In the month of September 1699, shortly after
Councillor Daniel Mackay had arrived in Edinburgh by special express from
Darien with accounts of the good condition of the Colony, strange rumours
came to hand by advices from Sir William Beeston, Governor of Jamaica, to
Secretary Yernon, London, that the colonists had absolutely deserted the
settlement and gone and dispersed themselves, nobody could tell where. The
story was at first set down as altogether malicious and false, and was even
laughed at by Mr Mackay, who, at the time, was on the eve of returning to
the Colony. But on 10th October the Directors themselves confirmed the
unhappy rumours. They wrote : "The report which we had on 19th September of
the Colony's desertion proves too true, for we have advices from New York
that the big ships, the Caledonia and the Unicorn, are arrived there in the
beginning of August." In another letter, of same date, addressed to The
Original Council of the Colony at New York, the Directors say: " The
surprising and unaccountable news of your shameful and dishonourable
abandonment of Caledonia on 29th June last, without any the least hint
thereof from yourselves, affords us but too much matter of reflection on
your infatuated proceedings for some time past."
It happened that, at the time when the rumours
reached Edinburgh, the Company's second expedition, consisting of the Rising
Sun and her three consorts, was lying in the Clyde, fully equipped, waiting
a favourable wind to proceed to Darien. But as already mentioned, the
councillors on board that fleet, although requested by the Directors to
delay their departure pending the receipt of fresh sailing orders, hurriedly
set sail before the fact of the abandonment of the settlement could be
communicated to them. Shortly after their departure, Councillor Mackay, who
it had been intended should have accompanied them, followed in the Speedy
Return, and Captain Campbell of Finab also followed in another small
vessel. These gentlemen were sent express by the Directors, by different
routes, and both carried important dispatches to the new Colony. Later on,
another ship, the Margaret of Dundee, Captain Leonard Robertson, commander,
sailed from that port with a cargo of provisions and strong liquors; but it
did not reach Darien until the middle of June, two months after the
colonists had surrendered the settlement to the Spaniards, whose ensigns
were now seen flying on the fort.
The interest of the Scottish people was now
centred on the fate of the 1300 colonists who had embarked in the second
expedition. In due time dispatches came home advising their arrival at
Darien, but containing also the expression of their bitter disappointment at
finding the settlement deserted, and the fort and huts in ruins. After
voting on the question, the new colonists resolved to land and replant the
settlement. Unfortunately, the majority of the councillors were lukewarm in
the business, and after a short experience despatched most depressing
reports to the Directors, which further deepened the gloom prevailing among
their fellow-countrymen at home..
The Darien enterprise had taken possession of
the Scottish heart, and if any one so much as presumed to doubt its
usefulness or success, he was deemed a public enemy. On 25th November
1699 the Earl of Marchmont, writing to the Rev.
William Carstares, King William's confidential Secretary in London, says—
"The concern" (regarding Darien) "which appears
in persons of all ranks, and even the meaner people who are not particularly
interested and have no shares in the stock, for supporting and prosecuting
the undertaking, is a thing scarcely to be imagined. I will assure you that
any that would pretend here to persuade anybody that the falling out of that
design may prove a prejudice to this nation would prevail nothing, but lose
himself and carry the ill-will and disesteem of almost every one."
The people generally were now in a strange
temper in regard to the affair. On 20th June 1700 the universal depression
was temporarily relieved by intelligence arriving of the victory of Captain
Campbell over the Spaniards. The patriots of Edinburgh, now calling
themselves " Caledonians," assembled in " Pate Steill's Parliament," in the
Cross Keys tavern, and decreed that the city should be illuminated in
celebration of the event. This business was carried out with all the stern
and resolute daring usual to an Edinburgh mob. The populace- gathered in
crowds from all quarters, and ruthlessly smashed all the windows that were
not illuminated, without respect to rank, except that, if anything, they did
more damage to the houses of members of the Government. The mob next
attacked the Tolbooth, the "Scottish Bastille," and with sledge-hammers and
fire destroyed the door, setting the prisoners at liberty. The magistrates
were paralysed. When these worthies appeared on the scene, accompanied by
the veteran Town Guard, they were brushed aside " by a great many in
gentlemen's habits, who came briskly up to them with drawn swords." The mob
also seized and locked the Netherbow Port, in case the Lord High
Commissioner's troop of Guards from Holyrood House should be brought upon
them; they also requisitioned the services of the musical bells of St Giles,
although these were under town authority, causing them to be jangled merrily
to the tune of " Wilful Willie, wilt thou be wilful still ? " At the end of
the fray it was estimated that glass to the value of £5000 (Scots money ?)
had been destroyed.
The tumultuous joy of the so-called patriots was
soon extinguished. In little more than a week after the display of the
illuminations, news came to hand of the surrender of the colonists to the
Spaniards, and the consequent ruin and final abandonment of the settlement.
Popular indignation now burst forth in all directions. "Nothing," says Sir
Walter Scott, "could be heard throughout Scotland but the language of grief
and of resentment. Indemnification, redress, revenge, were demanded by every
mouth, and each hand seemed ready to vouch for the justice of the claim. For
many years no such universal feeling had occupied the Scottish nation."
Not only had Scotland sustained great loss of
life and treasure, but the national pride had been wounded by the entire
defeat of the country's efforts to establish a foreign trade. The ferment of
the people was intensified by the knowledge that the failure of their
enterprise was, as they believed, largely due to the unfriendliness of their
sovereign and the jealousy and hostility of the English people. They felt
that the honour and independence of Scotland required to be vindicated.
Paterson was in Edinburgh when the .painful news
of the final evacuation of the Darien Settlement came to hand, and he at
once frankly acquiesced in the failure. His attitude at this time was beyond
praise. Instead of sinking under the accumulated disasters, he rose superior
to his reverses. He used his influence in the most disinterested manner to
allay the extreme irritation prevailing among his countrymen, and left out
of account all his own personal sufferings and losses. He tried to persuade
the incensed subscribers to the stock of the Company to bear patiently what
they could not remedy; and he represented to them that the opposition of the
English Government was only one of the contributing causes of the failure,
and that the want of foresight in the Directors at home, and the dissensions
and lack of energy in the Council on the spot, were main factors in the
misfortunes that had taken place. These averments as to gross mismanagement
both at home and in the Colony were supported by the testimony of Captain
Campbell of Finab, who returned to Scotland from Darien about this time. In
August 1700 the Duke of Queensberry, then Lord High Commissioner in
Scotland, stated that Paterson had succeeded in moderating the anger of the
Scots respecting Darien, and in disposing them "to concert such things as
they should agree upon, and were proper to demand in Parliament." His Grace
added: "Mr Paterson is against moving anything this session about Caledonia
(Darien), and tells me that he thinks he has gained some considerable men to
his opinion. He has no by-end, and loves this Government in the Church and
State."
At the same time, Paterson had the conviction
that justice would yet be done by England to the unfortunate subscribers to
the Company. To this end, in his various plans for reviving the Darien
Settlement he invariably included a clause making provision for indemnifying
the subscribers for their losses. This indemnification is particularly dwelt
upon, as not only an act of justice but of good policy, in his great tract,
'Proposals and Reasons for Constituting a Council of Trade,' which was
originally printed at Edinburgh in 1700-1, when the extreme discontentment
at the failure of the Darien enterprise had somewhat abated.
When the Estates of Parliament assembled in May
1700, several addresses and petitions from the shires and burghs, as well as
from the Company itself, were presented in support of the Company's title to
Darien, and a resolution was proposed that the Colony was a legal and
rightful settlement, and that Parliament would uphold it as such. And when
news of the final evacuation of the settlement reached Scotland at the end
of June, the Estates took up the matter in earnest, declaring that Darien
was a national affair, and should be considered before anything else, except
religion. For years, from this time onward, Darien became a prominent
question, and occupied a large space in the discussions of the House.
When the Parliament reassembled in October, the
king endeavoured to soothe the members by sending a conciliatory message
through the Duke of Queensberry, his Commissioner. He expressed his regret
that, for "invincible reasons," he was unable to agree to assert the
Company's right to settle a colony in Darien, but he was heartily sorry for
what had happened, and was most willing to concur with Parliament in any
measures for aiding and supporting the Company, and for repairing their
losses.
But the members were not satisfied with the
royal message, and expressed keen resentment at the harsh treatment which
they, as well as the Company, had received at the hands of both Spain and
England. So strong was the feeling in the House on the burning question of
Darien that, on the 16th of November, the business of the day was
interrupted in order that two pamphlets assailing the Company, and a third
lampooning Paterson's personal character, might be considered. After some
parts of the pamphlets had been read, they were found " to be blasphemous,
scandalous, and calumnious," and the same were ordered "to be brunt by the
hand of the common hangman of the city of Edinburgh at the Mercat-cross
thereof." Two of the tracts were alleged to have been written by Walter
Herries, who had been surgeon and purser on board the first expedition, and
who now appeared as a renegade Scot and libeller of his nation. A few weeks
afterwards a proclamation was published offering £6000 Scots as a reward for
his apprehension.
Towards the end of the session, in January 1701,
the subject of Darien was again brought forward, and was debated with much
heat and clamour. The interference of the king and the English Parliament
with the Company's Act in December 1695 was censured, and strong disapproval
of the Hamburg Memorial of April 1697 and the Colonial proclamations was
expressed. The debate was closed by the House ratifying the Company's
original Act, and continuing all their privileges for the space of nine
years beyond the period originally allowed.
During the remainder of King William's reign the
people of Scotland showed their sullen resentment in many ways, and it has
been stated that, if they had been possessed of a capable leader, nothing
could have prevented a rebellion against the king, and war with England.
This feeling of violent discontent was carried into Queen Anne's reign. On
this point Sir John Dalrymple, in his ' Memoirs,' says :—
"In Scotland alone the Queen was embarrassed in
her Government. . . . The passions of the high and low against England and
English Councils, on account of the sufferings of the Darien Company,
fluctuated from rage to sullenness and from sullenness to rage."
An incorporating Union had been one of King
William's favourite projects. Soon after his accession to the throne, he had
recommended it to the Scottish Parliament as the only effectual means of
preventing dissensions between the two countries. And on 28th February 1702,
eight days before his death, his Majesty sent a message to the House of
Commons again recommending a Union, which, from his approaching dissolution,
he had no hopes of accomplishing himself. One of the first acts of Queen
Anne also was to send a letter to the Scots Parliament, in June 1702, in
which she reiterated the late king's appeal for a Union, and earnestly
recommended its favourable consideration. The Queen's Commissioner also
dwelt strongly on the advantages which would flow from such a Union.
During this session the matter made considerable
progress, when the Scots Parliament empowered the queen to nominate
Commissioners to treat for a Union. The Commissioners appointed from each
kingdom met at the Cockpit, Westminster, 10th November 1702, and at their
sittings came to an agreement on several points, but some difficulties arose
which led to the adjournment of the conference. One of these was in
connection with the Darien Company. The Scots proposed that the privileges
of the Company should be preserved intact; but this was objected to by the
other side as being incompatible with those of the English East India
Company, and that the existence of two rival companies might prove injurious
to the trade of the United Kingdom. On 1st February following, the Scots
again brought forward their proposal, this time in writing, for
consideration at next meeting, with the additional proviso that, in the
event of the dissolution of the Darien Company being insisted on, the
subscribers should be recouped at the expense of the public treasury. But at
the next meeting, held on 3rd February, a letter was read from the queen
adjourning the Commission; and it never met again. Although the joint
deliberations at this time did not result in any definite agreement, they
paved the way for the final arrangements for the Treaty, and the Scots
Commissioners had the satisfaction of having left on record their views as
to the manner in which the Darien Company should be dealt with in future
negotiations with England. The minutes of the Scottish Parliament, of 9th
September following, contain a resolution that the Scottish Commission for
the Treaty is "terminat and extinct," and not to be revived without the
consent of the Estates.
The chief aim of the Scots in any negotiations
for a treaty of Union was to secure admission to the advantages of English
trade everywhere. They determined to use all fair means to get this
accomplished, and to show England that she could not wrong them with
impunity. In accordance with this resolution, in the Parliament which
assembled on the 6th of May 1703 the Scots passed the famous Act of
Security, by which it was enacted that, on the death of Queen Anne without
issue, her successor in Scotland should not be the same as the individual
adopted by the English Parliament, unless the Scottish people were admitted
to share with England the full benefits of trade and navigation. The Act
also provided that the affairs of Scotland should, for the future, be
thoroughly secured from English or foreign influence. By a further clause,
which was to come into force at once, all the fencible men in Scotland of
the Protestant faith were to be trained in the use of arms by being drilled
once a month at least. The Act was triumphantly carried in an excited House;
but the Queen's Commissioner refused to give the measure the royal assent,
as it openly proclaimed a determination to dissolve the regal Union. This
was met again by the Estates refusing to grant supplies until the Act should
receive the queen's sanction.
During the same session the powers and
privileges of the Darien Company were again ratified.
The Scots Parliament reassembled on 6th July
1704, when the Act of Security was again passed, and duly reported to the
queen. On the advice, mainly, of her sagacious counsellor, Lord Godolphin,
although not without hesitation, the queen now gave way. The Act was
confirmed by the royal assent on the 5th of August, and a supply for six
months was voted by the House unanimously.
The passing of the Scotch Act of Security caused
much alarm in England. Orders were issued from London to call out the
Militia of the four northern counties, and to fortify and garrison several
of the English border towns, so as to be prepared for an invasion from the
Scots.
At this critical juncture an unfortunate
incident occurred which further inflamed the mutual resentment between the
two nations.
The Darien Company, after the miscarriage of
their great colonisation scheme, and consequent loss of their capital, made
a feeble attempt to carry on a colonial shipping trade. One of their
vessels, the Annandale, equipped for a voyage to India, put into the Downs
in order to complete her crew. While there she was boarded and confiscated
at the instance of the English East India Company, and restitution was
solicited by the Darien Company in vain. Shortly thereafter, by a singular
coincidence, the Worcester, Captain Thomas Green, commander, an English East
India ship (erroneously supposed to belong to the English Company) put into
the Firth of Forth for repairs. At the place where she was moored the ship
was visible from Edinburgh, and a popular cry got up that the Government
officials should seize her by way of reprisal; but they declined to
interfere. The Darien Company, founding on the wide powers contained in
their Act, thereupon issued a warrant for the seizure, and their zealous
secretary, Mr Roderick Mackenzie, resolved to execute the warrant himself.
For this purpose Mackenzie enlisted the help of eleven "genteel pretty
fellows," whom he met at the Cross in the High Street. These he divided into
two bodies, and they visited the Worcester, ostensibly as pleasure parties
unacquainted with each other. Mutual hospitality was indulged in on board,
when at a preconcerted signal from Mackenzie his mercenaries overpowered the
crew, about double their number, and captured the ship. The vessel was
detained at Burntisland, and while there some of Green's men, either in
their anger or their cups, let slip words importing that Captain Green had
been guilty of piracy on a ship belonging to the
Darien Company, and had murdered the crew. Two
of Green's men, both negroes, were specially free in their talk on the
subject, but the name of the vessel that had been attacked was not stated.
It happened that the Company, three years previously, had despatched a
vessel to India, the Speedy Return, commanded by Captain Thomas Drummond,
and it had not been heard of since. It was, therefore, concluded that the
people of the Worcester had captured her and murdered the crew, and that
Providence had directed them to the neighbourhood of Edinburgh for
punishment.
These rumours reaching the Privy Council, they
took up the matter, and after a searching examination, Green and his crew
were arrested and brought to trial before the Court of Admiralty. Although
there was no direct evidence to prove that the vessel in question was
the Speedy Return, Green and several of his men were brought in guilty of
piracy, robbery, and murder, and were sentenced to be hanged on the sands of
Leith. The Government were disposed to obtain a reprieve from the Crown for
the prisoners, whose guilt was so very doubtful. The queen also interposed,
and the carrying out of the sentence was postponed; but the mob of
Edinburgh, with their usual fury, intimidated the authorities, and demanded
the lives of the prisoners. The affair resulted in Captain Green, Madder,
his first mate, and Simpson, a gunner, being executed on the 11th of April
1705, in terms of the sentence. They all died protesting their innocence.
The rest of the crew were dismissed after being imprisoned for a time.
Unfortunately, it subsequently transpired that Captain Drummond, whom
the Worcester s people had been charged with murdering, was actually alive
in a distant land at the time of the execution, so that if Green and his men
had ever committed piracy on any vessel, it could not have been the Speedy
Return. The impression went abroad that the unfortunate men had had scant
justice, and had been sacrificed in retaliation for the ill-treatment of the
Darien Company by the English Government.
This unhappy affair excited the keenest
resentment in England, and still further embittered the strained relations
of the two countries. The friends of peace and progress were now deeply
impressed with the conviction that a legislative Union should no longer be
delayed. This step alone, it was believed, would compose the differences and
extinguish the heats that were subsisting between the two nations.
The Estates reassembled on the 28th June 1705,
but the royal message was not read till the 3rd of July. In her letter Queen
Anne urgently advised the Estates to follow the example set by England and
provide for the appointment of a Commission to treat for a legislative
Union. On the 24th of August, after debates on the state of the currency,
and trade, and respecting the succession, the draft of an Act empowering
Commissioners to meet and treat with English Commissioners for a Union was
presented to the House by the Earl of Mar, and read. The proposal led to a
long and warm discussion, which culminated in the question of the selection
of the Commissioners. On 1st September the Duke of Hamilton, who had up to
this time retarded the passing of the Act, now suddenly made a change of
front, and astonished his party by moving that the Scottish Commissioners
should be nominated by the queen. This clause was carried by the small
majority of eight, and with it the whole Act, which was passed amidst a
scene of great excitement.
The Scottish Commissioners were selected and
appointed by the queen on 27th February 170G, and those for England on 10th
April,—thirty-one on either side. Like their predecessors of November 1702,
they assembled at the old Council Chambers of the Cockpit, "Westminster, and
their first sederunt was held on 16tli April 170G. Happily, on this occasion
they met in a conciliatory spirit, all being impressed with the gravity of
the crisis, which was simply a choice either of " one Parliament or two
Crowns."
On the 21st of June the Scots Commissioners
proposed that the rights and privileges of the Darien Company be continued
after the Union, or if the privileges of the Company were judged
inconvenient for the trade of the United Kingdom, that the private rights of
the Company be purchased from the proprietors. On the 25th the Commissioners
for England answered that they were of opinion that the continuance of the
Darien Company was inconsistent with the good trade of the United Kingdom,
and consequently against the interest of Great Britain, and therefore they
insisted that it ought to be determined. But being sensible that the
misfortunes of the Company had been the occasion of misunderstandings and
un-kindnesses between the two Kingdoms; and thinking it to be above all
things desirable, that upon the Union of the Kingdoms, the subjects of both
may be entirely united in affection, they therefore wish that regard may be
had to the expenses and losses of the particular members of the Company, in
the manner hereafter mentioned; and they hope that when the Lord
Commissioners for Scotland have considered how generally that undertaking
was entered upon in Scotland, and consequently how universal that loss was,
they will readily agree to the proposal."
Following upon this, the English Commissioners,
"being extremely desirous to bring the Treaty to a speedy conclusion,"
agreed that, on the completion of the Union, the sum of £398,085, 10s.
should be paid to Scotland as "an equivalent" for what that kingdom should
become liable for towards payment of the debts of England, and for agreeing
to an equality of taxes. They further proposed that the equivalent money
should be applied (1) in discharging the public debts of Scotland, (2) in
renovating the coin, and (3) in repaying the capital stock of the Darien
Company, with interest at 5 per cent; and that immediately on such repayment
of the capital stock and interest, the Company should be dissolved and
cease. All these proposals, in connection with the equivalent, were embodied
in No. XV. of the draft Articles of Union, which were signed by the
Commissioners on 22nd July, the day before their meetings terminated.
When the proposed Articles of the Union were
remitted to Scotland, and brought up for discussion in Parliament in the
month of October, they roused great indignation all over the country. Day
after day addresses from the shires, burghs, and parishes respectively
poured in upon the Estates, all couched in nearly identical terms, and
protesting against an incorporating Union with England. In the month of
November riots took place at Glasgow, and an armed force publicly burned the
Articles at Dumfries. At the same time a stream of pamphlets, chiefly
assailing the Union, issued from the press. Paterson took part in the fray,
but he appeared on the other side of the controversy—that of promoting the
Union; and in his ' Proceedings of the Wednesday's Club in Friday Street' he
gives an able exposition of the necessity for and advantages of an
incorporating Union, and combats the various adverse opinions prevalent on
the subject. This was not a new idea with him. For several years he had
advocated such a measure, and before King William's death he had entered
zealously into his Majesty's policy of a legislative Union. In Paterson's
opinion, the very failure of the Scottish aims at colonial enterprise in
Darien made a closer union with England all the more imperative. He was in
Edinburgh in September and October 1706 on the business of the Union, having
been appointed by Lord Treasurer Godolphin to a Commission, along with Drs
Gregory and Bower, to examine the public accounts. While so employed he
penned five important letters, with a statement of the debt and revenues of
both nations, demonstrating the reasonableness and advantages of the Union.
These letters appear in a manuscript in the British Museum. His friend,
James Duprd, writing to him some time afterwards on the subject of his
letters, addresses him "To William Paterson, Esq., my most honoured and
worthy master," and says, in reference to the influence the letters had on
the Union question, that "they bore such weight with the Committees
appointed to examine the several matters referred to them, that we may
without flattery say that they were the compass the Committees steered
by." The following extract from his fourth letter, dated Edinburgh, 8 th
October 1706, written three days after the opening of Parliament, describes
clearly how the non-success of the Darien scheme was one of the accelerating
causes of the Union. He says :—
"Although the keeping up of our [Darien] Company
could not possibly prove of any benefit to its proprietors, but,
contrariwise, be a certain hazard and loss, besides the needless umbrage it
would give, yet will it, in the fruits of the Union, have had better success
for the time than any other in Christendom—viz., a return of its capital
stock advanced, with 5 per cent interest, besides the honour of being the
means of uniting this noble and famous island, and thereby being the means
of introducing, not only its own members, but with them their whole country,
into a free and open trade. I doubt not but you will remember that when we
first proposed this Company, the prospect of its being instrumental in
bringing a Union was warm and sensible on our spirits, as being the best and
most desirable issue it could possibly have. Even the success we wished for,
and sought in our attempts to Caledonia, could not possibly have terminated
in more than this. And of this, our early sentiments and inclination, the
motto of our Company is, and will be, a standing monument— viz., Vis Unita
Fortior.
"In fine, as it is plain this Company hath
rather been calculated and fitted for and towards bringing a Union, than for
subsisting in an ununited state; and since, if the Union had been brought
about by good success in our attempt to Caledonia, we have reason to believe
no good patriot would have been angry, it would certainly be strange to find
any so, when even the miscarriage of that design hath contributed to the
Union."
Towards the end of December 1706, when the
fifteenth Article of the Treaty (dissolving the Darien Company and making
provision for its losses) came up for consideration before the Estates, it
caused much stir. The Court of Directors of the Company expressed
dissatisfaction with the terms proposed, liberal as these were, on the
ground that the compensation offered involved the dissolution of their
Company. They prayed to be heard by counsel as to the value of the
privileges conferred on the Company by their Act, which were now to be
sacrificed. On this point De Foe says that the proposal of the Directors was
put forward not so much in behalf of the Company as to put a stop to the
Union, since it was evident that two India companies, one English and the
other Scottish, could not be consistent with the good trade of the United
Kingdom. The Company's proposal was therefore rejected, and the fifteenth
Article, after some alteration and amendment, was approved and carried.
The Estates thereafter referred it to a special
committee to look into and consider what the capital stock of the Darien
Company, with interest, might amount to, together with the Company's debts,
and to report the same to Parliament. Accordingly, when the committee
brought in their report, dated 21st February 1707, it was found that the
total amount due to the Company, as at 1st May 1707, in respect of capital
stock, debts, and interest, amounted to £243,166, 0s. 3d. sterling, made up
as follows :—
Darien Company. — Total capital stock advanced
by the proprietors, with interest at 5 per cent to 1st May 1707 . . .
£229,482 15 If.
Add—Debts due by the Company 14,809 18 11
Making together . . £244,292 14 Of
Deduct—Money lent to proprietors 1,126 13 9f
Balance due to the proprietors . £243,166 0 3
When the committee's report was submitted to
Parliament on 5th March, it transpired that a considerable amount of
interest previously allowed by the Company to certain proprietors had been
overlooked. The report was therefore referred again to the committee, in
order that the calculation of the interest might be revised. By making
allowance for this omission it was found that the balance due to the
proprietors would have to be modified by the sum of £10,281, 15s. 2id.,
thereby reducing the grand total of the compensation from £243,166, 0s. 3d.
to £232,884, 5s. Old. sterling, the amount afterwards inserted in the
relative Act.
The committee further found that there were
debts due to the Company amounting to £22,951, 3s. 3fd., consisting entirely
of call-money in arrear by the proprietors, with interest to 1st May. This
indebtedness the committee recommended should be cancelled, and the debtors
discharged, on the ground that if payment were to be insisted on, it would
merely temporarily increase the capital stock of the Company, and the money
would fall to be paid back to the debtors again. The last amount that the
committee condescended upon was a sum of £1654, lis. Old., the value of the
Company's "dead stock." These assets consisted of the ship Caledonia, lying
in the river of Clyde, with her furniture, guns, and apparelling; that
lodging at
Erected in 1698, and Taken Down in 1871.
the back of Milns Square, over against the Tron
Kirk, with some little household plenishing therein and the Company's share
of the cargo of the Speedwell, shipwrecked in the East Indies, effeiring to
the Stock of six hundred pounds Sterling, with the burden of Cellar rent of
the stores of the Caledonia, and the expenses of keeping the said ship after
the first of May; and of the freight, seamen, and factor's wages of the said
cargo of the Speedwell, and other supervenient charges upon the said ship
and cargo."
The committee recommended that the above "dead
stock" money should be retained by the Company for the purpose of defraying
the costs attending the liquidation — such as Directors' fees, staff
salaries, and legal expenses; and also for awards to be granted to
gentlemen-officers and others who went to Darien, for their faithful
services.
The 25th of March 1707, the day on which the
Scottish Parliament sat for the last time, was a red-letter day in the life
of Paterson, for on it he beheld the royal sceptre extended to touch the Act
concerning the Payment of the Sums out of the Equivalent to the African
Company. By this Act an amount " not exceeding
the sum of £232,884, 5s. 0|d. sterling," was directed to be paid to the
Darien subscribers in restitution of all their losses—a great boon to the
Scotland of that period; and this consummation was largely achieved through
the unremitting pleadings of Paterson during the preceding six years.
On the same memorable day, a signal mark of
honour was given to him in connection with the part he took in bringing
about the Union. The Minutes of Parliament record that " It being moved to
recommend Mr William Paterson to her Majesty for his good service, after
some reasoning thereon, it was put to the vote, Eecommend him to her Majesty
or Not? and it was carried Eecommend."
Mr Hill Burton ('Darien Papers') states that it
was only in a comparatively small number of cases that the subscriber who
signed the subscription book in 1696 signed the receipt for the Equivalent
certificate in 1707. In many cases the certificates were taken by assignees,
in others by successors, and in not a few by arresting creditors. De Foe
partly explains this by stating that the miscarriage of the Darien Company's
designs had been so effectual that not only was their paid-up capital all
expended, but they were much in debt besides.
This made the subscribers so apprehensive of
further calls that many of them eagerly sold out their stock, several
offering to dispose of their whole interest for 10 per cent on the original
holding. And although repayment of the capital stock to the subscribers was
provided for in the Treaty of Union, yet the fury of the opposition to the
Union was so pronounced, both inside and outside of Parliament, that holders
of Darien stock had little dependence on the Treaty being carried out.
Reimbursement to the Darien subscribers was to
be made in cash. The queen appointed twenty-five Commissioners to administer
the funds, and the Equivalent money lay in the Bank of England.
De Foe, who was in Scotland at the time, gives
an account in his ' History of the Union' of the manner in which the
Equivalent money was paid in Edinburgh. In terms of the Articles of Union,
the money should have been paid on 1st May 1707; but July arrived, and there
was no advice of its having left London. Scandalous reflections began to
spread abroad to the effect that the English, having secured the Union,
would pay only when they pleased, and perhaps never. Others gave forth the
idea that, the money not being paid on 1st May, the Union was dissolved; "
and there was a discourse of some gentlemen, who came to the Cross of
Edinburgh, and protested in name of the whole Scots nation that the
conditions of the Treaty not being complied with and the terms performed,
the whole was void." At last, in August, the money arrived in Edinburgh, in
twelve waggons guarded by a party of Scots Dragoons, who drove directly to
the Castle, where the gold was deposited. Even this did not satisfy the
populace. They hooted the drivers, and railed on the very horses that drew
the waggons ; and when the drivers returned from the Castle, they were
stoned. Of the total amount of the Equivalent, £100,000 only was brought to
Edinburgh in gold, the remainder being in Exchequer bills, payable on
demand, which the Bank thought would be readily taken in Scotland. This
raised a new clamour, the people declaring that the English had tricked them
by putting them off with bills payable 400 miles away, and which, if lost or
mislaid, or by accident burnt, were irrecoverable. The Commissioners saw the
mistake, and sent to London for £50,000 more gold. They also intimated that
nobody would be obliged to take bills without their consent. In a short
time, as the people found that Exchequer bills were accepted in payment for
large transactions, and that they could readily be exchanged for coin or
bills of exchange payable in London, their dislike to them gradually wore
off. De Foe further remarks that, from an "interest" point of view, the Bank
had hoped that the Exchequer bills would remain in circulation in Scotland;
but in this they were disappointed, as the bills returned to England so
directly that in six months' time there was not one to be seen north of the
Tweed. |