James possessed in an
eminent degree every quality necessary to render a sovereign beloved by
his subjects; and perhaps no prince ever enjoyed so large a portion of
personal regard, of intense affection, as did James IV. of Scotland. His
manner was gentle and affable to all who came in contact with him,
whatever might be their rank or degree. He was just and impartial in his
decrees, yet never inflicted punishment without strong and visible
reluctance. He listened willingly and readily to admonition, and never
discovered either impatience or resentment while his errors were placed
before him. He took every thing in good part, and endeavoured to amend
the faults pointed out by his advisers. He was generous, even to a
fault; magnificent and princely in all his habits, pursuits, and
amusements. His mind was acute, and dignified, and noble. He excelled in
all warlike exercises and manly accomplishments; in music, horsemanship,
and the use of sword and spear. Nor was his personal appearance at
variance with this elevated character. His form, which was of the middle
size, was exceedingly handsome, yet stout and muscular, and his
countenance had an expression of mildness and dignity that instantly
predisposed all who looked upon it to a strong attachment to its
possessor.
His bravery, like his
generosity, was also in the extreme: it was romantic. Altogether, he was
unquestionably the most chivalrous prince of his day in Europe. A
contemporary poet bears testimony to this part of his character:--
"And ye Christian princes,
whosoever ye be,
If ye be destitute of a noble captayne,
Take James of Scotland for his audacitie
And proved manhood, if ye will laude attayne;
Let him have the forwarde, have ye no disdayne,
Nor indigeation; for never king was borne
That of ought of warr can showe the unicorne
For if that he take once his speare
in hand,
Against these Turkes strongly with it to ride,
None shall be able his stroke for to withstande
Nor before his face so hardy to abide;
Yet this his manhood increaseth not his pride,
But ever sheweth be meknes and humilitie,
In word or dede, to hye and lowe degree."
A neglected education
left him almost totally ignorant of letters, but not without a high
relish for their beauties. He delighted in poetry, and possessed a mind
attuned to all its finer sympathies.
The design of the rebel
lords in taking arms against their sovereign, James III., being merely
to free themselves from his weak and tyrannical government, without
prejudice to his heirs, his son James IV. was, immediately after the
death of his father, proclaimed king, and was formally invested with
that dignity at Scone. However violent and unlawful were the proceedings
which thus prematurely elevated James to the throne, the nation soon
felt a benefit from the change which these proceedings effected, that
could scarcely have been looked for from an administration originating
in rebellion and regicide. The several parliaments which met after the
accession of the young king, passed a number of wise and salutary laws,
encouraging trade, putting down turbulence and faction, and enjoining
the strict execution of justice throughout the kingdom.
The prince and his nobles
placed the most implicit confidence in each other, and the people in
both. This good understanding with the former, the king encouraged and
promoted, by inviting them to frequent tournaments and other amusements,
and warlike exercises, in accordance with his own chivalrous spirit, and
adapted to their rude tastes and habits. These tournaments were
exceedingly splendid, and were invested with all the romance of the
brightest days of chivalry. Ladies, lords, and knights, in the most
gorgeous attire crowded round the lists, or from draperied balconies,
witnessed the combats that took place within them. James himself always
presided on these occasions, and often exhibited his own prowess in the
lists; and there were few who could successfully compete with him with
spear, sword, or battle axe. Stranger knights from distant countries,
attracted by the chivalric fame of the Scottish court, frequently
attended and took part in these tournaments, but, it is said, did not in
many instances prove themselves better men at their weapons than the
Scottish knights. One of the rules of these encounters was, that the
victor should be put in possession of his opponent’s weapon; but when
this was a spear, a purse of gold, a gift from the king, was attached to
the point of it. These trophies were delivered to the conqueror by the
monarch himself: The people were delighted with these magnificent and
warlike exhibitions, and with their generous and chivalrous author. Nor
were the actors themselves, the nobles, less gratified with them, or
less affected by the high and princely spirit whence they emanated. They
brought them into frequent and familiar contact with their sovereign,
and nothing more was necessary in the case of James to attach them
warmly and devotedly to his person. His kind and affable manner
accomplished the rest.
By such means he was not
only without a single enemy amongst the aristocracy, but all of them
would have shed the last drop of their blood in his defence, and a day
came when nearly all of them did so. In short, the wisest policy
could not have done more in uniting the affections of prince and peers,
than was accomplished by those warlike pastimes, aided as they were by
the amiable manners of the monarch.
Not satisfied with
discharging his duty to his subjects, from his high place on the throne,
James frequently descended, and disguising his person—a practice to
which his successor was also much addicted—roamed through the country
unarmed and unattended, inquiring into his own reputation amongst the
common people, and endeavouring to learn what faults himself or his
government were charged with. On these occasions he lodged in the
meanest hovels, and encouraged the inmates to speak their minds freely
regarding their king; and there is little doubt, that, as his conduct
certainly merited it, so he must have been frequently gratified by their
replies. The young monarch, however, was charged with stepping aside
occasionally in his rambles from this laudable though somewhat romantic
pursuit, and paying visits to any of his fair acquaintances whose
residence happened to be in his way; and it is alleged that he contrived
they should very often be so situated.
Unfortunately for his
courtiers, James conceived that he possessed, and not improbably
actually did possess considerable skill in surgery and medicine, but
there is reason to believe, that the royal surgeon’s interference in
cases of ailment was oftener dreaded than desired, although Lindsay
says, that "thair was none of that profession (the medical) if they had
any dangerous cure in hand but would have craved his adwyse."
Compliments, however, to a king’s excellence in any art or science are
always suspicious, and this of Lindsay’s is not associated with any
circumstances which should give it a claim to exemption from such a
feeling.
One of the greatest
faults of the young monarch was a rashness and impetuosity of temper.
This frequently led him into ill-timed and ill-judged hostilities with
the neighbouring kingdom, and, conjoined with a better quality, his
generosity, induced him to second the pretensions of the impostor Perkin
Warbeck to the crown of England. That adventurer arrived at James’s
court (1496), attended by a numerous train of followers, all attired in
magnificent habits, and sought the assistance of the Scottish king to
enable him to recover what he represented as his birth-right.
Prepossessed by the elegant manner and noble bearing of the impostor,
and readily believing the story of his misfortunes, which was supported
by plausible evidence, the generous monarch at once received him to his
arms, and not only entertained him for some time at his court, but, much
against the will of his nobles, mustered an army, and, with Warbeck in
his company, marched at the head of it into England, to reinstate his
protege in what he believed to be his right, at the point of the
sword,—a project much more indicative of a warm and generous heart, than
of a prudent head. The enterprise, as might have been expected, was
unsuccessful. James had counted on a rising in England in behalf of the
pretender, but being disappointed in this, he was compelled to abandon
the attempt and to return to Holyrood. The king of England did not
retaliate on James this invasion of his kingdom; but he demanded from
him the person of the impostor. With this request, however, the Scottish
king was much too magnanimous to comply; and he not only refused to
accede to it,, but furnished Warbeck with vessels and necessaries to
carry him to Ireland, whither he now proceeded. James is fully relieved
from the charge of credulity which might appear to lie against him for
so readily confiding in Warbeck’s representations, by the extreme
plausibility which was attached to them, and by the strongly
corroborative circumstances by which they were attended. He is also as
entirely relieved from the imputation of conniving in the imposture--an
accusation which has been insinuated against him—by the circumstance of
his having given a near relation of his own, Catharine Gordon, a
daughter of lord Huntly’s, in marriage to the impostor, which it cannot
for a moment be believed he would have done had he known the real
character of Warbeck.
The species of roving
life which the young monarch led, was now about to be circumscribed, if
not wholly terminated, by his entering into the married state. This he
avoided as long as he possibly could, and contrived to escape from it
till he had attained the thirtieth year of his age. Henry of England,
however, who had always been more desirous of James’s friendship than
his hostility, and had long entertained views of securing the former by
a matrimonial connexion with his family, at length succeeded in
procuring James’s consent to marry his daughter Margaret, an event which
took place in 1503.
Whatever reluctance the
monarch might have had to resign his liberty, he was not wanting in
gallantry to his fair partner when she came to claim it. He first waited
upon her at Newbattle, where he entertained her with his own performance
on the clarichords and lute, listened to specimens of her own skill in
the same art on bended knee, and altogether conducted himself like a
true and faithful knight. He also exhibited a care and elegance in his
dress on this occasion, sufficiently indicative of his desire to please.
He was arrayed in a black velvet jacket, bordered with crimson velvet,
and furred with white; and when he afterwards conducted his bride from
Dalkeith to Edinburgh, which he did, strange to tell, seated on
horseback behind him, he appeared in a jacket of cloth of gold, bordered
with purple velvet, furred with black, a doublet of violet satin,
scarlet hose, the collar of his shirt studded with precious stones and
pearls, with long gilt spurs projecting from the heels of his boots.
By the terms of the
marriage contract, the young queen, who was only in her fourteenth year
when she was wedded to James, was to be conducted to Scotland at the
expense of her father, and to be delivered to her husband or to persons
appointed by him, at Lamberton kirk. The latter was to receive with her
a dowry of thirty thousand pieces of gold; ten thousand to be paid at
Edinburgh eight days after the marriage, other ten thousand at
Coldingham a year afterwards, and the last ten thousand at the expiry of
the year following. The marriage was celebrated with the utmost
splendour and pomp. Feastings, tourneyings, and exhibitions of shows and
plays, succeeded each other in one continued and uninterrupted round for
many days, James himself appearing in the lists at the tournaments in
the character of the "Savage Knight." But there is no part of the
details of the various entertainments got up on this occasion that
intimates so forcibly the barbarity of the times, as the information
that real encounters between a party of Highlanders and Borderers, in
which the combatants killed and mangled each other with their weapons,
were exhibited for the amusement of the spectators.
A more grateful and more
lasting memorial of the happy event of James’s marriage than any of
these, is to be found in Dunbar’s beautiful allegorical poem, the
"Thistle and the Rose," composed on that occasion, and thus aptly and
emblematically entitled from the union being one between a Scottish king
and English princess. In this poem, Dunbar, who then resided at the
court, hints at the monarch’s character of being a somewhat too general
admirer of the fair sex, by recommending him to reserve all his
affections for his queen.
"Nor hauld no other flower in sic
denty
As the fresche rose, of cullor reid and white;
For gif thou dois, hurt is thine honesty,
Considdering that no flower is se perfyt."
It is said to have been
at the rude but magnificent court of this monarch, that the character of
a Scottish courtier first appeared; this class, so numerous at all the
other courts of Europe, having been hitherto unknown in Scotland. These
raw courtiers, however, made rapid progress in all the acquirements
necessary to their profession, and began to cultivate all their winning
ways, and to pay all that attention to their exterior appearance, on
which so much of the hopes of the courtier rests. A finely and largely
ruffled shirt, the especial boast and delight of the ancient Scottish
courtier, a flat little bonnet, russet hose, perfumed gloves,
embroidered slippers that glittered in the sun or with candle light, a
handkerchief also perfumed and adorned with a golden tassel at each
corner, with garters knotted into a huge rose at the knee—were amongst
the most remarkable parts of the dress of the hangers-on at the court of
James IV. In one important particular, however, these gentlemen seemed
to have wonderfully resembled the courtier of the present day. "Na
Kindness at Court without Siller," is the title of a poem by Sir Richard
Maitland of Lethington, who had every opportunity of knowing personally
what was the character of that of his native sovereign.
One of the stipulations
of the marriage treaty between the king and the daughter of Henry the
VII., having secured an inviolable peace between the two monarchs and
their subjects, the nation enjoyed for several years after that event
the most profound tranquillity. This leisure James employed in improving
the civil polity of his kingdom; in making efforts to introduce
civilization, and an obedience to the laws, into the Highlands and
Isles, by establishing courts of justice at Inverness, Dingwall, and
various other places throughout these remote districts; in enlarging and
improving his navy, and, in short, in doing every thing that a wise
prince could do to promote the prosperity of his kingdom. In all these
judicious proceedings, James was cordially supported by his parliament,
a department of the legislature in which he was perhaps more fortunate
than any of his predecessors had ever been, and certainly more than were
any of his immediate successors. The acts of the parliament of James are
distinguished by the most consummate wisdom, and by a constant aiming at
the improvement and prosperity of the kingdom, whether by suppressing
violence, establishing rules for the dispensation of justice, or in
encouraging commerce; and they are no less remarkable for a spirit of
cordiality towards the sovereign, amounting to a direct and personal
affection, which breathes throughout the whole. How much of this good
feeling, and of this happy co-operation in good works, depended upon the
king, and how much upon the parliaments themselves, it would not be easy
to determine, but it is certain, that much of the merit which attaches
to it must be awarded to the sovereign.
This peaceful and
prosperous state of the kingdom, however, after enduring for upwards of
nine years, at length drew to a close, and finally terminated in one of
the most disastrous events recorded in the pages of her history. Henry
VII. died, and was succeeded by Henry VIII. Besides the change which
this occurrence effected in the relationship between the sovereigns of
England and Scotland, the feelings and policy of the new monarch towards
the latter kingdom were totally dissimilar to those of his predecessor.
He seems, indeed, to have brought with him to the throne a feeling of
hostility towards Scotland; and this feeling, the sensitive, warm
tempered, and impetuous monarch, against whom it was entertained, was
not long in discovering. The consequence was, that, after some slight
mutual offences, which, under any other circumstances, might have been
easily atoned for, war was proclaimed between the two kingdoms, and both
made the most formidable preparations for deciding their differences on
the field of battle. James summoned the whole array of his kingdom,
including all the western isles and the most remote parts of the
Highlands, to assemble on the Burrow muir within twenty days, each, as
was usual on such occasions, to come provided with forty days’
provisions. Though the impending war was deprecated by James’s council,
and was by all considered imprudent, yet such was his popularity, such
the general affection for the high-spirited and generous monarch, that
no less than one hundred thousand men appeared in arms at the place of
muster; disapproving, indeed, of the object for which they were brought
together, but determined to shed the last drop of their blood in their
sovereign’s quarrel—because it was his, and because he had determined on
bringing it to the issue of the sword. Deeply imbued with the
superstition of the period, James spent much of his time, immediately
before setting out with his army, in the performance of religious rites
and observances. On one of these occasions, and within a few days of his
marching on his expedition, a circumstance occurred which the credulity
of the times has represented as supernatural, but in which it is not
difficult to detect a design to work on the superstitious fears of the
king, to deter him from proceeding on his intended enterprise. While at
his devotions in the church of Linlithgow, a figure, clothed in a blue
gown secured by a linen girdle and wearing sandals, suddenly appeared in
the church, and calling loudly for the king, passed through the crowd of
nobles, by whom he was surrounded, and finally approached the desk at
which his majesty was seated at his devotions. Without making any sign
of reverence or respect for the royal presence, the mysterious visitor
now stood full before the king, and delivered a commission as if from
the other world. He told him that his expedition would terminate
disastrously, advised him not to proceed with it, and cautioned him
against the indulgence of illicit amours. The king was about to reply,
but the spectre had disappeared, and no one could tell how. The figure
is represented as having been that of an elderly grave-looking man, with
a bald uncovered head, and straggling grey locks resting on his
shoulders. There is little doubt that it was a stratagem of the queen’s,
and that the lords who surrounded the king’s person were in the plot.
Some other attempts of a similar kind were made to alarm the monarch,
and to deter him from his purpose, but in vain. Neither superstition nor
the ties of natural affection could dissuade him from taking the field.
Resisting all persuasion, and even the tears and entreaties of his
queen, who, amongst the other arguments which her grief for the probable
fate of her husband suggested, urged that of the helpless state of their
infant son; the gallant but infatuated monarch took his place at the
head of his army, put the vast array in marching order, and proceeded on
that expedition from which he was never to return. The Scottish army
having passed the Tweed began hostilities by taking some petty forts and
castles, and amongst the latter that of Ford; here the monarch found a
Mrs Heron, a lady of remarkable beauty, and whose husband was at that
time a prisoner in Scotland. Captivated by this lady’s attractions—while
his natural son, the archbishop of St Andrews, who accompanied him,
acknowledged those of her daughter--James spent in her society that time
which he should have employed in active service with his army. The
consequence of this inconceivable folly was, that his soldiers, left
unemployed, and disheartened by a tedious delay, gradually withdrew from
his camp and returned to their homes, until his army was at length
reduced to little more than thirty thousand men. A sense of honour,
however, still detained in his ranks all the noblemen and gentlemen who
had first joined them, and thus a disproportionate number of the
aristocracy remained to fall in the fatal field which was soon
afterwards fought. In the mean time the earl of Surrey,
lieutenant-general of the northern counties of England, advanced towards
the position occupied by James’s forces, with an army of thirty-one
thousand men.
On the 7th of September,
1513, the latter encamped at Woolerhaugh, within five miles of Flodden
hill, the ground on which the Scottish army was encamped. On the day
following they advanced to Banmore wood, distant about two miles from
the Scottish position, and on the 9th presented themselves in battle
array at the foot of Flodden hill. The Scottish nobles endeavoured to
prevail upon the king not to expose his person in the impending
encounter, but he rejected the proposal with disdain, saying, that to
outlive so many of his brave countrymen would be more terrible to him
than death itself. Finding they could not dissuade him from his purpose
of sharing in the dangers of the approaching fight, they had recourse to
an expedient to lessen the chances of a fatal result. Selecting several
persons who bore a resemblance to him in figure and stature, they
clothed them in a dress exactly similar to that worn by the monarch, and
dispersed them throughout the ranks of the army. The English army, when
it presented itself to the Scots, was drawn up in three large divisions;
Surrey commanding that in the centre, Sir Edward Stanley and Sir Edmund
Howard those on the right and left, while a large body of cavalry,
commanded by Dacre, was posted in the rear. The array of the Scots was
made to correspond to this disposition, the king himself leading on in
person the division opposed to that commanded by Surrey, while the earls
of Lennox, Argyle, Crawford, Montrose, Huntly, and Home, jointly
commanded those on his right and left. A body of cavalry, corresponding
to that of Dacre’s,, under Bothwell, was posted immediately behind the
king’s division. Having completed their dispositions, the Scots, with
their long spears levelled for the coming strife, descended from the
hill, and were soon closed with the enemy. The divisions commanded by
Huntly and Home, on the side of the Scots, and by Howard on the side of
the English, first met, but in a few minutes more all the opposing
divisions came in contact with each other, and the battle became
general.
The gallant but imprudent
monarch himself, with his sword in his hand, and surrounded by a band of
his no less gallant nobles, was seen fighting desperately in the front
of his men, and in the very midst of a host of English bill-men. After
various turns of fortune, the day finally terminated in favour of the
English, though not so decisively as to assure them of their success,
for it was not till the following day, that Surrey, by finding the field
abandoned by the Scots, ascertained that he had gained the battle. In
this sanguinary conflict, which lasted for three hours, having commenced
at four o’clock in the afternoon and continued till seven, there
perished twelve earls, thirteen lords, five eldest sons of peers, about
fifty gentlemen of rank and family, several dignitaries of the church,
and about ten thousand common men. Amongst the churchmen who fell, were
the king’s natural son, the archbishop of St. Andrews, Hepburn, bishop
of the Isles, and the abbots of Kilwinning and Inchaffray. James himself
fell amidst a heap of his slaughtered nobles, mortally wounded in the
head by an English bill, and pierced in the body with an arrow. It was
long believed by the common people that the unfortunate monarch had
escaped from the field, and that he had gone on a pilgrimage to
Palestine, where tradition represented him to have ended his days in
prayer and penitence for his sins, and especially for that of his having
borne arms against his father. This belief was strengthened by a rumour
that he had been seen between Kelso and Dunse after the battle was
fought. That he actually fell at Flodden, however, has been long since
put beyond all doubt, and the fate of his body is singular. It appears
to have been carried to London, and to have been embalmed there, but by
whom or by whose orders is unknown. In the reign of Elizabeth, some
sixty or seventy years afterwards, the shell in which the body was
deposited, and still containing it, was found in a garret amongst a
quantity of lumber by a slater while repairing the roof of a house. The
body was still perfectly entire, and emitted a pleasant fragrance from
the strong aromas which had been employed in its preservation. Looking
on it as a great curiosity, though unaware whose remains it was, the
slater chopped off the head, carried it home with him, and kept it for
several years. Such was the fate of the mortal part of the noble-minded,
the high-souled monarch, James IV. of Scotland. He was in the
forty-first year of his age, and the twenty-sixth of his reign, when he
fell on Flodden field.
At this distance of time,
every thing relating to that celebrated, but calamitous contest—the most
calamitous recorded in the pages of Scottish history—possesses a deep
and peculiar interest; but of all the memorials which have reached us of
that fatal event, there is not one perhaps so striking and impressive as
the proclamation of the authorities of Edinburgh. The provost and
magistrates were in the ranks of the king’s army, and had left the
management of the town’s affairs in the hands of deputies. On the day
after the battle was fought, a rumour had reached the city that the
Scottish army had met with a disaster, and the following
proclamation—the one alluded to—was in consequence issued. The hopes,
fears, and doubts which it expresses, now that all such feelings
regarding the event to which it refers have long since passed away,
cannot be contemplated without a feeling of deep and melancholy
interest. "The 10th day of September the year above written, (1513) we
do zow to witt. Forasmeikle as thair is ane grait rumour now laitlie
rysin within this toun, touching oure soverane lord and his army, of the
quhilk we understand thair is cum in na veritie as yet. Quhairfore we
charge straitely, and commandis in oure said soverane lord the kingis
name, and the presidentis for the provost and baillies within this
burgh, that all manner of personis, nychtbours within the samyn, have
riddye thair fensabill geir and wappenis for weir, and compeir thairwith
to the said presidents at jowing of the commoun bell, for the keiping
and defense of the toun aganis thame that wald invaid the samin. And als
chairgis that all women, and especiallie vagaboundis, that thai pass to
thair labouris and be nocht sene upoun the gait clamorand and cryand,
under the pane of banising of thair personis, but favouris, and that the
uther women of gude repute pass to the kirk and pray quhane tyme
requiris for our soverane lord, and his army and nychtbours being
thairat, and hald thame at thair previe labouris of the gait within
thair housis as efferis."
James left behind him
only one legitimate child, James V. His natural issue were, Alexander,
born eight months after his father’s death, and who died in the second
year of his age; Alexander, archbishop of St Andrews; Catherine, wedded
to the earl of Morton; James, earl of Murray; Margaret, wedded to the
heir of Huntly; and Jean, married to Malcolm, lord Fleming.