IN the troubled years which followed the
Revolution Glasgow does not appear to have prospered very greatly.
The population, which in 1688 numbered 11,943, was no more than
12,766 twenty years later, when a census was taken. [Denholm, Hist.
of Glasg. 1804, says the population had been 14,600 in 1660.] Rising
pleasantly on its sunny brae-face from the river bank, with gardens
about its houses, scenting the air with apple-blossom in spring, and
with cornfields around, rustling golden in autumn, it was really a
garden city. East of the Molendinar, on the riverside, the New
Green, painfully repurchased from its many smallholders, was being
brought into condition by cropping and grazing, while the Old Green,
which stretched westward from the Molendinar to St. Theneu's or St.
Enoch's Burn, was being encroached upon by buildings like the
Merchants Hospital and industries like the rope-work, which gave its
first name to the present Howard Street—Ropework Lane. [Burgh
Records, 5th Dec., 1696; 17th April, 1697.] In the hundred years
since 1588, when the West Port was moved from the spot which is now
the foot of Candleriggs to the head of the Stockwellgait, the crofts
on the south side of St. Theneu's Gait, or Trongate, had been slowly
built upon. Just outside the port on the west side of the
Stockwellgait stood the tower of the Halls of Fulbar, which was only
taken down at the end of the nineteenth century, and farther west,
by the side of St. Theneu's Burn, stood the ruin of St. Theneu's
Chapel, the site of the later St. Enoch's Church. On the north side
of Trongate the Long Croft, which extended from the back of the High
Street houses westward to the Cow Loan, which is now Queen Street,
had also been considerably built upon. There the Candleriggs, with
the "soaperie" of the Whalefishing Company near its head, [The
Soaperie was burned in 1777 and the business given up.—Cleland's
Annals, ii. 367.] had been opened up, and Hutchesons' Hospital, with
its acre of garden behind, stood on the site of the present
Hutcheson Street. Beyond the Cow Loan to St. Theneu's Burn, which
crosses Argyll Street at the foot of Mitchell Lane, lay the Pallioun
Croft, so called, it is said, from the pavilions or tents of the
Regent Moray's army which encamped there before the battle of
Langside; and along the thoroughfare, as far as the little bridge
over St. Theneu's Burn, stood certain malt kilns, whose owners were
accused of throwing their straw into the roadway, and choking the "syre"
or gutter. On the south side of
the river the town had acquired in 1650 the Gorbals part of Sir
George Elphinstone's barony of Blythswood. [Regality Club
Publications, iv. 1-60.] Eastward along the Gallowgate lay the
estates of a number of well-known Glasgow families, Dowhill,
Clay-thorn, Barrowfield. On the north-east the great estate of
Provan had been acquired in 1667, as we have seen, rather with a
view to controlling the supply of water from Hogganfield Loch to the
town's mills than for the purpose of extending the city. The town
also included the beautiful Rottenrow and its sequestered old
manses, with their sunny gardens sloping to the south on the
Deanside brae. This "tennandry of Rotten-row," between forty and
fifty acres in extent, had been the first extension of the burgh's
boundaries, granted to the Magistrates by James VI. in 1613 as a
reward for their preservation of the Cathedral and bridge. [Glasgow
Charters, ii. pp. 284-91.] The ground was mostly in private
possession, but the magistrates drew from it certain rents and feu-duties.
Between this "tennandry" of Rottenrow
and the Long Croft and Pavilion Croft, and extending westward over
the sites of the present City Chambers and George Square, stretched
the lands of Ramshorn and Meadowflat. Again and again these lands
had had their crops eaten and destroyed by troops quartered in the
city. As late as November, 1693, the town paid the tenant £100 16s.
for corn eaten and carried off the ground by the English regiment
commanded by Sir John Lanier. The owner of the acres, Ninian Hill of
Lambhill, was probably sick of such troubles, and he offered the
land to the burgh at twenty-two years' purchase, the rent being
estimated at ten merks per boll of crop. The Magistrates, in
considering the offer, displayed a praiseworthy zeal for the
preservation of the town's amenities. They feared that the land
might be purchased by someone who "might perhaps improve the samine
to the prejudice of the burgh." They accordingly agreed to acquire
it at twenty years' purchase, a sum of 20,300 merks, with a gratuity
of fifteen guineas to "Lambhill's lady." The transaction, curiously,
was carried out with the funds of "the three hospitals," the
Merchants', the Trades', and Hutchesons'. who were to have the land
divided equally among them; but in the end, partly for the reason
that the estate had belonged previously to George Hutcheson of
Lambhill, the founder of Hutchesons' Hospital, the entire property
was acquired for that trust, burdened with a feu-duty of £4. payable
to the burgh and certain conditions preventing it from being
"improved " to the prejudice of the town. [Burgh Records, 13th
Sept., 17th Nov., 1693; 7th Feb., 12th May, 1694 31st Aug., 1696;
1st Oct., 1709.]
This vicarious purchase of Ramshorn
and Meadowflat was only one of several curious financial
transactions of the Glasgow Magistrates and Councillors at that
time. On the plea of difficulty in paying the town's debts, letters
were procured from the King to the Privy Council authorising the
Magistrates to continue the levy for the use of the burgh of the two
pennies excise duty on each pint of ale and beer brewed or sold in
the town, for the space of thirteen years. [Glasgow Charters and
Documents, ii. 249-51.] Apparently the city fathers saw in this
grant the opening of a golden fountain. They promptly decided that
"it could not be expected that such ane great gift might be obtained
without expence and charge and the gratifieing of persons in public
trust." They accordingly directed that the city treasurer be
provided with a thousand pounds sterling, besides ten guineas
already sent to him in Edinburgh, for the payment of gratuities to
certain persons who had been instrumental in securing the grant for
the city. As they did not actually possess the thousand pounds they
proposed to give away, they proceeded to borrow that sum, and gave
bonds to nine individuals who lent them the money. [Burgh Records,
25th Sept., 1693.]
Of similar character was the
transaction, already recorded, which was carried through a little
later with the Darien Company. Though the Town Council subscribed
for £3000 of stock in the undertaking, the entire sum does not
appear to have been called up, and meanwhile the magistrates availed
themselves of the Company's offer, and borrowed £500 sterling for
the payment of the city's debts. [Ibid. 5th Oct., 1696.]
At the same time the merchants of
Glasgow had been making their way into new avenues of trade. At the
time of the Revolution one of the chief industries of the town was
sugar refining. Since 1667, when the first factory, the Wester
Sugar-house, was built in Bell's Wynd and Candleriggs, the business
had been considerably exploited. The Easter Sugar-house was built on
the south side of Gallowgate in 1669, and was followed by the South
Sugar-house in Stockwell Street, and another in King Street. [Trans.
Glasg. Arch. Society, 1st Series, i. 354.] These sugar-houses not
only supplied the greater part of Scotland with their commodity, but
enjoyed the privilege of distilling spirits from their molasses,
free from all duty and excise. [Gibson's Hist. of Glasgow, 246;
Chambers's Donz. Annals, iii. 126.] When it was proposed to set up
an additional sugar factory in 1701, there was projected, in
connection with it, a work "for distilling brandy and other spirits
from all manner of grain of the growth of this kingdom," and it was
added " the distillery will both be profitable for consumption of
the product of the kingdom, and for trade for the coast of Guinea
and America, seeing that no trade can be managed to the places
foresaid, or the East Indies, without great quantities of the
foresaid liquors." [Donz. Annals, iii. 127.]
Tobacco also had begun to bring to
the city a stream of wealth that was to flow for a hundred years.
The trade was hampered at first by the curious communal by-law that
all cargoes must first be offered to the Magistrates and Council,
and that no bargain must be made for their purchase wholesale by an
individual. Thus, on 10th January, 1674, the city fathers deputed
the Dean of Guild and Deacon Convener to "sight" a cargo offered to
the town by William Johnstone and William Bouk, which included forty
hogsheads of Virginia leaf tobacco, twelve barrels roll and cut, at
thirty-six pounds per cent. "guid and bad." [Burgh Records. As
shewing the other commodities then being imported, the cargo also
included eight casks of casnutt sugar at £16 16s. per cent., four
thousand pounds weight of ginger at £18 per cent. and a ton of
unground logwood at £120 per ton.] On 10th January, 1677, the
Magistrates granted liberty to Hugh Buick, writer in Edinburgh, to
sell four hogsheads of Virginia, which he had offered to the town,
to whom he pleased. And on 29th August, 1681, an offer was made by
Richard Bucklie of no less than 105 hogsheads of Virginia leaf
tobacco, with some leaf tobacco in bulk, and three barrels roll
tobacco. In this case the prices were, for the hogshead tobacco 24s.
sterling per hundredweight, for the bulk tobacco 20s., and for the
roll tobacco 30s., in other words from about 22d. to 4d. per pound.
On certain suspicions Bucklie was ordered to store his cargo in
Glasgow, and give his oath as to whether he had offered or sold any
of the consignment elsewhere.
Yet again, on 15th May, 1691,
complaint was made to the Town Council that a certain William Corse
and his partners had bought from a stranger, who was not a freeman
of any burgh, a ship's load of tobacco, without making an offer of
it to the town. As a result the said William and his partners in
crime were cited to appear before the magistrates to be fined and
otherwise punished. [Burgh Records.]
Restrictions and impediments of this
kind placed in the way of trade and industry by a communal town
council made commerce on a large scale, of course, impossible.
[Ibid. 19th April, 10th April, 21st Sept., 1695.] The activities of
the city fathers were salutary and valuable while they were devoted
to the duties of domestic government, the safeguarding of person and
property, the provision of education, the securing of amenities, the
settlement of disputes, and the like. The magistrates were within
their province when they suppressed a practice which had grown to be
a nuisance, that of parties masquerading and serenading through the
streets in the nighttime, creating disturbance, and offering "insolencies"
to the guards and other persons. [Ibid. 12th Sept., 1691.] They were
providing for a known want in allowing Margaret Hamilton, cook, to
continue during her lifetime her employment of serving the town's
inhabitants with meat and drink—keeping "ane taverne and ane
cookerie"—otherwise apparently the town's first restaurant. Margaret
agreed to pay fifty merks for the privilege, and was granted the
same rights as the widow of a burgess. [Burgh Records, 23rd May,
1691.] They honoured the city's notable tradition of musical culture
by engaging Mr. Lewis de France to "teach the inhabitants in toune
to sing musick." Mr. Lewis agreed "to take onlie fourtein shilling
per moneth, for ane hour in the day, from these that comes to the
schooll, and fourtein shilling for wryting the threttein comon tunes
and some psalmes, the schollars furnishing bookes." He also
"condescended" to teach such poor in the town as the Magistrates
should direct. [Ibid. 24th Sept., 1691.] For this the Magistrates
agreed to pay him £100 Scots yearly, and to prohibit the teaching of
music by any other public school. They were no doubt supplying a
felt want when they granted a certain Mr. John Pujolas the sum of £5
sterling to help the printing of a French grammar, and agreed to pay
him £100 yearly for the encouragement of his teaching of French.
[Ibid. 29th Nov., 1690.] They were within their province in ordering
a register of deaths within the city to be kept. The first registrar
received for remuneration the sum of thirty shillings Scots weekly.
[Ibid. 15th Oct., 1692.] And they might be excused the little luxury
of having the seats of the council in Kirk strewn with flowers, and
a similar provision made for the table in the council chamber. The
flowers were got from the garden of the Merchants Hospital in
Briggate, and cost the Magistrates no more than twelve shillings
Scots yearly. [Ibid. 4th Oct., 1691.] It is true, the Magistrates
provided mills for grinding the corn of the burgesses. But they were
sufficiently well advised not to carry on the business themselves,
but to lease the mills to individuals whose interest it was to
cultivate the approval of their customers. In succeeding years the
rental of these mills continued to increase, and in 1691 it amounted
to 8750 merks, with fifty bolls of ground malt. [Ibid. 2nd June,
1691.]
These activities might all be
regarded as within the purview of civic legislation and
administration. It was only when the city fathers went outside this
natural province, and proceeded to interfere with trade, that they
became a hindrance to the development of the town's prosperity. In
no case do they appear to have exercised their option to purchase
goods brought to the city in wholesale quantities, but the
restrictions as to price which they used their option to impose,
must have discouraged enterprise and sent commerce elsewhere for a
hundred and fifty years.
Notwithstanding these obstacles,
however, the Glasgow merchants had begun to think of trade in larger
terms. Walter Gibson's ventures to France and America were examples
of this. So far the chief trade of Scotland had been with Holland,
Denmark, and Norway. For that reason the shipping was mostly from
the east coast ports. Leith, Montrose, and the little harbours round
the Fife coast were the scenes of the country's main export and
import trade. Hence James V.'s description of Fife as "a rough Scots
blanket fringed with gold."
But Glasgow was awakening to
possibilities in other directions. The founding of Port-Glasgow as a
civic harbour on the open estuary of the Clyde in 1668 was an
evidence of this; and everything may be said to have been ready for
the great event which happened presently, and which threw open to
Glasgow merchant enterprise the whole trading possibilities of the
New World across the Atlantic. |