Different groups of Scots adjusted to the
changed status of their country in accordance with their own best
interests. In Glasgow for instance, the opening to Scots traders of
English colonies gave the merchants of the city the opportunity to amass
great wealth from the tobacco trade between Britain and the plantations in
the West Indies and the American eastern seaboard, Virginia especially.
The 'Tobacco Lords' came to dominate the economy and the civic life of the
city, their profits providing funds for investment in sugar and in
cotton-processing and manufacture in due course. The new trading links
with the New World were soon to alter completely the centuries-old trading
pattern of pre-Union times, shifting the country's main commercial
activity from the east coast to the west. From the early post-Union years
until very recently, commercial and industrial Scotland centred on Glasgow
and the Clyde.
The effect upon Edinburgh was different,
but equally striking. The loss of political purpose in the capital might
have been expected to create something of a ghost town, but in fact
Edinburgh flourished as never before. Its University in particular, like
its sister institution in Glasgow, became a centre of excellence in a
whole range of studies - arts and sciences alike. Scottish philosophers,
like David Hume and Adam Ferguson, were recognised throughout Europe and
America as the foremost original scholars of their time.
Edinburgh came to be called 'The Athens of
the North', and the city enjoyed an intellectual and cultural 'Golden Age'.
Physically the city was transformed, thanks largely to the vision and
energy of George Drummond, a leading figure in local politics and Lord
Provost for several terms. Buildings designed by architects of
international status gave grace and dignity especially to the New Town,
built across the newly drained Nor' Loch; and the New Town became Scotland's
finest example of the expression in stone of the spirit of the age.
That spirit is summed up in terms like 'The
Age of Reason' or 'The Enlightenment'; terms which remind us that the
eighteenth century saw a flowering of human imagination and talent
unsurpassed since Renaissance times. Just as then, in the fifteenth
century, so again in the eighteenth, men drew inspiration from classical
examples. In architecture, in philosophy, in literature and the arts, even
in gardening, emphasis was upon symmetry and order. The inspiration was
scientific. Scientists observed that the world operated in accordance with
rules which Mathematics and Physics could test and prove. The notion that
the world was essentially founded on harmony and order encouraged the
desire to show form and order in all human artefacts, and encouraged also
the optimistic belief that life and society could similarly be planned and
ordered if only men would use their intelligence. There developed an
optimism; a confidence that Man by the exercise of his intellect, could
improve himself and his institutions, and perfection itself was not an
impossible goal. It was all a far cry from the conflicts and emotionalism
of the seventeenth century, but the obsessions and issues of that period
had ceased to be relevant. The preoccupation with church government had
lost its urgency with the settlement of 1690; while the old magic,
mystical monarchy by Divine Right had gone with the Stewarts, and King
William and King George were magistrates and administrators, rather than
embodiments of God's will.
Edinburgh's New Town from
Edinburgh Castle. (Photo: Gordon Wright)
The new age would, however, have been
unlikely to come to birth but for one further consequence of the Union.
The aristocracy - the 'natural leaders' of the Scottish political
community - had not abandoned their political ambitions or their taste for
public life. There was now a new state to be served and a new, richer
paymaster, from whom rewards for service might be expected. Those who
would be courtiers had to go to the Court, and the Court was now in
London. So to London went the Scottish aristocracy.
With that regard to the interests of their
descendants, which is an acquired characteristic of aristocracy, the
Scottish nobles now saw to it that their sons would in future be educated,
according to English usage, in England, from whose schools and
universities the English state had drawn its servants, just as the new
British state would assuredly do. By residence, by up-bringing, by social
contacts, by participation in public affairs, the Scottish aristocracy
became thoroughly integrated, within a generation indistinguishable from
their English colleagues. They deserted, more or less en masse, the people
they had led and the culture which with them they had shared.
Into the social gap thus left, there came
the new men of significance, their claims to power and influence resting
upon their talents and their intellect and not upon their pedigree or
their acres. The new men were lawyers, university professors, leaders of
professions and men distinguished by success in commerce. These men were
preoccupied by the wish to construct and to improve. Diplomacy and
statecraft now belonged to London, and Scotland's new men were concerned
with the intellectual and commercial activities which remained in the
Scottish community.
The vigour and influence of Scottish
cultural life was spectacular, and not merely in the abstract. Practical
consequences flowed from the theories and ideas which abounded. However,
before these practical developments could fully come to pass, Scotland had
to pass through one last crisis, one last expression of the old
seventeenth century controversies.
It was to be expected that some attempt
would be made to set aside the Act of Settlement in order to secure the
restoration of the branch of the royal family which had been excluded by
Parliamentary decision, but which was, by blood, the rightful line. Such
attempts were now made by the supporters of the old traditional monarchy
to bring to the throne James Francis Edward, son of the ousted King James
(who had died in exile in 1701). For thirty years Jacobite hopes endured,
bringing about more or less constant diplomatic negotiations and political
intrigues, and, in particular, two armed risings aiming at the restoration
of the Stewarts.
The attempts concentrated especially upon
Scotland. Support for the Jacobite cause in England was negligible, but in
Scotland emotions were more extreme and more contradictory. In most of the
Lowlands the Stewarts were hated and feared, though some families among
the nobility and gentry, mainly because of Episcopalian or Catholic
commitment to Divine Right, were sympathetic. In the Highlands support was
proportionately rather greater. The Campbells were Presbyterian and
Hanoverian, and this had the effect of making clans who were their
neighbours and victims - usually the same thing - take the opposite side.
So Macleans, Stewarts of Appin, Camerons and MacDonalds of various septs,
were receptive to Jacobite appeals, to which in any case the religious
views of the chiefs of these various clans inclined them.
Further north, away from Campbell
pressures, there was less interest. Mackays, Sinclairs and Gunns were as
Hanoverian as the Campbells, and the Mackenzies were not especially
interested one way or the other.
So the balance of opinion in the Highlands
was fairly even, with perhaps, if we exclude Clan Campbell, a slight
tendency towards Jacobitism. In the country as a whole there was no doubt
that the exiled line was opposed by a substantial majority. The point was,
however, that, given the military potential of the clans, Scotland might
just possibly be won for the Stewarts on the battlefield.
Thus Scotland became the focus of Jacobite
attention; and Scottish national grievances and hurt were played upon by
Jacobite supporters. 'Scotland and no Union' became a Jacobite slogan
which men were in due course to inscribe upon their swords.
Some Jacobite response was to be
anticipated after the accession of George I in 1714. To strike before the
new regime in London had been properly settled in, and while irritation
against the Union continued in Scotland, was an obvious tactic, and as
soon as plans could be devised, a rising duly occurred, beginning with the
raising of the standard of King James VIII, by John, Earl of Mar on 6
September 1715. The rising was ineptly led. Border Jacobites - Lord
Kenmure in Galloway, and the Earl of Derwentwater in Cumberland - marched
rather inconclusively in the North of England, until surrendering at
Preston. Mar failed to make any well-timed or really persevering attempt
to break through to Edinburgh, allowing himself to be blocked by an army a
third the size of his own, led by Argyle, at Sheriffmuir on 13 November.
By February 1716, Mar and James himself, who had landed too late to
contribute anything much to his cause, were both in exile.
Jacobite prospects had been adversely
affected in 1715 because French policy at that moment was not supportive.
That policy, however, changed; by 1743 France was at war with Britain, and
her rulers readier to pursue their traditional policy of encouraging
disaffection which would divert British attention and power from the
continental war. Thus James's son, Charles Edward, received a more
encouraging response when he proposed to lead a further rising on his
father's behalf. The French were never able to bring themselves to give
all-out support to such enterprises, but on this occasion they did provide
Charles with money, supplies and some seven hundred soldiers with which he
set sail in a two-vessel fleet from Nantes in July 1745. One vessel was
driven back to France after an encounter with a British warship, and it
was with only seven men and no material French support that Charles landed
in Eriskay on 23 July. His obvious weakness deterred chiefs who had been
making Jacobite noises, but appeals to loyalty and honour from Charles won
over Cameron of Lochiel, and his example brought others round. On 19
August Charles raised his father's standard again at Glenfinnan; and in
due course the clans of the west-central Highlands - Cameron, Stewart,
MacLean, MacDonald and various branches of Clan Chattan - together with
the Episcopalian and traditionally loyalist aristocracy and gentry of the
North-East, Angus and Perthshire, joined the Prince.
In September Charles took Perth and, a
fortnight later, Edinburgh. General Cope, who had allowed himself to be
panicked out of trying to hold Charles's advance north of Perth, had
brought his army by sea from Aberdeen to Dunbar, and now marched to the
relief of Edinburgh. On 21 September an early morning attack by Charles at
Prestonpans shattered Cope's army and left Charles triumphantly to return
to Edinburgh where for some weeks he held court in Holyrood while the city
became again the capital of a country over which England's rulers held no
authority.
The Jacobite triumph was short-lived.
Moving into England Charles attracted virtually no support. For a time the
best strategy seemed to be for the Jacobites to press on towards London,
where an unseemly panic developed among the great but unwarlike financial
and political personalities. But facing a growing government force to the
south, and menaced to his left and right by other armies, Charles had to
give way to the advice of his officers - especially the one truly
competent general among them, Lord George Murray - and retreat from Derby
back to Scotland began on 'Black Friday', 6 December.
A
revolutionary army on the retreat must always fall prey to anxiety and
loss of morale, and so it was with Charles's force, weakened by
desertions. It was still a formidable instrument, capable of inflicting a
sharp defeat upon General Hawley, who pursued it too closely, at Falkirk
on 19 January. It had some moral successes too. When the army camped
overnight near Stair Castle, home of the Dalrymples, there were those who
thought of taking a modest revenge upon the property, but a guard was
mounted by the MacDonalds of Glencoe who thus saved from destruction the
house of the man responsible for the massacre of 1692. Then again, as the
Jacobites passed through Glasgow it seemed very likely that that
Presbyterian and Hanoverian city might suffer for its politics, but
Lochiel exerted such discipline over his soldiers that no violence was
offered to the citizens or their homes.
Looking out over the
battlefield at Culloden. (Photo: Gordon Wright)
Retreating ever northwards, pursued by the
government army under the Duke of Cumberland, the Jacobite army was
eventually forced to fight a pitched battle at Culloden, where on 16 April
the exhausted and half-starved men in its ranks fell victim to the
artillery of Cumberland, the survivors perishing in one last desperate
sword-wielding charge on the enemy lines. Charles spent an adventurous
year as a fugitive, protected by the loyalty and devotion of many
Highlanders, until able to secure rescue in a French ship and thus escape
to face the rest of his life as an exile.
For the Highlanders who had followed him,
the suffering did not end with the deaths under the guns at Culloden, or
at the hands of the punishment squads of Cumberland the Butcher. The whole
Highland way of life was now to perish, as Parliament in London devised
laws which would ensure that the events of 1745-46 could never happen
again. A Disarming Act legally stripped the clans of their weapons, and
bagpipes and Highland dress were banned for good measure. The clansmen,
who had provided the chiefs with a military capacity were no longer
soldiers in waiting, or at least not on behalf of their chiefs. The
Tenures Abolition Act destroyed the bond of military service between chief
and clansman, and the Heritable Jurisdictions Act took from the chiefs
their virtually sovereign powers over their tenants. The Highlands would
now be subject to the same laws and procedures as all other parts of the
British state.
During those years while the Jacobites had
been hoping, planning and fighting, life in the non-Gaelic parts of
post-Union Scotland had been proceeding largely unaffected by these
excitements; because, with the obvious exception of the great expansion of
American trade, the development of the Scottish economy had not been
vitally affected by the Union at all.
When the century began, Scotland, like most
of Europe, displayed all the characteristics of what would today be called
an under-developed country. Nine out of ten people lived by working on the
land, using methods virtually unaltered since the Middle Ages. Land was
cultivated at subsistence level; its produce to be eaten rather than
marketed. Such profits as the system produced went to those who owned the
largest estates; and these men used their wealth, generally speaking, in
self-indulgence. Brandy on their tables; silver on their garments; a coach
on their terraces or another turret on their dwellings, all too commonly
were preferred to financial foresight or worthwhile investment.
But the Enlightenment had a practical side
to it, and the successful lawyers, academics and merchants who had emerged
as the new rising class had, in many cases, marked their success in the
traditional fashion - they bought land. Sometimes they found that the
gentry were not willing to part with their land, but usually the market
provided enough to cater for the ambitions of the new rich; and sometimes,
even if purchase was impossible, marriage into aristocratic families would
provide entry into the landowning world.
For these men, and for some of the
traditional gentry, the scientific improvement of their estates was a
favoured expression of intellectual vigour. If it was true that man could,
by his own wits and energy, make his world a much more rational and
comfortable place, where better could an intelligent man set out to prove
his point than on his own land?
There was an economic incentive too. As the
eighteenth century proceeded, a rising birth rate was creating a demand
for food which agriculture, using traditional methods, could not meet.
Thus intellectual promptings and commercial expectations combined to
encourage efforts to increase the productivity of the land. In 1723 there
was established the Society of Improvers in the Knowledge of Agriculture.
The Society's members sought to encourage and sponsor experiment, and to
circulate advice and reports of good agriculture practice. Their
Secretary, himself a laird, Robert Maxwell of Arkland in Galloway, was
outstandingly energetic in seeking to inspire and inform his three hundred
or so colleagues. The Society produced a series of publications urging
change, and advising as to how and where changes could be made.
The organisation of the land - the old
infield/outfield system, and its communal 'runrig' working - should be
replaced by enclosure, and long leases granted to encourage effort. Walls
or hedges and tree plantations would provide shelter from the elements as
well as protection against straying animals. The soil could be drained,
cleared of peat and moss, fed with lime; thus treated, more acres could be
brought into cultivation, and those already in production could be
enriched.
At this early stage these activities tended
to be the hobby of enthusiasts rather than the general practice of the
country, and indeed the Society itself ceased to function from around
1750, by which time some Improvers had over-reached themselves. Some
ideas, drawn from England and Europe had not been really feasible on
Scottish soil or in the Scottish climate. Cockburn of Ormiston, who, like
his neighbour, Clerk of Penicuik, was a typical Improver, bankrupted
himself in his enthusiasm, and had to sell his estate.
So, progress was not smooth, but it did
endure, and the enthusiasm and interest of the Improvers was to prompt and
inspire landowners into enlightened estate management throughout the rest
of the century. Landowners and tenant farmers alike joined in draining and
weeding, treating and protecting their fields, sponsoring and purchasing
new items of equipment which inventors were offering. The mechanisation of
farming processes had made progress in England, and Scots farmers were
increasingly using improved ploughs, seed drills, harrows and reaping and
threshing machines. James Small's plough, perfected by about 1765, made
extended cultivation possible, and reaping and threshing machines, devised
by Patrick Bell and Andrew Meikle, made harvesting much more efficient.
Over these improvements, throughout the
eighteenth century and into the nineteenth, there presided practical
theorists like Lord Kames, typical of lawyer-landowners; Lords Gardenstone
and Monboddo; Sir John Sinclair of Ulbster and Grant of Monymusk - all of
them, and many others, practising new techniques, and encouraging
innovation. New rotation patterns were introduced, helping to ensure that
land could remain more or less constantly in production, and the longer
leases offered by landowners encouraged tenants to match the enthusiasm of
their landlords.
The yield of the land - the ultimate
indicator of success - was improved substantially; and, in stock-farming,
selective breeding increased the average weight of animals four-fold, and
their value five-fold.
Closely associated with agriculture were
the crafts and industries which used the produce of the land as their raw
materials - wool and linen for instance. These industries had been
supported, from the early part of the century, by bounties and premiums
paid out by the Board of Trustees for Fisheries and Manufactures, founded
in 1727 (rather belatedly, as a body of the sort had been promised in
Article 15 of the Treaty of Union). Throughout the century the Board acted
to provide incentives for production in bounties and prizes; training for
intending craftsmen and women; experts to train Scots in specialised
continental methods, and encouragement to mechanisation. As in
agriculture, so in these textile industries, success was proved by the
vastly increased output. In the chief linen-producing areas, Fife and
Angus, for instance, linen output rose from under one million yards in
1728 to over thirteen million by 1788.
The processes involved in linen production
were made more speedy and more efficient by rapid mechanisation. The flax
plants, used in linen-making, had to be 'retted' in ponds or pits, where
the soft parts of the plant would rot away, leaving the tough stems and
fibres. These then were 'scutched' - pounded or beaten - to soften the
woody stems, and finally 'heckled' or combed, to thin out the fibres and
make them ready for spinning. All these processes were traditionally carried out by hand, but
water-powered machines were devised and installed in 'lint' (i.e. flax)
mills which numbered some two hundred and fifty by the 1770s. Spinning and
weaving were revolutionised by the engineering ingenuity of Hargreaves,
Arkwright and Crompton in spinning, and Kay in weaving. The old handcraft
wheels and looms were superseded by machines powered, first, by water, and
eventually by steam. In 1790 the Board of Trustees received a petition
from James Ivory of Kinettles near Dundee, asking for the Board's
patronage and support for his purchase of 'one of the patent machines for
spinning linen yarn to go by water.' In 1794 Alex Aberdein and Co. in
Arbroath had followed Ivory's example. Within thirty years there were
seventeen spinning mills in Dundee alone and another thirty-two in nearby
Angus villages.
Around the linen industry, pioneering in
mechanisation, there also developed ancillary industries and services.
Dyeing and bleaching developed in Perth; and the British Linen Company,
formed to organise credit facilities for the industry, became in due
course a bank, rather than a producing company.
The pattern set in the linen industry was
repeated in the later development of the cotton industry which developed
especially in the Glasgow and Clydeside area, from just before 1780.
Cotton was the most adaptable of cloths. It could be combined with linen
if that would seem likely to produce the kind of material required. It
could be produced in a variety of qualities, heavy and useful for domestic
furnishings, or in quality which compared with the finest linen. It was
more easily processed than linen, and in due course, by the mid-nineteenth
century, came to be the main textile produced in Scotland.
Mechanisation of industry had very
far-reaching social consequences. The new machines were expensive, and
beyond the pocket of most of the spinners and weavers who had kept
cloth-making going as a home-based 'cottage' industry. Also, the machines
were bulky, and really required special premises. For these reasons the
industries passed into the hands of specialist owners, who could buy the
machines and build sheds in which to instal them, thereafter paying
workers to come and operate them. These 'manufactories' had to be built
near the source of power - running water to begin with, and then near
coal-fields when steam-power came to be used. The workers had to follow
the work, and the owners of the machines and 'factories' (the shortened
version of the original word) began to provide housing near the workplace
for the convenience of the workers. So it came about that the old
independent handloom weavers, and domestic spinners, working to
commissions or contracts in their own homes, were superseded by two very
different groups - the owners of machines and premises who controlled
production, and the paid employees who carried it out. Thus emerged the
new classes of decision-making owners, living off the profits of their
industries, and wage-earning workers, operating to instructions and under
supervision. Obviously the interests of these groups would clash,
especially as workers sought to maximise wages and owners sought to
maximise profits.
The owners were, in many cases - perhaps
most - men of humble social origins themselves, with no tradition of
aristocratic sense of obligation to their dependants. They were frequently
insensitive, sometimes cruel, and their view of their workers created a
social problem which came to loom large in the political arguments
throughout the rest of the nineteenth century and beyond.
One exception to the general rule was the
cotton producing complex at New Lanark, founded by David Dale and Robert
Owen, well-known for his unusual enthusiasm for social experiments. Owen
and Dale believed that workers who were well-treated, and who worked in
healthy and comparatively pleasant conditions, would produce at least as
profitably as those who were under constant threat and compulsions,
working in conditions devised in such a way as to cost the owners next to
nothing. New Lanark had a school, and leisure facilities for its workers,
and became a work place of international fame for its attempt to humanise
the new industrial relationships.
Fundamental to all these developments were
the industries of coal-mining and iron-founding; coal to fire the boilers
which produced the steam which drove the engines; coal to heat the
furnaces in which iron was smelted; and iron to provide the frames,
rollers, cylinders and pistons from which the new machinery was made.
An iron industry had long existed in
Scotland, using imported iron ore smelted in furnaces heated by charcoal,
which was in turn produced from Scottish forests. For this reason the
earlier ironworks were in, to modern eyes, rather surprising places - at
Invergarry, on Lochfyneside, and, most famous of all perhaps, at Bonawe,
where the birch forests by Loch Etive fuelled the fine iron works.
The industry in the lowland areas took its
beginnings from the creation of the great works at Carron, near Falkirk in
1759. There charcoal was fairly quickly replaced by coke, and Carron
became the great centre for the production of ironware from simple
domestic goods to heavy guns. The wars of the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries provided the demand for iron which kept Bonawe and Carron busy.
Opportunities for profit encouraged others to enter the industry, and
ironworks at Muirkirk and Wilsontown followed. When, in 1828, J B Neilson
devised a new type of furnace which could use Scottish iron-ore, the
industry saw further expansion in the Lanarkshire and Glasgow area.
Glasgow became the centre of this 'heavy'
side of industrial development for many reasons. The capital which the
Tobacco Lords and their successors accumulated, provided money for
investment, and success bred success. Glasgow had a pool of talent and
expertise in its blacksmiths and wrights, its carpenters and its
clockmakers, all men whose craft skills could be, and were, adapted and
used in the new setting of factories and the new style of mass production.
Its University provided experimental and theoretical support, and one of
its staff,
New Lanark. (Photo: Gordon
Wright)
The Iron Works at Bonawe, near Taynuilt,
Argyll. (Photo: Gordon Wright)
the laboratory technician James Watt, was
beyond doubt the most vital contributor of all to the new age of
production, having made it possible for steam engines to operate with the
degree of efficiency which made all the rest possible.
So eighteenth century Scotland was
profoundly changed from the Scotland of the past. It was no longer a
nation of rural workers and landowners, but increasingly a nation of
town-dwellers and capitalist employers. It was now a nation whose future
lay with Carron, not with Culloden; a nation whose appropriate emblem was
not the White Rose of the Jacobites, but the blue flower of the flax.
Prince Charles Edward Stuart
by H D Hamilton, 1775, 'detail'. (Scottish National Portrait Gallery)
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