shall therefore return to our
old acquaintance, John Campbell, seventh Laird of Glenlyon, and to
the period in his life at which we formerly left off—namely, the
year 1714.
His eldest child, a daughter, was born that year;
and after the difficulties thrown around his early career by a
spendthrift father were so far surmounted, that he could look his
numerous creditors in the face, with the certainty of being one day
able to pay them all, he had the brightest prospects of happy
competence before him, sweet domestic bliss, and the affection of a
wide circle of friends, attached to him far less by family alliance
than the manly courage and honest determination with which he met
diminution of fortune, and the severe pecuniary obligations incurred
by Robert the unfortunate. There is evidence that he actually looked
upon his position in this cheerful, hopeful frame of spirit, and
planned improvements on his property, and sensible expedients for
paying his debts; when lo! a mysterious whisper breathed over the
land, making men mad with the insanity of longing undefined
expectation, and the sober John Campbell became the hot enthusiast,
and, before all was over, experienced no less than Seged, Emperor of
Ethiopia, the futility of plans of pleasure, and man's incapacity to
enjoy bliss unalloyed.
Queen Anne died on the 1st of August, 1714. The
schemes projected for several years by Bolingbroke and his party,
abetted latterly by Anne, both from natural affection for her
brother and old hatred to the family of Hanover for opening the
succession to the Pretender, were disarranged and precipitated by
her sudden death. Presuming upon the strength of the Jacobite party
and the personal favour of the Queen, three or four leading
statesmen had proceeded too far to expect favour or mercy from the
Protestant successor, King George. Rather, therefore, than face a
trial for high treason, or at best sink into forced obscurity and
insignificance, these parties selfishly resolved upon wrapping their
country in the flames of civil war. Their best excuse before the bar
of history is that the King acted in the emergency more like the
intolerant head of the Whig party than the constitutional monarch of
Great Britain, the common father of his people. They may have really
believed that the cold shade into which they themselves had fallen
too truely typified the real gift received by the country in the
Protestant and foreign dynasty. The chivalrous principle that
enlisted the Highlanders on the side of the natural prince, can by
no means be ascribed to the party politicians Oxford, Bolingbroke,
and Mar. Power, wealth, and station, for themselves and families,
formed the magnum bontim of these men; and though none of
them considered himself an Esau, silly enough to sell his birthright
for a mess of pottage, yet each and all would probably pledge honour
and salvation for what George foolishly refused, the sunshine of the
Court, and ultimate hope of securing posts and pensions with a
little liberty, as heretofore, to sell the people and corrupt the
Church. This rebellion is indeed incomparable for the meanness of
underlying motives. The superlative hollowness of the principals,
painfully contrasted with, and everything than relieved by, the
unthinking bravery and instinctive loyalty of the poor deluded
tools. Mar dismissed from office, and finding the monarch de
facto looking coldly and suspiciously upon his tender of
allegiance and devotion, opened a secret correspondence with the
king dejure, retired to the Highlands, consulted with the
hottest Highland Jacobites at the famous " Deer Hunt," and
proclaimed the Chevalier de St. George at Castlc-ton of Braemar, 9th
September, 1715.
The measure was not unexpected on the part of the
Highlanders. The subjoined note was written by Stewart of Ballechin
to the Laird of Glenlyon the 25th August of the preceding year, and
twenty-four days after the Queen's death:—
"Ball: 25 Aug. 1714.
"Sir—I received ^18 Scots from yor servant, which
I shall transmit to my brother Robert by my son Charles, who I doubt
not will send hither Rob's obligation with thanks. As for news, I
hear none save what the prints give us. All is very quiet and
peaceable, and every man working at harvest and oyr lawfull
employments, and no appearance of the least Disturbance. I
give my service to all yours, and am, sir, your most humble servant,
Chas : Stewart."
John Campbell of Glenlyon, who had apparently
been anxious to plunge into rebellion in 1714, had in 1715 the
rather unenviable honour of being the man who attempted to strike
the first blow. As we shall have occasion to show immediately, his
success was not commensurate with his enthusiasm, and the failure of
the attempt was an omen of ill augury to the side he espoused.
When the signs of the coming storm became too
evident to be longer misunderstood, the Government of King George,
induced by the pressing energy of Argyle, took every prudent
precaution to mitigate if not arrest its fury. One of these was, to
deprive the disaffected, by one home thrust, of all their chief men,
or if that failed, to drive them, before being fully prepared, into
a precipitate and ill-concerted rebellion. Summonses were
accordingly issued to all the heads of the Jacobite Clans, and other
suspected persons in Scotland, to appear at Edinburgh by a certain
day, in terms of a very stringent Act passed that year, to find bail
for their good conduct. "Iain Glas" the aged Earl of
Breadalbane, was among those summoned. He found no difficulty in
obtaining from the minister of Ken-more (Alexander Comrie), of which
parish he himself was patron, a certificate, upon soul and
conscience, that, from age and infirmity, he could not be removed
from his room, far less undertake a fatiguing journey to Edinburgh.
Notwithstanding, the Earl was busy at the time mustering his men,
and, within a fortnight, joined the Earl of Mar at Logierait! The
Breadalbane men, to the number of 500, assembled about the middle of
September, under John Campbell of Glenlyon, and marched into
Argyleshire. We have formerly shown that the interests of the two
great branches of the Campbells often clashed since "Iain Glas"
succeeded to the headship of the younger or Breadalbane branch.
The hopes of obtaining the undivided leadership of the Siol
Diarmid, almost within his reach in 1685, had never been given
up by the wily "pale John." Many gentlemen of the Campbells of
Argyle had strong leanings in favour of James and hereditary right;
and though, since the restitution of the Mac-Cailein-Mores to their
honour and dignities, not daring to- offer active opposition, still
by a persevering exercise of the vis inertia, they more than
once weakened the hands of the chief. The state of affairs was very
well known to Breadalbane, who hastened to avail himself of it by
sending his men to Argyle, that his standard might be a
rallying-point to the friends of James, and consequent enemies of
John, Duke of Argyle. It was an attempt to rob Argyle of his
following, and to deny at home the principle of legitimacy, for
which Jacobites publicly contended.
Before marching, water off the "Clach-Buadh" was
sprinkled upon the men. When Glenlyon came to a certain man called
M'Calum, who appeared to shrink from the shower of water with which
the chieftain sportively deluged him, the latter observed in jest, "Calum,
you tremble, you coward!" "I do not tremble," replied Calum angrily;
"but see you do not tremble. To your father's son it would be a
greater shame." Calum M'Calum was a Glenlyon man, who for personal
love to the old family had joined the host, like several others, of
his own accord; and before the campaign was over, he proved
satisfactorily that such service as he offered was not to be bought
with gold, and that he had come of a race who never learned to
"tremble."
Glenlyon marched into Argyle before Mar made a
single move. At the head of his 500 men, he penetrated through the
passes of that country without opposition. A few of the Campbells
joined him, but by no means the number expected by Breadalbane. It
was intended to occupy the places of strength, overawe the districts
purely Presbyterian, and proclaim the Pretender at Inverary.
Meantime, much to the discomfiture of these plans, Colonel Alexander
Campbell of Fonab, sent by the Duke of Argyle, hastily raised the
militia of the county for the service of King George, and brought up
arms and ammunition from Glasgow. This experienced soldier, who
learned his tactics under William and Marlborough, allowed the rash
Glenlyon to proceed without molestation into the heart of the
country, and then, by a skilful flank march, cut off his retreat,
and left him but the alternative of surrendering at discretion, or
of fighting under disadvantages tantamount to the certainty of
annihilation, giving no chance of inflicting material injury upon
the assailants. In these desperate circumstances, Glenlyon insisted
upon running the risk of one attack, but was with difficulty
over-ruled by John Campbell of Achallader, Breadalbane's
chamberlain, and Campbell of Glendarule, who had been given to him
by the Earl for advisers or "Comhairl Taighe." Fonab was not
disposed to proceed to extremities. He had been the late Glenlyon's
companion-in-arms; and whatever the world thought of the commander
in the massacre of Glencoe, he had loved him as a brother, and as a
brother had acted in seeing him honourably buried at Bruges, and in
settling his perplexed affairs after his death. This generosity
extended to the impoverished family; and we find that in 1703 he had
lent to the present Glenlyon, then in great straits, the sum of 600
merks, which were repaid to Robert his son, and his widow Mary
Bailie, in 1736, several years after his death. Besides the personal
relation of the leaders, Fonab was aware that many on his own side,
who would not scruple to fight well for King George in other
circumstances, as the chief willed it, were averse to draw their
swords against their brothers of the Siol Diarmid, and for
the first time sow the seeds of mortal dissension amidst the chief
branches of the surname. He therefore proposed that Glenlyon would
withdraw his men, promise on his honour to abstain from injuring the
inhabitants in his retreat, leave the country and engage not to
invade it again. These terms were accepted, and both sides acted
upon them without delay. The issue was fortunate for Glenlyon.
Before he crossed the borders of Argyle on his
backward march, the Duke's brother, the Earl of Hay, arrived at
Inverary from Edinburgh. This nobleman had exerted himself
strenuously for suppressing the progress of the revolt in the
capital, was enthusiastically attached to Presby-terianism and the
Protestant succession, had talents of no mean order, but exhibited
little or nothing of the national and clannish warmth of emotion,
the patriotic and enlightened comprehensiveness of mind, the exalted
sentiments and native unselfishness of his famous brother, John,
Duke of Argyle and Greenwich—qualities which rarely meet in one
person, and which, take him all in all, have stamped the character
of Argyle in Scotch affection as the brightest historical legacy of
that age of venal, treacherous politicians, and selfish generals.
Hay's prudence, on the other hand, degenerated at times into low
cunning, and his policy as a public man was but cruelty and
intolerance in disguise. The conduct of Colonel Campbell incurred
his severe censure, and an attempt was made to intercept the
retreating band. Misfortune taught Glenlyon to retire with more
caution than he advanced, and Hay was baulked of his object by
finding that the tables were now turned, and the disadvantage of
position and communication, under which the Breadalbane men first
laboured, would be now on * the side of their assailants. The
proposal was therefore given up, and Glenlyon quietly reached the
borders of the county, where he remained for a few days to
facilitate the assembling of the western clans. The expedition was
of eminent service in this respect. Previous to Glenlyon's
appearance in the shire, Lochiel, Glengarry, and Appin, with several
subordinate chieftains, had been in correspondence with the Duke's
representative, Colonel Campbell, and showed a strong inclination to
remain true to their allegiance to the house of Hanover. It is a
strange incident, read in the light of their past history and
subsequent conduct, that the royalist offspring of Black Sir Evan of
Lochiel, and the veteran Glengarry, who bore the banner of James at
Killiecrankie, should at this time waver in their fidelity to the
Stuarts. Such, however, was the case. They sent a message to Colonel
Campbell, assuring him "that if he could promise them the Duke's
friendship, they would, as soon as they could, get their men
together, march them to In-verary, and join his (the Colonel's) men,
who were in arms for the King (George), and they themselves would go
to Stirling to wait on his Grace." The moment they heard of the "Yellow
Banner" being displayed, the good promises to Colonel Campbell
resolved into thin air, and they prepared in all haste to espouse
the other, and to them natural, side. The former hesitation was
chiefly owing to the fact, that as the western and northern nobility
had not joined Mar, and as he and his principal adherents were not
connected by previous ties with the Camerons and M'Donalds, these
clans, narrowing the world to the circle of their traditions, shrank
from trusting leaders of whom they knew nothing, and whose banners
were not mentioned in the war songs of their bards. More prudential
motives actuated the chiefs—both were men who had seen the world,
and distinguished themselves as officers of the Duke of Berwick. The
ability of Breadalbane was long their dread individually and
collectively; his wisdom, or rather cunning and foresight, had
passed into a proverb ; through the convulsions of more than
threescore years he had both maintained his hereditary influence,
and greatly added to it; would he now risk all without the certainty
of success? Where he forded, could they not swim? The promptitude of
the old Earl was the spark needed to excite the conflagration. The
Camerons and M'Donalds thought of the days of Montrose, Evan Dubh,
and Dundee; and at this crisis it is said the personal influence of
the chiefs could not restrain their men from mustering under the
banner of the ancient foes of their fathers, if they themselves
would not lead them into rebellion as they desired.
Glenlyon, before leaving Argyle, saw Glengarry
and Glenmoriston encamped at Achallader, on the Braes of Glenurchay,
with 500 warlike followers. Shortly afterwards they moved their camp
to Strathfillan. From the positions which they held, they completely
covered the passes to Breadalbane, Glenlyon, and Rannoch. Argyle was
completely sealed in. By the 18th October the Captain of Clanronald,
Rob Roy, Stewart of Appin, Sir John M'Lean, M'Dougal of Lorn, with
their followers, and a fresh levy of Breadalbane men, rendezvoused
with the clans at Strathfillan. From this they marched into Argyle,
and afterwards returning, joined the Earl of Mar on the eve of the
Battle of Sheriffmuir, 2,400 strong.
Leaving Glengarry at Achallader, the Laird of
Glenlyon marched down his native glen, and joined the Earl of Mar at
Logierait with all his men.