Let us catch a few
glimpses of the activity of adventurous Scots in the French wars of
the fifteenth century. Nobles, knights, and men-at-arms seem alike
to have been possessed with an errant spirit, which they could not
control; or else they were seduced by the purple vineyards and
smiling fields of the South, which offered so charming a contrast to
their bleak and barren northern landscapes. Further, it was on
French soil that they could revenge themselves best upon the
Anglo-Norman invaders, who had harried their poor country so
pitilessly with fire and sword, and were at this time engaged in a
long and desperate struggle to maintain their hold upon some of the
finest provinces of France.
In 1407, we read, the Earl of Mar led a body of troops, sent by the
Duke of Burgundy, to the help of William of Bavaria, Count of
Holland and Hainault, who thirsted to punish his refractory city of
Liege for revolting against its bishop. Halting at Paris, Mar
dazzled the curious Parisians, as fond then as now of shows and
spectacles, by his chivalric courtesy. “He set out,” says Wyntoun,
“with a noble company, well equipped and elegant, knights and
squires, very great lords, sixty and more, men of counsel and valour,
of his court and his suite. At Paris he held a royal levee, at the
sign of Le Plat d'titain. All the time he was there, which exceeded
twelve weeks, gates and grilles were open, that everybody might see
him; that everybody might freely enter, to eat and drink and dance
and sing; and all people praised him highly for his wit and valour
and liberality." He and his followers took part in the battle of
Liege, on September 23, 1408, and behaved with a prowess to which
justice is done by a contemporary poet, who does not fail to
enumerate the splendid knights whom Mar commanded. Among these,
according to Wyntoun, were “Schere James Scremgeoure of Dundee,”
“Schire Elis of Kynnymond,” “Lord of the Nachtane Schire William,”
and “of Bothvile Schire Johne.” These good knights are dust — their
swords are rust — but one cannot help feeling a touch of sympathetic
interest when one finds their names inscribed not only on the pages
of Wyntoun, but on those of an obscure foreign record.
Lord Mar did not remain long in France. On the 29th of the following
December he obtained a safe-conduct from the King of England to
return to Scotland with his company of thirty knights and squires —
just one-half the suite whom he had taken with him. As Scotland had
then no navy, Scots who made for France had to travel through
England, unless some foreign power provided the necessary transport.
It is surprising that the English Government so freely accorded
permission to its gallant enemies to carry their thews and muscles,
and their stout hearts, to the help of France.
In 1419, King Charles VI. sent the Comte de Vendome on an embassy to
the Regent of Scotland, demanding assistance in the name of the
ancient alliance between the two kingdoms. The Regent immediately
convoked the Three Estates, and it was resolved that a large force
should immediately be dispatched under the command of John Stuart
Earl of Buchan, Archibald Douglas Earl of Wigton (son of the great
Earl of Douglas), and Sir John Stuart of Darnley, being the three
leaders specially designated by the King of France. The ships to
carry the Scottish auxiliaries were furnished by France, and the
King of Castile, with the Infanta of Aragon — both in alliance with
Scotland — promised to equip at need a fleet of forty ships. Henry
V., who was then engaged in his victorious campaigns, was alarmed at
this formidable diversion in favour of France, and sent immediate
instructions to his brother, John Duke of Bedford, in whose hands he
had placed the reins of government during his absence at the wars,
to equip a fleet without delay to intercept the French vessels.
Either his order was neglected, or it arrived too late, and an army
of seven thousand Scots, robust and experienced troops, crossed the
Channel unmolested, and disembarked at La Rochelle. Marching towards
the valley of the Loire, they encamped at Chatillon, whence they
raided incessantly upon the English frontiers. Bloody encounters,
captured towns and castles, piles of plunder — nothing was wanting
to the glory of these Scottish warriors, not even envy; for, failing
to expel the enemy from the kingdom, they were denounced to the King
by the voice of jealousy as “wine-bags and mutton-eaters ” (sacs a
vin et mangeurs de montons). Charles listened patiently to the
slanderers, and made no reply to them until after the victory at
Baugy, when he sarcastically inquired, “What think you now of these
Scottish mutton-eaters and wine-swillers?” And there was no reply.
Baugy is one of those battle-fields where the English leopard “lay
low.” The Scots, with some few French, under the command of the Earl
of Buchan, approached the town of Baugy (or Bauge) on one side of
the rushing Couanar, while an English army, under the Duke of
Clarence, was encamped on the other. The two sides were connected by
a narrow bridge. Buchan had sent Sir John Stuart of Darnley forward
to reconnoitre; and he, coming suddenly and unexpectedly on the
English, fell back in time to warn his friends of their approach.
Meanwhile, the passage of the bridge was stoutly disputed by Stewart
of Ralston and Sir Hugh Kennedy, whose partisans withstood with
unshaken front the impetuous charge of Clarence and his chivalry.
The Duke, conspicuous by the circle of gold on his helm, and the
richness of his armour, was charged by John Kirkmichael (who broke
his spear against him), then wounded in the face by Sir William of
Swinton, and finally borne to the ground and killed by a blow from
the Earl of Buchan’s mace. The flower of his knights and men-at-arms
perished with him. The main body of the English, in their rage at
this disaster and their anxiety to avenge it, pressed into the
narrow defile of the bridge in such numbers as to lose all cohesion,
and, struggling onward in dense disorder, were cut up or taken
prisoners by the victorious Scots. Thus the English defeat was
complete, and they left from one thousand six hundred to two
thousand dead upon the field. It is pretended that the Scots lost
only twelve men and the French only two, but this is incredible; nor
are the mediaeval chroniclers at any time to be trusted in the
matter of figures, which they employ with the most astonishing
licence.
King Charles rewarded the Earl of Buchan for this brilliant service
with the baton of Constable of France, while Sir John Stuart of
Darnley received a fief in Berry.
This same Sir John received another gift of lands in March 1423, and
in the royal letter conveying it I find the most flattering
testimony adduced to “the great zeal and diligence with which he and
all of his company had, for the space of three years or thereabouts,
laboured for the weal of ourselves, our kingdom, and our lordships,
sustaining very great pain, hardships, and peril, and danger of
person”; and special reference is made to the aforesaid battle of
Baugy, where he had shown himself “a valiant and courageous
chevalier, and had served us largely, freely, and of his good-will.”
He is promised “an income in our said kingdom of the yearly value of
two thousand livres tournois,” to assist him in maintaining his
state honourably, and that “he may be the more inclined to remain in
our service, for which he has left his wife and children, and
abandoned his rents, revenues, and possessions, whereon he had lived
liberally and nobly.” More fortunate than some of his
companions-in-arms, Sir John actually received the money.
At the time that Charles VI. was thus freely rewarding his faithful
auxiliaries, he had not long to live; but he was preceded to the
grave by two great antagonists. Having seized upon Meaux, and
finding his supplies were running short, he sent out foraging
detachments to sweep clean the country-side; but provisions still
failing, he ordered the soldiers to disregard the immunity of St.
Fiacreson of an ancient Scottish king — which no one, according to
the faith of the time, had ever done with impunity. All that he
found in the way of cattle and grain he carried off. Almost
immediately, says the continuator of Fordun, he was seized with a
malady which the common people call le mal de Saint Fiacre, and
became hypochondriacal. Finding himself seriously ill, he asked his
physicians the cause of this affection, and was informed that it
proceeded from his violation of the immunity of the Scottish Saint
Fiacre. Whereupon the King exclaimed gloomily, “I can go nowhere
without finding before my beard those Scotchmen, living or dead.”
Sir John Stuart of Darnley was taken prisoner by the English at the
battle of Crevant. He was severely wounded in the fight, and lost an
eye. He was afterwards exchanged, and returned to France again to
combat under the French standard.
A brilliant soldier of fortune appeared in France in the latter end
of 1422, in the person of Archibald, second Earl of Douglas, who
disembarked at Rochelle with an army of ten thousand knights,
men-at-arms, and archers (between four and five thousand, according
to one of the French historians). He joined the French Court at
Chatillon-sur-Indre, and accompanied it to Bourges, where the King
declared the Earl lieutenant-general of his armies, and conferred on
him the Duchy of Touraine, to enjoy for himself and his male heirs
in perpetuity, reserving, however, the rights of the Crown. He added
the town and chateau of Chinon with all their dependencies. The Earl
did homage accordingly. The French Chambre des Comptes refused at
first to ratify the King’s letters patent, protesting that it was
its duty to prevent any alienation of the Crown domains.
Nor did the citizens of Tours and the peasants of Touraine take
kindly at first to their transference to a Scottish lord. When,
however, they were assured that they would suffer neither in person
nor in property, they accepted the inevitable, and did their best to
propitiate their new master; sending him a present of twelve casks
of wine, six loads of hay, fifty sheep, four fat oxen, and one
hundred pounds of wax tapers, and mounting on horseback to meet and
escort him when he came to take possession of his own (May 7). The
streets of Tours were hung with tapestry and strewn with flowers, as
the new Duke rode on his way, with a gallant attendance of knights
and nobles, men-at-arms and archers—all in their bravest—with much
waving of pennons and blare of trumpets, to the cathedral, at the
great door of which he was received by the archbishop and all the
canons in full robes. The dean presented him with a sceptre, an
aumasse, and a breviary. Having gone through the usual formalities,
the Duke was received as a canon and installed in the choir, in the
presence of Louis de Bourbon Count of Vendome, great chamberlain of
France, John de Bourbon, his brother, Prince of Carency; and many
other great lords.
With this glimpse of old world ceremonies I must be content.
The Scottish Duke of Touraine enjoyed his honours for a few weeks
only. He was killed in the sanguinary battle of Verneuil in 1424, in
which his countrymen suffered so severely. For having sent a message
to the Duke of Bedford that they would neither give nor take
quarter, they so kindled the fury of the English that the latter
fell upon them with a force which would not be denied, and slew them
in their thousands. A contemporary writer says it was a frightful
sight to see the heaps of corpses piled up on the battle-field,
especially where the English had closed with the Scots, for not one
of them had been taken into mercy. The Earl of Buchan was among the
slain in this bloody battle, which was long remembered in the annals
of mediaeval warfare.
Sir John Stuart of Darnley remained in the French service, and for
his gallant deeds of arms received numerous liberal gifts from
Charles VII. If the Scottish adventurers who lent their swords to
France were loyal, it must be owned that the French kings were
generous. Perhaps the brilliant Stuart valued as much as his lands
and moneys the permission he received to quarter his arms with those
of France.
Late in 1427, or early in the succeeding year, he was sent,
accompanied by the Archbishop of Rheims and the Chancellor of
Bayeux, to negotiate the marriage of the Dauphin with the Princess
Margaret, the eldest daughter of James. I. The negotiation was
successful, though, owing to the tender years of the high
contracting parties, the marriage did not take place until 1436. The
old alliance between France and Scotland being thus renewed and
strengthened, King Charles gratefully conferred on his Scottish army
the county of Saintonge, with the castle and castle-demesne of
Rochefort-sur-Charente, to possess in perpetuity, under reserve of
the rights of the Crown.
The great turning-point in the Hundred Years’ War between England
and France was the siege of Orleans. Both sides recognized its
importance, for its capture would have given England command of all
the country south of the Loire. The forces mustered for the attack
were therefore chosen from the best English soldiery, and placed
under the command of some of our ablest captains. On the other hand,
the besiegers were encouraged by the knowledge that King Charles and
his council would leave nothing unattempted for their relief. The
fighting men of Auvergne were summoned from its mountains to a
rendezvous at Blois, to co-operate under the Comte de Clermont with
the Orleanese in a general assault upon the English army on the
right bank of the Loire. In the early days of 1429, two hundred
lances led by the Admiral of France and Lafayette, its second
marshal, rode into the beleaguered city, the approaches of which
were not fully guarded, to arrange with Dunois, the governor, the
details of the projected enterprise. Thither did his love of
adventure turn Sir John Stuart, who had been on a pilgrimage to the
Holy Land with his brother William, and four hundred gallant Scots.
The end of the Carnival of 1429 was close at hand, and it became
known that an important convoy of salted provisions had been
dispatched from Paris for the use of the English army during Lent.
The cutting off of this convoy would greatly cripple the besiegers,
and the French captain resolved upon this operation before they made
any more serious movement.
They drew together at Yeuville, on February II, five hundred lances
from Orleans, under La Hire, Xaintrailles, and Lafayette; and
upwards of four thousand men-at-arms and archers from Blois, under
Clermont, Dunois, and Sir John Stuart. On the I2th, the united force
nearly five thousand strong, moved forward by way of Etampes, and
after two hours’ marching came in sight of the English enemy,
protected by one thousand five hundred men-at-arms and bowmen (those
terrible English bowmen) under Sir John Fastolfe.
It was with anticipation of victory, and with the benedictions that
men and women bestow on victors, that the city of Orleans had
watched the departure of La Hire and his comrades. For two days the
townsfolk waited in anxious suspense the issue of the fight that
would probably decide their fortunes. Yet there seemed small cause
for anxiety. Their countrymen had the advantage of numbers, in the
proportion of two to one; the advantage of attacking the enemy when
and where they would; the advantage of fighting unencumbered with
baggage; and the advantage of having on their side the swords of
Scottish veterans. They knew that the English would be taken by
surprise, and that they were not only inferior in numbers, but
embarrassed by the train of waggons which it was their duty to
escort, and by the crowd of merchants desirous under their
safe-conduct of carrying their wares for sale or barter into the
English camp. But they also knew that the yeomanry of England were
not easily beaten, and that the division now approaching was led by
Sir John Fastolfe, the ablest champion of the age.
It was late in the night of February 12 that the Orleanese were
roused from their slumbers by the tramp of horses and the tread of
men, who carried the news of their defeat. First came the horsemen
of Auvergne riding hard, and, though with arms uninjured and
equipment intact, crowned with shame and discomfiture. Next galloped
into the city the vans laden with the dead and wounded, and after
them straggled the scattered remains of the French army, with only a
handful of the Scots. The chivalry of France had once more been
pitted against the yeomanry of England, and had once more lost.
This was the method of the battle. Of the two French divisions, that
under La Hire and Sir John Stuart was first upon the ground, so that
it could see at one and the same time the English convoy slowly
advancing from Angerville, and the troops of Dunois and the Comte de
Clermont moving, at a league’s distance, upon the village of Rouvrai-Saint-Denis.
In acknowledgment of the superior rank of the Count, a prince of the
blood, La Hire sent to him for instructions, and received orders to
halt, but not to allow his horsemen to dismount. Thus the French
threw away their advantage of taking the English by surprise, and
gave Fastolfe time to prepare for his defence. With his loaded
waggons he formed a rough circular entrenchment, and within it drew
up his sturdy Englishmen, between a double row of those pointed
stakes which they always carried with them to oppose the attacks of
cavalry, digging them deep into the soil, with their sharp tops
turned towards the enemy.
“While La Hire and his soldiers,” says Quicherat, “observed with
fixed attention these preparations, the Auvergnats, having drawn
bridle at Rouvrai, leisurely sacked the cellars of that village, and
when messengers were sent to quicken their movements, the Comte de
Clermont replied that the Orleanese must have patience. At length La
Hire lost his temper; and, his cheeks burning with shame at the
ridiculous attitude to which he had been condemned, he threw his
troops upon the English baggage-train, where Fastolfe had stationed
the waggons, merchants, and hucksters. He supposed that the English
would break out of their temporary encampment and hasten to their
relief, but Fastolfe was too skilled a commander to expose his small
force in the open, and was content to pour in deadly volleys of
arrows upon the enemy while engaged in their work of pillage. For a
time La Hire made no advance against the English lines, afraid of
impaling his horses upon the chevaux-de-frise of pointed stakes ;
but Sir John Stuart and his brother, wearying of inaction, flung
themselves from their horses, and followed by the Scots and Gascons,
who imitated their example, rushed headlong forward. The struggling
crowd was soon thrown into disorder by the cloth-yard shafts which
fell in repeated showers. At this crisis Fastolfe let loose his
men-at-arms; and, as the Comte de Clermont, indignant at the
disobedience of his orders, retreated hastily upon Orleans, they
soon slew or wounded every foeman whom they found upon the field.
All the courage and steadfastness of Sir John and his countrymen
could not turn back the tide of battle, and they fell, fighting
bravely to the last.”
The Parisians, as epigrammatic in the fifteenth as in the nineteenth
century, satirically termed the rout of Rouvrai la Jonrnee des
Harengs, because the French cannon, instead of sweeping away the
English ranks, shattered the barrels which contained the herrings
and salt fish intended for the Lenten supply of the besiegers of
Orleans.
The two Stuarts were buried in the cathedral of Orleans, in the
chapel of Our White Lady, behind the choir, where also was interred
Elizabeth, Sir John’s wife. She and her husband had founded a daily
high mass to be chanted in the chapel by a canon and the children of
the choir, and this trust was fulfilled down to the time of the
Revolution. As Constable of the Scottish army, Sir John was
succeeded by his eldest son, Sir Alan, who arrived in France after
the battle of Verncuil. The faithful service of the Stuarts brought
them more honour than wealth; and in spite of grants made by Charles
VII.—which could not be realized, owing to the disturbed state of
the country—Sir John’s sons were compelled to apply for protection
from their creditors.
A Sir Hugh Kennedy may here be introduced as an excellent type of a
certain class of valiant Scottish adventurers. According to
Pitcairn, he was a son of the laird of Balgany, and destined in his
early years for the monastic condition; but he had the soldier’s
temper and the adventurer’s restlessness, and, casting his frock
aside, crossed with the laird of Blaquham into France, and offered
his sword to Charles VII. “Brother Hugh,” as he was nicknamed,
rapidly rose in the King’s favour, distinguishing himself by his
prowess at the battle of Baugy, at the battle of the Herrings, and
in the deliverance of Orleans. Afterwards he accompanied Charles to
the Holy Land, and clothed himself in the odour of sanctity. On his
return he received intelligence of the death of his brother, the
laird of Balgany. Thereupon he took leave of his royal friend and
patron, who paid him for his services in gold and silver, and
granted to him, as he had granted to Stuart of Darnley, permission
to quarter with his arms the fleurs-de-lis of France.
On his arrival in Scotland, he purchased the lands of Arstensar
(valued at ten livres yearly), and several other estates, with the
French King’s gifts; whence he acquired the significant nickname of
Come with the Penny. He waxed fat, acquired an extensive property,
and became progenitor of several great houses. But his title to be
remembered by posterity lies in the fact that he fought under the
sacred banner of Jeanne d’Arc, the virgin-champion of France.
Otherwise, there is reason to fear that he was a good deal of a
freebooter, and that “the pence” he carried back with him to
Scotland were not all obtained from so pure a source as the liberal
hand of a grateful king.
It is pleasant to recollect that many gallant Scots fought by the
side of the noble Maid of Orleans. At that grand pageant in the
cathedral of Rheims, the coronation of Charles VII. (July 17, 1429),
a distinguished company of Scottish “seigneurs, chefs et capitans de
guerre,” gathered round the Maid and the King. There were Patrick
Ogilvy Earl of Angus, Christian Chambers, Gilbert Hay, John
Lockhart, Peter Graham, all of them knights; John Watt, John Lawes,
Peter Law, Peter Arnot, Robert Houston, Michael Nor-ville, Walter “Fautier,”
and another Gilbert Hay — possibly son of the former — who were
probably men-at-arms.
Here is a grim story, which reveals the seamy side of war.
A Scottish adventurer, of the name of Michael Hamilton, relates
that, in the Holy Week of the year 1429, he and several of his
comrades were lodged in a village named Vallet, near the town of
Clisson, where they were menaced by the Bretons, who swarmed about
the neighbouring country-side. A spy, who had been sent to ascertain
the position of the Scots, fell into their hands; he was made to
disclose his errand, and was then hung; after which they took to
flight, but not without leaving some of their company in the hands
of the peasants. Among these unfortunates was Hamilton himself, whom
the weight of his armour had embarrassed ; he was carried off to
Clisson, and hung by the spy’s son, who burned to avenge the death
of his father. At the moment of his capture he had invoked the life
of St Catherine, and made a vow to thank her in her chapel of
Fierbois—where Jeanne d’Arc had discovered her sword — if she
preserved him from death. A lucky vow! For, on the following night,
while he was still dangling from the gibbet, the cure of Clisson
heard a voice which bade him make haste and cut down the Scotchman.
At first he paid little attention ; but the order being repeated, he
sent one of his parishioners to see if the unfortunate man were dead
or not. After turning and re-turning the suspended body, his
messenger, to make sure, took the boot off the right foot of
Hamilton, and pierced his little toe in such wise that the blood
flowed; Hamilton, feeling himself wounded, drew back his leg, and
stirred.
Panic-stricken, the messenger took to his heels, and never stopped
until he reached the house of the cure, to whom he related all that
had passed. Perceiving in this strange affair an intervention from
on high, the cure repeated the facts to his people; and he and his
fellow-clerg}, assuming their sacerdotal habits, went in procession
to the gibbet, and cut down Hamilton. This was done in the presence
of the man who had acted as his executioner; and he, in a storm of
wrath at the escape of his victim—though he was himself to blame for
having hung him so clumsily that death had not supervened!—gave him
with his sword a slash on the ear. The crowd, however, interfered ;
Hamilton was set upon horseback, and conveyed to a house to be taken
care of; but the wonderful story reaching the ears of the Abbess of
la Re-grippiere, she sent for its hero to her convent, and undertook
his charge. Hamilton was reciting the narrative of his adventures,
when a voice reminded him that he had a vow to fulfil. In a
fortnight, when he was in a condition to move, he proceeded toward
Fierbois, where, we will hope that, like an honest Scotchman, he
discharged his obligation to St. Catherine.
In the year rendered memorable by the battle of Verneuil, one Robert
Pittillock, of Dundee, with a company of adventurers, made his
appearance in the French wars. He did such excellent service to
Charles VII., principally in the south of France, and was held in
such esteem, that he received and long bore the sham title of
“Little King of Gascony." In the letters of naturalization which
were given to him by Charles, he is designated “squire of the royal
stable” (ecuyer de I'ecurie da Roi) ; a circumstance which lends
probability to the statement of Hector Boece, that he began in the
lowest grade of the Scots Guard, and by his courage and fidelity
raised himself to the command. It is interesting to remember that in
this position he had under his orders a Scotchman named Poquelin,
whose descendants afterwards settled at Paris, and gave to France
one of its greatest literary glories in the person of Jean Poquelin,
better known by his assumed name of Moliere.
It is said — I don’t know on what authority — that after
Pittillock’s death, a statue was erected to his honour in the hall
of the King’s palace.
To enumerate all the gallant Scotchmen who distinguished themselves
on the battle-fields of France would be a task beyond my purpose,
Some of these won wealth and rank, besides fame; founded families,
and took their places in the ranks of the French aristocracy; thus
offering a constant incentive to the Scottish youth to transport
their intrepid and courageous spirits to a country which welcomed
them so cordially. During the fifteenth century there was a constant
immigration into France of these adventurers—younger sons, probably,
most of them, with a good deal more of pedigree than purse.
Now I pass on to speak of that famous fighting company, the Scots
Guards, with whom the genius of Sir Walter Scott, in the stirring
pages of Quentin Dunvard, has made most of us familiar. |