INNES, THOMAS, an historian
and critical antiquary, known to the students of early Scottish history by
the title of "Father Innes," was a priest of the Scottish college at Paris,
during the earlier part of the 18th century. It is not creditable
to the literature of our country during the period just mentioned, that the
meritorious labours of this highly acute investigator have been so little
noticed, and that no one has thought it worth while to leave memorials
sufficient to enable posterity to know any thing of his life and character.
His labours to discover the true sources of Scottish history proved an
ungrateful task; they were unacceptable to the prejudices of the time, and
have hardly been appreciated until the memory of the individual who
undertook them had quietly sunk into oblivion. In these circumstances any
scrap of information which we can procure on the subject is peculiarly
valuable. We perceive from a few words in the preface to his Critical Essay,
that he received the rudiments of education in Scotland, and that he must
have left his native country early in life for a permanent residence abroad,
probably, if we may judge from slight circumstances, along with the exiled
monarch James II. His words are—"Though an honourable gentleman of my own
country, and another learned English gentleman, were so kind as to
revise the language, and to alter such exotic words or expressions as it was
natural should drop from me, I doubt not but the English reader will still
meet in this essay with too many marks of my native language and
foreign education." But the most interesting, and indeed the principal
notice which we have been able to obtain of this individual, is from the
diary of the industrious Wodrow for the year 1724, where we find the
laborious antiquary worming his way through libraries in search of
materials. It may be remarked that the work on the Early History of
the Church of Scotland, which is mentioned by Wodrow as the subject on which
he was engaged, was intended as a second part to the "Critical Essay," but
has, unfortunately for our information on a very interesting subject, not
been given to the world. The passage we refer to is as follows: --
"There is one father Innes, a
priest, brother to father Innes of Scottish college at Paris, who has been at
Edinburgh all this winter, and mostly in the Advocates’ library, in the hours
when open, looking books and MSS. He is not engaged in politics as far as can be
guessed; and is a monkish, bookish person, who meddles with nothing but
literature. I saw him at Edinburgh. He is upon a design to write an account of
the first settlement of Christianity in Scotland, as Mr Ruddiman informs me, and
pretends to show that Scotland was Christianized at first from Rome; and thinks
to answer our ordinary arguments against this from the difference between the
keeping of easter from the custom of Rome; and pretends to prove that there were
many variations as to the day easter even at Rome, and that the usages in
Scotland, pretended to be from the Greek church, are very agreeable to the
Romish customs that he thinks were used by the popes, about the time that (he)
gives account of our differences as to easter.
"This father Innes, in a
conversation with my informer, * * * [The name is in a secret hand.] made an
observation which I fear is too true. In conversation with the company, who were
all protestants, he said he did not know what to make of those who had departed
from the catholic church; that as far as he could observe generally, they were
leaving the foundations of Christianity, and scarce deserved the name of
Christians. He heard that there were departures and great looseness in Holland.
That as he came through England, he found most of the bishops there gone off
from their articles, and gone into Doctor Clerk’s scheme. That the dissenters
were many of them falling much in with the same method, and coming near them.
That he was glad to find his countrymen in Scotland not tainted in the great
doctrine of the Trinity, and sound." [Wodrow’s Analecta, MS., Ad. Lib. V. 436.]
From the period when we find him
rummaging in the Advocates’ library, we know nothing of Innes, until the
publication of his essay in 1729, when he appears to have been in London, and
makes an apology for verbal inaccuracies, on the ground that he writes "to keep
pace with the press." He seems previously to this event to have performed an
extensive "bibliographical tour," as the manuscripts he quotes are dispersed
through various parts of England, Scotland, Ireland, and the continent.
A running sketch of the state of
the knowledge of early Scottish history previously to the appearance of this
work, may not be unacceptable to those who have not paid particular attention to
that subject, as explanatory of the obstacles which the author had to overcome.
It is well known that Scotland had a full share of the fabulous early
history which it is a proud and pleasing task for savages to frame, and which
generally protrudes itself into the knowledge possessed by civilized ages, from
the unwillingness of mankind to diminish their own claims to consideration, by
lessening the glory of their ancestors. The form and consistence of that
genealogy which traced the first of Scottish kings to a period some centuries
before the Christian era, seems to have been concocted by the Highland senachies,
who sang the descent of our monarchs at their coronation. Andrew Wyntoun and
John Fordun soberly incorporated the long line thus framed into their chronicle
of the Scottish nation from the commencement of the world. Major followed their
example with some variations, and Geoffry of Monmouth and Geoffry Keating,
respectively incorporated the whole with English and Irish history, the latter
much about the same period when Innes wrote, busying himself with tracing the
matter to a period anterior to the deluge. The rich and grotesque garb of fable
which the whole assumed under Hector Boece is known to many, if not in the
original crabbed Latin, at least in the simple translation of Bellenden. It is
discreditable to the memory of Buchanan, that, instead of directing his acute
mind to the discovery of truth, he adopted, in many respects, the genealogy just
sanctioned, and prepared lives for the monarchs created by fiction, suited as
practical comments on his own political views. The fables had now received the
sanction of a classical authority— Scotland was called "the ancient kingdom;"
and grave Englishmen wondered at the hoary antiquity of our line of monarchs. At
length, when the antiquity of the race of England had been curtailed, some
thought it unfit that that of Scotland should remain untouched—and several
English antiquaries, such as Humphry Lhuyd, bishop Usher, bishop Lloyd, and
bishop Nicholson, bestowed some calm hints on its improbability, which were
speedily drowned by the fierce replies of the Scottish antiquaries, headed by
Sir George M’Kenzie.
Such was the state of historical
knowledge in Scotland when Innes wrote; and a Scotsman dared to look the line of
ancestry claimed by his monarch calmly in the face, and, after due
consideration, to strike from it forty crowned heads. The essay is divided into
four parts, in which the author successively treats,— of the progress of the
Romans in Scotland -- of the history of the Maeats, the Strathclyde Britons or
Welsh, who existed in the southern part of Scotland—of that of the Caledonians
or Picts, who inhabited the whole of the northern portion previously to the
arrival of the Scots from Ireland—and of the Scots, the ancestors of the present
Highlanders. Examining the foundation on which Boece supports his forty
supernumerary kings, he shows, by very good negative evidence, that two
chroniclers, on which that author lays the burden of much of his extraordinary
matter, named Veremund and Campbell, never existed, and shows that the
genealogists had, by an ingenious device, made Fergus the first, king of the
Scots, Fergus the second, and had placed another Fergus sufficiently far
behind him in chronology, to admit a complement of kings to be placed betwixt
the two. Besides the detection of the fabulous part of our history, this work
supplies us with an excellent critical dissertation on the various early
inhabitants of the country; and the author has, with much pains and care, added
an appendix of original documents, which have been highly useful to inquirers
into Scottish history. The language in which the whole is clothed is simple,
pleasing, and far more correct than that of most Scotsmen who wrote during the
same period; while there is a calm dignity, and a philosophical correctness in
the arguments previously unknown to the subject, and which, it had been well if
those who have followed the same track had imitated. Pinkerton, who would allow
no man to be prejudiced on the subject of Scotland with impunity except himself,
never can mention the work of Innes without some token of respect. "This work,"
he says, "forms a grand epoch in our antiquities, and was the first that
led the way to rational criticism on them: his industry, coolness, judgment, and
general accuracy, recommend him as the best antiquary that Scotland has yet
produced." [Pinkerton’s Inquiry, Introduction, 56-7.] While
concurring, however, in any praise which we observe to have been elicited by
this too much neglected work, we must remark, that it is blemished by a portion
of it being evidently prepared with the political view of supporting the
doctrine of the divine right of kings, which Innes as a Jacobite probably
respected, and as an adherent of the exiled house, felt himself called on to
support. [We cannot avoid coupling with this feature, the circumstance of our
having heard it whispered in the antiquarian world, that a correspondence
between Innes and the court of St Germains, lately discovered, shows this to
have been the avowed purpose of the author. This we have heard, however, in so
vague a manner, that we dare not draw any conclusions against the fair
intentions of Innes, farther than as they may be gathered from his own
writings.] He is probably right in presuming that Buchanan knew well
the falsehood of many of the facts he stated, but it was as unnecessary that he
should answer the arguments which Buchanan, in the separate treatise, "De Jure
Regni apud Scotos," may have been presumed to have derived from such
facts, as it was for Buchanan to erect so great a mass of fable; while the
dissertation he has given us on the fruitful subject of the conduct of queen
Mary, is somewhat of an excrescence in a dissertation on the early inhabitants
of Scotland.
The political bias of this
portion of the work is avowed in the preface, where the author observes that the
statements of Buchanan, "far from doing any real honour to our country, or
contributing, as all historical accounts ought to do, to the benefit of
posterity, and to the mutual happiness of king and people, do rather bring a
reproach upon the country, and furnish a handle to turbulent spirits, to disturb
the quiet and peace, and by consequence the happiness of the inhabitant;"
[Preface, 16.] yet even this subject is handled with so much calmness
that it may rather be termed a defect, than a fault.
Besides the great work which he
wrote, Innes is supposed to have been the compiler of a book of considerable
interest and importance. It is pretty well known that a manuscript of the life
of king James II., written by himself, existed for some time in the Scots
college of Paris, where it was carefully concealed from observation. This
valuable work is believed, on too certain grounds, to have been reduced to ashes
during the French Revolution; but an abstract of it, which was discovered in
Italy, was published by Mr Stanyers Clarke in 1806, and is supposed by well
informed persons to have been the work of father Innes. [In the Edinburgh Review
we discover the following note: -- "It is the opinion of the present preserver
of the natrrative, that it was compiled from original documents by Thomas Innes,
one of the superiors of the college, and author of a work entitled ‘A Critical
Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scotland.’ – Art. on Fox’s Life of James
II. Ed. Rev. xii. 280.] We have been enabled to trace this
supposition to no better source than a presumption from the circumstances in
which Innes was placed, and to the absence of any other name which can
reasonably be assigned. There is, indeed, a document extant, which might afford
ground for a contrary supposition. In 1740, Carte, the historian, received an
order from James Edgar, secretary to the Pretender, addressed to the Messrs
Innes, permitting him to inspect the life writ by Mr Dicconson, in consequence
of royal orders, all taken out of and supported by the late king’s manuscripts;
but it has been urged, on the other hand, that there were at least two copies of
the compilation, one of which may have been transcribed by Mr Dicconson,
while in that published, there are one or two Scotticisms, which point at such a
person as Innes. Little can be made of a comparison betwixt the style of this
work and that of the essay, without an extremely minute examination, as Innes
indulged in few peculiarities; but there is to be found in it a general
resemblance, certainly more close than what could be caused by mere identity of
period.
We are enabled to give but one
other notice bearing on the life of this individual. In the portion of the life
of James II., transcribed into the chevalier Ramsay’s History of Turenne, there
is a certificate by the superiors of the Scots college at Paris, dated 24th
December, 1734, signed by "Louis Inesse, late principal, Alexander Whiteford,
principal, and Thomas Inesse, sub-principal." The Louis Innes who had acted as
principal, must be the brother to the historian mentioned by Wodrow.
A Critical Essay
On the Ancient Inhabitants of the Northern parts of Britain or Scotland
containing an Account of the Romans, of the Britains betwixt the Walls, of the
Caledonians or Picts, and Particularly of the Scots with an Appendix of Ancient
Manuscript pieces by Thomas Innes, M.A., (1879) (pdf) |