WHILE King Charles was at Holyrood for
the meetings of the Scottish Parliament in the autumn of 1641 there
was much feverish coming and going of commissioners from Glasgow. On
6th September the king granted to James, Duke of Lennox and
Richmond, the whole temporalities of the archbishopric of Glasgow,
lands and barony, castle, city, burgh, and regality, with the right
to nominate the provost, bailies, and other officers, and
incorporated the whole into a temporal lordship of Glasgow, for an
annual payment of two hundred merks Scots (£11 2s. 2 2/3d.). [Reg.
Priv. Seal, cix. 294; Glasgow Charters and Doc. pt. ii. p. 403.]
Glasgow thus saw its hopes of freedom from feudal authority in the
appointment of its provost and bailies once more overthrown. Strong
representations were accordingly made at Court; presents of Holland
and Scottish linen cloth were made to "Maister Web the Duikis
servand," [Burgh Records, i. 434.] and at length it was arranged
that while the duke should have the power to nominate the provost
out of a leet of three persons submitted to him, it was left to the
Town Council itself to elect the provost, if the Duke or his
commissioner were not present at the time. [Act. Parl. V. 412; Burgh
Records, i. 433, 434 ; ii. 48, 49.]
Upon similar representations from the
city the king assigned to the Town Council the teinds, parsonage,
and vicarage revenues of the archbishopric and of the kirks of
Drymen, Dryfesdale, Cambusnethan, and Traquair, for the support of a
minister in place of the archbishop, for the repair of the
Cathedral, and for the maintenance of schools and hospitals. [Act.
Part. V. 581; Glasgow Charters, ii. 415.]
By another charter Charles conveyed
to Glasgow University the lands of the bishopric of Candida Casa and
its dependencies, the priory of Whithorn, the abbeys of Tungland and
Glenluce, and others. [Great Seal Reg. 1633-1651, P. 374.]
It must have made sore the heart of
the king thus to sign away with his own hand the revenues supporting
that Episcopal system which his father and he had spent half a
century in building up.
Another and more terrible anxiety,
however, was even then descending upon Charles. News reached him at
Holyrood of the outbreak in Ireland of the great rebellion under Sir
Phelim O'Neil, in which the wild Catholics marched across the
country, butchering and burning in such horrible fashion as cast the
Sicilian Vespers and the Eve of St. Bartholomew into the shade. The
event was made more ominous and alarming by the fact that the Irish
leader produced a commission purporting to have been sent by Charles
and sealed with the Great Seal of Scotland. Hill Burton shows that
on 1st October, 1641, this seal was in doubtful hands, in
transference between the Marquess of Hamilton and the new
Chancellor, Lord Loudon, and it is still one of the problems of
history whether the document that had such terrible consequences was
genuine or forged. [Hill Burton, vi. 341-348.]
The king reported the outbreak to the
Scottish Parliament, which promptly offered to send a force of ten
thousand men to help the Protestants in Ireland. Accordingly, on 8th
December, Argyll, who had now been made a Marquess, appeared before
the Town Council of Glasgow with a commission from the Privy Council
requiring transport for five thousand men. The Town Council made its
bargain with business-like promptitude, undertaking to convey the
force for thirty shillings passage money and six shillings per day
for meals for each man. Glasgow further undertook to have the
necessary boats in readiness at forty-eight hours' notice, and
stipulated that each boat should have half payment before starting
and the other half on arriving in Ireland. [Burgh Records, i. 435.]
In the matters of business-like arrangement and forethought the
transaction could not be bettered at the present day. In the end
only some four thousand men were sent from Scotland under General
Leslie, who had been created Earl of Leven. [Turner's Memoirs, pp.
24-29.] Three years later, on 27th February, 1645, the proportion of
this force to be maintained by Glasgow was fixed at 110 men, with
monthly pay amounting to £990 Scots (£82 10s. sterling). [Act. Par!.
VI. i. p. 352.]
This Irish rebellion was reflected in
more than one other way in the affairs of Glasgow. Almost at once it
brought across the Irish Sea a stream of refugees fleeing from the
terrors in their own country, and apparently for the greater part
destitute. In February, 1642, the Town Council ordered two hundred
merks to be distributed among them. In March a charitable collection
was ordered to be taken in the town, and in October it was reported
that £1099 2s. 4d. Scots (£91 11s 10d. sterling) had been
contributed and disbursed among these poor people.
But there was also a later and
greater reflex action on the affairs of Scotland and the city.
On 17th November, 1641, the Scottish
Parliament ended its sittings, and on the 18th the king returned to
London, to find himself immediately embroiled in disputes with the
English Houses of Parliament sitting at Westminster. The events that
followed have already been alluded to—the Grand Remonstrance
addressed by the House of Commons to the king, the impeachment of
Pym, Hollis, Hampden, and other Opposition leaders by the king's
order at the bar of the House of Lords, and the attempt by Charles
in person, with an armed force, to seize certain members within the
walls of the House of Commons itself. These high-handed and
unconstitutional acts brought thousands of indignant yeomen spurring
into London to defend the rights and liberties of their
representatives, and before the clamour of the furious multitude
that besieged his palace gates in Whitehall Charles was forced to
leave London, never to return except as a prisoner on his way to
trial and execution. On 28th August, 1642, the king's standard was
raised at Nottingham, and the Civil War in England began in earnest.
At first the English Parliamentary
Party steadily lost ground in the conflict. Both sides were unused
to war, but while the Parliamentary ranks were filled with
hirelings, "a mere rabble of tapsters and serving men out of place"
as Cromwell called them, the Royalists were mostly well-mounted
gentlemen with their younger brothers, grooms, gamekeepers, and
huntsmen, all well used to firearms and field exercises, with high
spirits, courage, and daring. Newcastle, from which London derived
its supply of coal, had been occupied for the king by the Earl of
Newcastle; Bristol, the second city in England, had been surrendered
by its commander, Nathaniel Fiennes, and the arms of Charles were
victorious throughout the western and northern counties. The leaders
at Westminster began to see before them the dreadful spectres of
defeat and death on the scaffold. In the emergency they cast their
eyes on Scotland, and made a bold bid for the help of that
well-organized and disciplined army under General Leslie, which they
had lately seen invincible on their own soil. On 10th August, 1643,
a commission of the English Parliament approached the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland, claiming credit for following
the example of Scotland in the path of reform, and declaring for the
abolition of Episcopacy. This compliment was followed by an even
more overpowering one, the agreement to adopt a declaration drawn up
by Henderson, based on the Scottish National Covenant of 1638. Thus
the Solemn League and Covenant of 1643 came into existence. Shorn of
its references to Acts of the Scottish Parliament and of the General
Assembly, this document was little more than a protest against
Popery, an undertaking to preserve "the reformed religion of the
Church of Scotland in doctrine, worship, discipline, and
government," and a promise to carry out "the reformation of religion
in the kingdoms of England and Ireland ... according to the Word of
God and the example of the best Reformed Churches." [Hill Burton,
vi. 353-355; Peterkin's Records, 294, 329, 347, 362.] Intoxicated by
this tribute to their superior sanctity and sagacity, both
Parliament and Assembly in Scotland adopted the Solemn League and
Covenant with rapture as a declaration for the establishment of
Presbyterianism in England, which it was not, [Gardiner's Civil War,
i. 19.] and passed acts for its compulsory signature in all the
parishes of the kingdom. [Cunningham, ii. 45.]
Further, the Scottish Parliament,
meeting on its own initiative on 22nd June, 1643, proceeded to raise
an army of 21,000 men, and sent it across the Border under the
command of Alexander Leslie, Earl of Leven, with his nephew, David
Leslie, as major-general. With this force a considerable contingent,
including two surgeons, went from Glasgow. [Burgh Records, ii.
66-70; Act. Parl. VI. i. p. 89.]
On 19th January, 1644, the Scots army
crossed the Tweed on the ice. On the 28th, in a blinding snowstorm,
it crossed the Tyne, drove back a Royalist force fourteen thousand
strong, under Sir Charles Lucas, and besieged Newcastle. While the
siege was going on Leslie marched to York, and, joining up with the
English Parliamentary army under Fairfax, fought and won the first
victory of the Parliament, against Prince Rupert, at Long Marston
Moor. [Burton, vi. 361.] On 19th October Newcastle was stormed by
the Scots, and London's coal supply set free just in time for the
beginning of winter. [Ibid. vi. 360; Echard, iii. 482.]
This vital change in the fortunes of
the Parliamentary Party in England was obviously owed to the help of
the hardy, experienced, and well-disciplined army of the Scots. If
that army could be induced to withdraw again to Scotland it seemed
likely that the tide could be made to turn again in favour of the
king. In the crisis the meteoric and heroic figure of Montrose again
appeared upon the scene.
Queen Henrietta, who had been
endeavouring, without much success, to secure help in Holland for
the Royalist cause, returned in February, 1643. On her landing at
Bridlington Quay she was met by the Earl of Montrose, who, it is
believed, put before her the plan for a Royalist campaign in
Scotland. [Napier's Montrose, p. 228. The young Earl of Montrose,
some of whose exploits have been already mentioned, must have been
well known in the streets of Glasgow, for his chief seat, Mugdock
Castle, was only some five miles north-west of the city.]
Afterwards, at Oxford, where she joined the king in July, he had
further interviews with the queen. Had the plan been put into action
at once it seems possible that the Earl of Leven's army might never
have crossed the Tweed, and the later history of the kingdoms might
have run in a different channel. But it was always the fortune of
Charles I. to do the right thing when it was too late. In this case,
at the instance of Hamilton, just then made a duke, Montrose's
project was delayed for a year. [Napier, p. 229.] It was not till
the Scottish army were besieging Newcastle that the king turned to
Montrose. On 1st February, 1644, the latter received a commission as
lieutenant-general, and set out for Scotland. With only a small
following he crossed the Border and drove the Covenanters out of
Dumfries ; but he was in turn driven out of that place by the
Covenanters of Teviotdale, and, falling back on Carlisle, captured
Morpeth Castle, stormed a fort near the mouth of the Tyne, and threw
supplies into Newcastle. Receiving an urgent message from Prince
Rupert, he hastened south with all the force he could gather, only
to come up with that leader on the evening of 2nd July, the day on
which he had been defeated by the armies of the Covenant and
Parliament at Marston Moor. [Napier, 249-256; Rushworth, v. 482.]
It was then that Montrose, who had
now been created a marquess, put into execution the bold plan which
has made him for all time a hero of romance. Disguised as a groom in
attendance on Sir William Rollo and Colonel Sibbald, who themselves
wore the dress of troopers of the Earl of Leven, he passed without
detection through the Covenanting Lowlands to Tullibeltane in the
highlands of Perthshire, where he was met by his kinsman, Graham of
Inchbrakie. His idea was to raise the clans, and, with the help of a
force from Ireland, to make Scotland so unsafe for the Covenant that
the Earl of Leven's army must be recalled from the south. If this
took place it seemed likely that the Royalist forces under Prince
Rupert would again be able to gain the upper hand. Accordingly from
Tullibeltane, the spot from which in an early age the sacred Baal
fires were scattered over the country on Beltane Day, Montrose sent
his fiery cross through the glens, and in an astonishingly short
space of time found himself at the head of three thousand men.
Without losing time he marched on Perth, and meeting, four miles
west of that town, a force more than double the number of his own,
commanded by Lord Elcho, won at a rush the battle of Tippermuir—a
Royalist victory which, with the possession of Perth which it
secured, did much to encourage the cause of Charles in the south.
The date was Sunday, 1st September, 1644. [Spalding, ii. 403;
Memorabilia of Perth, p. 107.]
Another Covenanting army, 2500
strong, under Lord Balfour of Burleigh, lay at Aberdeen, and
Montrose next turned his attention to it. With fifteen hundred men
on 13th September, he crossed the Dee ten miles above the town, and,
in a battle between the Crabstane and the Justice Mills, overthrew
the Covenanting force, and pursued it into the city with merciless
slaughter. [Spalding, ii, 407.]
There was still a third Covenanting
army in Scotland, consisting of three thousand Campbells, two
regiments from the army in England, and a strong force of cavalry,
under the Marquess of Argyll. As most of his Highlanders had gone
home with their plunder, Montrose avoided this force, and kept
moving from place to place, till at the approach of winter Argyll
disbanded his clansmen and retired to his stronghold at Inveraray.
Then the Royalist general descended through the glens, and during
the months of December and January laid waste the country of the
unhappy Campbells. [Spalding, ii. 442; Napier, 290.]
As he retired northward through the
Great Glen Montrose learned that his way ahead was barred by
Seaforth with 5000 men, and that Argyll had mustered 3000 behind
him. His own force numbered only 1500 men, and it looked as if he
were trapped. But he turned and, marching rapidly through deep snow,
surprised Argyll at Inverlochy in Lochaber, on the shore of Loch
Linnhe. The Campbell chief took to his galley off the land, and on
Candlemas Day, 1645, watched his army being cut to pieces with the
loss of 1500 men. [Napier, 293.]
Montrose then marched to attack
Seaforth, but that leader retired, and at Elgin came into the
Royalist headquarters for pardon.
The Scottish Parliament in Edinburgh
was now thoroughly alarmed, and, with Argyll as its moving spirit,
proceeded to organise further efforts against Montrose. On 11th
February it passed sentence of death and forfeiture against him,
[Balfour, iii. 270.] and on the 27th it passed an act requiring each
county and burgh to raise a certain number of soldiers proportioned
to its population, and maintain them at the rate of nine pounds
Scots per man per month. [Act. Parl. VI. i. 351. Glasgow's levy was
110 men, and taking the proportion to be one man for every sixty of
the population Dr. Robert Chambers estimated the population of
Edinburgh at 34,440, Glasgow and Perth each 6600, Stirling and
Haddington each 2160, Ayr 2460, Dundee ii, 160, Inverness 2400, St.
Andrews 3600, Dumfries 2640, Montrose 3180 (Domestic Annals, ii.
162).]
Glasgow had already contributed
considerably to the carrying on of the war. In 1641 a Glasgow ship,
"The Merrie Katherine," had been sunk in the Clyde to prevent the
king's ships from victualling Dunbarton Castle, and a new ship, "The
Antelope," built by the same five merchant owners, had made only one
voyage to Bordeaux when she was employed by Parliament to intercept
the expected Irish invaders on the west coast, and was wrecked in
the entry to Lochaber. In compensation the owners were ordered to
retain a ship worth £340 sterling, given them by the Marquess of
Argyll, and to be paid £100 sterling in cash. [Act. Parl. VI. i.
379.] Further, in December, 1643, the city again raised a company,
and sent it under Captain Porterfield with the Earl of Leven's army
into England. [Burgh Records, ii. 64, 68.]
Glasgow also, by order of Parliament,
maintained on the west coast a vessel, "The Eight Whelpe," employed
by Argyll against the Irish force brought over by Alastair Macdonald
(Colkitto) to help Montrose. And at Argyll's request it supplied a
hundred bolls of meal for the provisioning of his forces.
Sums were also spent in entertaining
Lord Sinclair's regiment quartered in the town, and the troopers who
came into Glasgow with Argyll on 17th February after the battle of
Inverlochy. The city at that time was ready to defend itself, for on
31st August, the day before the battle of Tippermuir,
every citizen between sixteen and
sixty years of age had received orders to be in readiness, with his
best arms, powder, match, lead, and twenty days' provisions, to come
out under appointed captains; and guards were kept at all the ports.
[Burgh Records, ii. 72, 73.] For another reason, also—the outbreak
of "war typhus" or plague, in the armies in the south—the
inhabitants had been ordered to build up their backyards and closes
to prevent strangers coming in by these entries. [Ibid. ii. 74, 75.]
It was perhaps these active
preparations which saved Glasgow from the fate of sack and massacre
which overtook Aberdeen and Dundee at the hands of Montrose.
Descending through the central Highlands, the Royalist leader
stormed the Tayside town on 3rd April, 1645. The Irish and
Highlanders were in the act of plundering that stronghold of the
Covenant when word arrived that Generals Baillie and Hurry, with a
strong force consisting mostly of disciplined troops from the Scots
army in England, were almost at the gates. With incredible efforts
Montrose got his scattered plunderers together—his whole force
numbered only some 800 horse and foot—and made a dexterous retreat
to the Grampians. [Napier, 319, 320.] On 9th May he was lying at the
village of Auldearn, between Forres and Nairn, when General Hurry
made a night march to surprise him. But Montrose arranged his small
number of men among the village enclosures so as to make it appear
that he held the place in strength, and inflicted a severe defeat on
his enemy. [Spalding, ii. 473.]
The Royalist general then appeared to
be making for the Lowlands, and Baillie hastened to intercept him.
On 2nd July Montrose occupied a strong position at Alford on the
Don, and on seeing this Baillie would have retired. But the
Covenanters had now adopted the plan of sending a committee with
their forces to the field. This committee insisted on an immediate
attack, and Baillie, under this pressure, crossed the river ;
whereupon Montrose, swooping down upon him, cut his army to pieces.
[Britane's Distemper, 127-131; Napier, 341-343.]
Meanwhile in England the Royalist
cause had suffered some severe blows. At Naseby on 14th June the
king had lost his infantry, his whole train of artillery, and no
fewer than five hundred officers ; and a fortnight later Carlisle
had surrendered to the Scottish army under the Earl of Leven. It was
clear that, to afford real help to Charles, Montrose must strike a
decisive blow further south. Accordingly, the fame of his victories
having brought reinforcements from as far as Inverness-shire and
Ross-shire, he left his headquarters at Dunkeld, crossed the Forth
at the fords of Frew above Stirling, and traversing the Campsie
Fells by Kippen and Fintry, on 14th August reached Kilsyth. He had
4000 foot and 800 horse, and the new Covenanting army under Baillie,
which marched by Stirling and Dunipace to intercept him, had 6000
foot and 800 horse. Even then Baillie would have waited for
reinforcements which were on the march to join him, but Argyll and
the committee supervising their general's actions believed Montrose
to be trying to evade them, and insisted on an attack. Baillie
obeyed his orders, and the issue was almost immediately decided by
the wild charge of the clans, which carried everything before it.
[Baillie's Letters, ii. 420-423.] It was said that not one unmounted
Covenanter escaped unwounded; Argyll fled by ship to Berwick, and
the battle laid the whole of Scotland at the feet of Montrose.
The victorious general, with his wild
Highlanders and Irish troops, was now within twelve miles of
Glasgow, and the city had before it the fearful fate that had
overtaken Aberdeen and Dundee. It was even said that Montrose had
promised his troops the plunder of the city. With a view to
conciliate him Sir Robert Douglas of Blackerston and Mr. Archibald
Fleming, commissary, were sent to congratulate him on his victory
and to invite him and his army to spend some days in Glasgow. He
accordingly marched thither, and encamped in the neighbourhood.
[Brown's Hist. of Glasgow (1795), P. 83.] He then sent a demand to
the magistrates for a supply of bonnets, shoes, money, and other
necessaries. The Council waited upon him to ask an abatement of his
demand, when he not only granted their request, but detained them to
dinner, and, on leaving, some of them were so overcome by their
relief that they kissed his hand and wished him success. [Gibson's
Hist. of Glasgow (1787), p. 94 ; Denholm's Hist. (1798), p. 20;
(1804), p. 62.] Montrose entered Glasgow on 16th August, and "was
welcomed and entertained with great solemnity." [Brown, p. 83.] But
the Irish and wild Highlanders, seeing the wealth of the city, could
not be restrained from plundering, and after executing some of the
worst offenders without effect, and seeing there was plague in the
place, he withdrew his army on the 18th to Bothwell. [Napier, 359.]
The city fathers have been accused of
want of discretion in inviting and entertaining the Royalist
general, [Macgeorge, p. 215.] and the provost, magistrates, and
council were afterwards punished by deprivation of office and
disqualification for election in future. [Burgh Records, ii. 80-83.]
But it is certain that in no other way could they have prevented
Glasgow from becoming a scene of wild rapine, plunder, and
destruction. Moreover, from what followed it is clear that their
canny complaisance, and the concessions it secured from Montrose,
actually effected more for the cause of the Covenant than all the
armies which had been put in the field against the brilliant
Royalist general.
At Bothwell Montrose received
addresses and declarations of loyalty from all parts of the country;
the counties of Renfrew and Ayr offered allegiance, and Edinburgh
and the south of Scotland acknowledged his authority. He thereupon
summoned a Parliament to meet at Glasgow in October, and in view of
the expense which this would entail upon the city, agreed to forgo
the sum of £500 which was the levy the Town Council had promised for
distribution among the troops.
This last concession was the fuse
which exploded the discontent of his followers. Denied the plunder
of the rich city which they regarded as the rightful fruit of their
victory at Kilsyth, the Highlanders broke up and went home, and the
Royalist leader was left with a force of no more than 580 all told.
[Napier, 359; Britane's Distemper, 253, 164; Gardiner's Civil Way,
ii. 348.] In these circumstances he marched towards the Border,
expecting to receive reinforcements there from among the sons of the
old moss-troopers, and afterwards to join forces with the king.
[Gardiner, ii. 350.]
Meanwhile, however, General David
Leslie, with 4000 horse, had been detached from the Scots army in
England, and, joined by 2000 foot from Newcastle, was marching
northwards to meet him. [Gardiner's Civil Way, ii. 309-354.]
On the evening of 12th September
Montrose had encamped his infantry at Philiphaugh on the left bank
of the Ettrick, while with his cavalry he himself quartered in the
town of Selkirk on the hillside opposite. He had been writing a
letter to the king far into the night, and was sitting down to
breakfast, when the sound of firing was heard. Causing the alarm to
be sounded, he leapt into the saddle, and, followed by his officers
and some of his cavalry, galloped across the river, to find that
Leslie's force, which had been encamped overnight at Melrose, only
four miles away, had approached unseen in the morning mist, and had
already routed his left wing. At the head of 150 horse Montrose
himself charged twice, and drove back Leslie's squadron; but when a
body of Covenanting troops, which had crossed the river above
Selkirk, attacked his right wing in the rear, he saw that the day
was lost, and with about fifty horsemen he and a few friends,
cutting their way through the enemy, galloped from the field. [Britane's
Distemper, 156-162; Gardiner, ii. 355.]
Then followed a horrible butchery by
the Covenanters. The common prisoners, confined that night in Newark
Castle, a little higher up the Ettrick, were shot next morning in
cold blood. The captured Irish officers were hanged in Edinburgh
without trial, and while a number of distinguished men were retained
for execution at St. Andrews, three, Sir William Rollo, Sir Philip
Nisbet, and Alexander Ogilvy of Inverquharity, a youth not eighteen
years of age, were carried to Glasgow and beheaded on the 28th and
29th of October. [Britane's Distemper, 167; Napier, 392; Balfour,
iii. 358-363; Burgh Records, ii. 87.]
Leslie sent half his force to Alloa
to destroy the property of the Earl of Mar for his loyalty, while
with the other half he accompanied the Committee of Parliament and
the Commission of Assembly to Glasgow, where he exacted from the
citizens a sum of 20,000 Scots, by way of interest, as he put it, on
the 50,000 merks they were said to have lent Montrose. [Baillie's
Letters, ii. 321; Brown's Hist. of Glasgow, 86; Burgh Records, ii.
79, 80, 177.]
Meanwhile Montrose, who had raised
1200 foot and 300 horse in the north, returned to the neighbourhood
of the city, and for nearly a month "daily threatening the town in
the most daring manner," tried to draw Leslie out to battle. But at
last, on 19th November, he returned to Atholl, and presently, on the
second peremptory order from King Charles, disbanded his force and
retired to Holland. |