Highlanders, and New England Rangers—in all, 13,094 men, anchored on the
2d of June in Garbarus Bay, seven miles from Louisburg. This garrison was
defended by the Chevalier Ducour, with 2500 regulars, 600 militia, and 400
Canadians and Indians. Six ships of the line and five frigates protected
the harbour, at the mouth of which three of the frigates were sunk. The
fleet was six days on the coast before a landing could be attempted; a
heavy surf continually rolling with such violence, that no boat could
approach the shore. On the accessible parts of the coast, a chain of posts
had been established, extending more than seven miles along the beach,
with entrenchments and batteries. On the 8th of June, when the violence of
the surf had somewhat abated, a landing was effected.
The troops were disposed
for landing in three divisions. That on the left, which was destined for
the real attack, was commanded by Brigadier-General Wolfe. It was composed
of the grenadiers and light infantry of the army, and Fraser's
Highlanders. The landing place was occupied by 2000 men, entrenched behind
a battery of eight pieces of cannon and ten swivels. Reserving their fire
till the boats were near the beach, the enemy opened a discharge of cannon
and musquetry. The surf aided their fire. Many of the boats were upset or
dashed to pieces on the rocks, and numbers of the men were killed or
drowned before they could reach the land. At this time Captain Baillie and
Lieutenant Cuthbert of the Highlanders, Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherst's,
and thirty-eight men, were killed. "But nothing could stop our troops when
headed by such a general (Wolfe). Some of the light infantry and
Highlanders got first ashore, and drove all before them. The rest followed
; and, being encouraged by the example of their heroic commander, soon
pursued the enemy to the distance of two miles, when they were checked by
a canonnading from the town."
For a few days offensive
operations proceeded very slowly. The continued violence of the weather
retarded the landing of the stores and provisions, and the nature of the
ground, in some places very rocky, and in others a morass, presented many
serious obstacles. These difficulties, however, yielded to the
perseverance and exertions of the troops. The first operation was to
secure a point called the Light House Battery, from which the guns could
play on the ships and on the batteries on the opposite side of the harbour.
On the 12th, General Wolfe performed this service with his usual vigour
and activity; and "with his Highlanders and flankers," took possession of
this and all the other posts in that quarter, with very trifling loss. On
the 25th, the fire from this post silenced the island battery immediately
opposite. An incessant fire was, however, kept up from the other batteries
and shipping of the enemy. On the 9th of July, the enemy made a sortie on
Brigadier-General Lawrence's brigade, but were quickly repulsed. In this
skirmish fell Captain the Earl of Dundonald. On the 16th,
Brigadier-General Wolfe pushed forward some grenadiers and Highlanders,
and took possession of the hills in front of the battery, where a
lodgement was made, under a fire from the town and the ships. On the 21st,
one of the enemy's line-of-battle ships caught fire and blew up, com-municating
the fire to two others, which burned to the water's edge. This loss nearly
decided the fate of the town. The enemy's fire was almost totally
silenced, and their fortifications were shattered to the ground. To effect
the possession of the harbour, one decisive blow remained yet to be
struck. For this purpose, the admiral sent a detachment of 600 seamen in
boats, to take or burn the two ships of the line which remained,
determining, if the attempt should succeed, to send in some of the large
ships to batter the town on the side of the harbour. This enterprise was
gallantly executed by the Captains Laforey and Balfour, who towed off one
of the ships, and set the other on fire in the place where she grounded.
The town surrendered on the 26th July, and on the 27th Colonel Lord Rollo
marched in and took possession: the garrison and seamen, amounting to 5637
men, were made prisoners of war. Thus, with the expense of 12 officers, 3
sergeants, and 150 soldiers killed, and 25 officers, 4 sergeants, and 325
soldiers wounded, the British obtained possession of Cape Breton and the
strong town of Louisburg, and destroyed a powerful fleet. Except the Earl
of Dundonald, no officer of rank was killed. The Highlanders lost Captain
Baillie, and Lieutenants Cuthbert, Fraser, and Murray, killed ; Captain
Donald M'Donald, Lieutenants Alexander Campbell (Barcaldine) and John
M'Donald, wounded; and 67 rank and file killed and wounded.
The news of this conquest
diffused a general joy over Britain. Eleven pair of colours were, by his
Majesty's orders, carried in full procession, escorted by the horse and
foot guards, from Kensington Palace to St Paul's, and there deposited
under a discharge of cannon; and addresses of congratulation were sent to
the King by a number of towns and corporations.
The third great enterprise
of the year 1758 was that undertaken by Brigadier-General Forbes against
Fort du Quesne. The prodigious extent of country which he had to traverse,
through woods without roads, and over mountains and morasses almost
impassable, rendered this expedition no less difficult than the other two,
although the point of attack was less formidable, and the number of the
enemy inferior. His army consisted of Montgomery's Highlanders, 1284
strong, 554 of the Royal Americans, and 4400 Provincials ; in all, 6238
men.
In July the Brigadier
marched from Philadelphia; and, after surmounting many difficulties, in
the month of September he reached Raystown, ninety miles distant from Da
Quesne. Thence he sent forward Colonel Bouquet, with 2000 men, to Loyal
Henning, fifty miles in advance, whence this officer despatched Major
James Grant [Afterwards General Grant of Ballindalloch.] of Montgomery's,
with 400 Highlanders and 500 Provincials, to reconnoitre Fort du Quesne,
distant about forty miles. If Colonel Bouquet endangered this detachment
by sending forward a small force so far beyond the possibility of support
from he main body, the conduct of Major Grant did not lessen the risk.
When near the garrison, he advanced with pipes laying and drums beating,
as if he had been going to enter a friendly town. The enemy did not wait
to be attacked. Alarmed at this noisy advance, they marched out to meet
the assailants, when a desperate conflict ensued. Major Grant ordered his
men to throw off their coats, and advance sword in hand. The enemy fled on
the first charge, and rushed into the woods, where they spread themselves;
but, being afterwards joined by a body of Indians, they rallied, and
surrounded the detachment on all sides. Being themselves concealed by a
thick foliage, their heavy and destructive fire could not be returned with
any effect. Major Grant was taken in an attempt to force into the wood,
where he observed the thickest of the fire. On losing their commander, and
seeing so many officers killed and wounded, the troops dispersed. About
150 of the Highlanders got back to Loyal Henning.
Major Grant was taken
prisoner, and 231 soldiers of his regiment were killed and wounded.
Captains Monro and M'Donald, and Lieutenants Alexander M'Kenzie, Colin
Campbell, William M'Kenzie, Alexander M'Donald, and Roderick M'Kenzie,
were killed; and Captain Hugh M'Kenzie, Lieutenants Alexander M'Donald
junior, Archibald Robertson, Henry Monro, and Ensigns John M'Donald and
Alexander Grant, wounded. This check, however, did not dispirit General
Forbes, who pushed forward with expedition. The enemy, intimidated by his
approach, retired from Fort du Quesne, leaving ammunition, stores, and
provisions untouched. [Major Grant's attack, though unfortunate, must have
been made with great effect, as it so much dispirited the enemy as to
induce them to retire without an attempt to defend the garrison. Their
loss is said to have been severe, but the number has not been stated.] The
Fort was taken possession of on the 24th of November, and its name changed
to Pittsburg. An alliance was formed with the Indians, who, now beginning
to think that the English were the stronger party, renounced their
connection with the French, and became as active in aiding the English as
they had formerly been in opposing them.
The General returned soon
afterwards to Philadelphia, where he died, universally lamented and
respected as one of the most accomplished and ablest officers then in
America. [General Forbes was the son of Colonel Forbes of Pittencrief, in
the county of Fife. He served in the Scotch Greys as cornet, and rose in
rank till he commanded the regiment. He was subsequently appointed colonel
of the 71st foot. In the German war he was on the staff of Field.Marshal
Lord Stair, General Ligonier, and General Sir James Campbell of Lawers.
Lat-terly he was Quartermaster-General to the army in Flanders, under the
command of the Duke of Cumberland, when he was ordered to America; "where,
by a steady pursuit of well-concerted measures, he, in defiance of disease
and numberless obstructions, brought to a happy issue a remarkable
expedition, and made his own life a willing sacrifice to what he valued
more—the interest of his King and country."—Westminster Journal.]
Notwithstanding the
disaster at Ticonderoga, and the defeat of Major Grant's detachment, the
superiority of the campaign was evidently on the side of Britain. The
military character of the nation, which had suffered so much from the
events of the preceding campaign, was restored; and our possession of
Louisburg, St John's, Frontiniac, and Du Quesne, deprived the enemy of
their principal defences, and laying their colonies open, accelerated the
success of the vigorous measures which were pursued in the following
campaign.
Before detailing the
services of the 1st battalion of the 42d regiment during this year, which,
indeed, were more fatiguing than brilliant, I return to the 2d battalion,
or rather the seven new companies raised and added to the regiment. In
August 1758, the officers received their recruiting instructions, and in
the month of October following, 840 men were embodied at Perth, 200 of
whom were immediately marched to Greenock, where they embarked for the
West Indies, under the convoy of the Ludlow Castle, and joined an armament
lying in Carlisle Bay, ready for an attack on Martinique and Guadaloupe.
Being delayed for want of transports, the other division of the battalion
did not join the armament till after it had left Barbadoes, and was about
to disembark at Martinique. The troops employed in this expedition were,
the Old Buffs, King's, 6th, 63d, 64th, seven companies of the Royal
Highlanders, 800 Marines, and a detachment of Artillery, amounting in all
to 5560 men, under the command of Major-Generals Hopson and Barrington,
and of Brigadier-Generals Haldane, Armiger, Trapaud, and Clavering.
On the 13th January 1759,
they sailed from Barbadoes, under convoy of the fleet commanded by
Commodore Moore, and appeared off Martinique on the morning of the 15th.
On the 16th three line-of-battle ships were ordered to anchor opposite to
Fort Negro, the guns of which they soon silenced; and in the afternoon a
detachment of seamen and marines were landed without opposition, and kept
their ground during the night, without being disturbed by the enemy. Next
morning the whole were landed at Cas de Navire, as if going to exercise,
no enemy being then in sight. At 10 o'clock, the Grenadiers, the 4th or
King's regiment, and the Highlanders, moved forward, and soon fell in with
parties of the enemy, with whom they kept up an irregular fire, the former
retreating as the latter advanced, till a party of the Grenadiers and
Highlanders got within a little distance of Morne Tortueson, an eminence
behind Fort Royal, and the most important post in the island. Whilst they
were waiting in this position till the rest of the army came up, the
advanced parties continued skirmishing with the enemy, during which it was
said of the Highlanders, "that, although debarred the use of arms in their
own country, they showed themselves good marksmen, and had not forgot how
to handle their arms." In the mean time, General Hopson finding, from the
ruggedness of the ground, intersected by deep ravines and rocks, that he
could not get up his guns without great labour, determined to relinquish
the attempt, and gave orders to re-embark without day. The loss in this
abortive expedition was, Captain Dalmahoy, of the Grenadiers of the 4th
foot, killed; Captain Campbell, of the same regiment, and Lieutenant
Leslie, of the Royal Highlanders, wounded, and 60 privates killed and
wounded.
After the whole army had
embarked, a council of war was held, when it was proposed to attack St
Pierre, which being an open town, defended by only a few small batteries
on a point of land in the neighbourhood, could not be expected to make any
serious resistance. To this plan it was objected, that the ships might be
disabled, and the troops so much diminished by losses, as not to be able
to proceed to any farther service. This opinion prevailed, and Guadaloupe
being of equal importance, it was resolved to proceed to the conquest of
that island. There might be very good grounds for this preference,
although it does not appear how any service of this nature can be
accomplished, without running a risk of disabling and diminishing the arms
employed. In a political point of view, Martinique was of more importance
than Guadaloupe, as, from its spacious and safe harbour, it was the usual
rendezvous of the French fleets, although, as a sugar plantation, it is
inferior. Accordingly, on the 29th of January, the line-of-battle ships
ranged themselves in a line with the town of Basseterre in Guadaloupe, and
at 9 in the morning commenced a furious attack on the town and batteries,
which was returned and kept up on both sides, with great spirit, for many
hours. About 5 o'clock in the evening, the fire of the citadel slackened,
and at to many parts of the town were in a blaze. The Rippon of 74 guns
having run aground, and being observed by the enemy while in that state,
they brought all their guns to bear upon her, the other ships being unable
to afford her assistance. Captain Leslie of the Bristol coming in from
sea, and seeing her in this perilous situa-tion, gallantly dashed in
between her and the batteries, and poured in his broadsides with such
effect, as to silence their fire, and enable the Rippon to get off with
the tide. It was observed as a remarkable circumstance in this engagement,
that, although the Burford had all her cables shot away, her rigging cut
and destroyed, and several guns upset, and was at last driven out to sea
almost a wreck, there was not a man killed on board.
Next morning (January the
24th) the troops landed without opposition, and after taking possession of
the town and citadel encamped in the neighbourhood. For a few days nothing
took place except the establishment of some small posts on the hills
nearest the town. On one of these, Major (afterwards General) Melville
took up a position opposite to some entrenchments, thrown up by Madame
Du-charmey. This heroine, instead of taking shelter in the inaccessible
parts of the woods, as the governor and many of the principal inhabitants
had done, armed her negroes, and kept our outposts in constant alarm ;
and, notwithstanding Major Melville's characteristic vigilance and
activity, she so frequently annoyed him, that it was at last determined to
attack her entrenchments in due form. These were defended with a spirit
that did great honour to this Amazon and her garrison, several ladies of
which were taken prisoners. The commandress, however, made her escape, ten
of her garrison having been killed and many wounded. Of the assailants
twelve were slain and thirty wounded; among the latter were "Lieutenants
Farrel of Armiger's or the 40th, and M'Lean of the Highlanders, both of
whom distinguished themselves on this occasion. Mr M'Lean lost an arm."
[It would appear that this very noisy and unpolite intrusion on a lady's
quarters did not injure Lieutenant M'Lean in the esteem of the ladies of
Guadaloupe; for we find, that, although he got leave from General
Barrington to return home for the cure of his arm, he refused to quit his
regiment, and remained at his duty. "He was particularly noticed by the
French ladies for his gallantry and spirit, and the manner he wore his
plaid and regimental garb." ] In this manner each party continued
skirmishing and harassing the other;—certainly the best manner of defence
that could have been adopted by an inferior force in a destructive
climate, and a difficult country.
On the 13th of February, a
detachment of Highlanders and Marines was landed in Grandeterre, in the
neighbourhood of Fort Louis, the ships clearing the beach with their guns,
as the boats approached the shore; after which, "a party of Marines and
Highlanders drove the enemy from his entrenchments, and taking possession
of the fort, hoisted the English colours."
General Hopson having died
on the 27th, the command of the troops devolved on General Barrington. But
disease had made such ravages, that 1800 men were either dead or in
hospital. The new commander, anxious to complete, with all possible
dispatch, the reduction of the colony, and to meet the enemy in their own
manner of fighting, embarked his troops with an intention of removing the
war to Grandeterre and Capesterre, leaving Colonel Debrisay with one
regiment, in the citadel of Basseterre. Owing to currents and contrary
winds, the transports were some days in reaching Grandeterre. Here the
commodore being informed of the arrival of a French fleet with troops at
Martinique, sailed to Prince Rupert's Bay in Dominique, to be ready to
oppose them if they attempted to succour Guadaloupe. General Barrington
having established himself in Grandeterre, ordered Colonel Crump, with 600
men, to attack the towns of St Anne's and St Francis. This was executed
next morning at sunrise, with great spirit. Notwithstanding the fire of
the enemy from their entrenchments and batteries, both towns were carried
with little loss, Ensign M'Lean of the Highlanders being the only officer
who fell in this assault. On the following day, Colonel Crump pushing
forward, drove the enemy from another position, where they had erected
three twenty-four pounders. The general then formed a design to surprise
Petit Bourg, St Mary's, and Gouyave, on the Capesterre side, and committed
the execution of this duty to the Brigadiers Clavering and Crump. But,
owing to the darkness of a tempestuous night, and the terror and ignorance
of the negro guides, the attempt failed. The general was now obliged to do
that by force, which he could not accomplish by easier means, and directed
the same commanders to land near the town of Arnonville. The enemy,
without opposing the landing, retreated to a strong position on the banks
of the Licorn. This river, rendered inaccessible, except at two narrow
passes, by a morass covered with mangroves, was fortified by a redoubt and
entrenchment, well pali-sadoed and mounted with cannon, the narrow paths
being intersected with wide and deep traverses. Notwithstanding these
disadvantages, the commanders determined to hazard an assault, and began
the attack with a fire from their field-pieces and howitzers on the
entrenchments, under cover of which the regiment of Duroure (the 38th) and
the Royal Highlanders pushed forward. The enemy beginning to waver as they
advanced, the "Highlanders drew their swords, and, supported by a part of
the other regiment, rushed forward with their characteristic impetuosity,
and followed the enemy into the redoubt, of which they took possession."
[Letters from Guadaloupe.]
The enemy, in the mean
time, taking advantage of the removal of the troops from the quarters of
Basseterre, made several attempts on the small garrison left there under
Colonel Debrisay. In these attacks they were uniformly repulsed. Colonel
Debrisay was unfortunately killed by the explosion of a powder magazine,
and was succeeded in the command of Basseterre by Major Melville, who
afterwards rendered such signal service to the West Indies, as
governor-general of the ceded islands. On the other side of the island,
Colonels Clavering and Crump did not relax their exertions. In a
succession of skirmishes they forced the enemy from their strong holds,
took upwards of fifty pieces of cannon, and obtained possession of all the
batteries and towns on the sea-coast. At length the enemy were compelled
to surrender, after a gallant defence, which was maintained from the 24th
of January to the 1st of May, when the capitulation was signed.
On the evening of the same
day, intelligence was received that the Governor of Martinique had landed
on the opposite side of the island with a considerable force, for the
relief of the colony; but on hearing of the surrender, he re-embarked and
returned to Martinique. The loss of the British on this expedition was
severe; but, in consequence of their continued fatigues and exposure, they
suffered more by the climate than by the enemy. Of the officers 10 were
killed, 21 wounded, and 20 died by the fever. Of the Royal Highlanders,
Ensign M'Lean was killed, and Lieutenants M'Lean, Leslie, St Clair, and
Robertson, were wounded; Major Anstruther and Captain Arbuthnot died of
the fever; and 106 privates were killed, wounded, or died of disease. This
expedition was a tolerably smart training for a young corps, who, nine
months before, had been herding cattle and sheep on their native hills.
["By private accounts, it
appears that the French had formed the most frightful and absurd notions
of the 'Sauvages d' Ecosse;' they believed that they would neither take
nor give quarter, and that they were so nimble, that, as no man could
catch them, so nobody could escape them; that no man had a chance against
their broad-swords; and that, with a ferocity natural to savages, they
made no prisoners, and spared neither man, woman, nor child: and as they
were always in the front of every action in which they were engaged, it is
probable that these notions had no small influence on the nerves of the
militia, and perhaps regulars of Guadaloupe." It was always believed by
the enemy, that the Highlanders amounted to several thousands. This
erroneous enumerration of a corps only 800 strong, was said to proceed
from the frequency of their attacks and annoyance of the outposts of the
enemy, who "saw men in the same garb who attacked them yesterday from one
direction, again appear to-day to advance from another, and in this manner
ever harassing their advanced position, so as to allow them no
rest."—Letters from Guadaloupe.]
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