"-Times
Whose echo rings through Scotland to this hour.”—Wordsworth.
Prior to the Reformation
there were no fewer than six chapels in the parish of Cromarty. The site
of one of these, though it still retains the name of the Old Kirk, is
now a sand-bank, the haunt of the crab and the sea-urchin, which is
covered every larger tide by about ten feet of water ; the plough has
passed over the foundations of two of the others; of two more the only
vestiges are a heap of loose stones, and a low grassy mound; and a few
broken fragments of wall form the sole remains of the sixth and most
entire. The very names of the first three have shared the fate of the
buildings themselves; two of the others were dedicated to St. Duthac and
St. Bennet; and two fine springs, on which time himself has been unable
to effect any change, come bubbling out in the vicinity of the ruins,
and bear the names of their respective saints. It is not yet twenty
years since a thom-bush, which formed a little canopy over the spring of
St. Bennet, used to be covered anew every season with little pieces of
rag, left on it as offerings to the saint, by sick people who came to
drink of the water ; and near the chapel itself, which was perched like
an eyry on a steep solitary ridge that overlooks the Moray Firth, there
was a stone trough, famous, about eighty years before, for virtues
derived also from the saint, like those of the well. For if a child was
carried away by the fairies, and some mischievous unthriving imp left in
its place, the parents had only to lay the changeling in this trough,
and, by some invisible process, their child would be immediately
restored to them. It was termed the fairies’ cradle ; and was destroyed
shortly before the rebellion of 1745, by Mr. Gordon, the minister of the
parish, and two of his elders. The last, and least dilapidated of the
chapels, was dedicated to St. Regulus; and there is a tradition, that at
the Reformation a valuable historical record, which had belonged to
it—the work probably of some literary monk or hermit—was carried away to
France by the priest. I remember a very old woman who used to relate,
that when a little girl, she chanced, when playing one day among the
ruins with a boy a few years older than herself, to discover a small
square recess in the wall, in which there was a book ; but that she had
only time to remark that the volume was a very tattered one, and
apparently very old, and that there were beautiful red letters in it,
when the boy, laying claim to it, forced it from her. What became of it
afterwards she did not know, and, unconscious of the interest which
might have attached to it, never thought of making any inquiry.
There does not survive a
single tradition of the circumstances which, in this part of the
country, accompanied the great event that consigned the six chapels to
solitude and decay. One may amuse one’s-self, however, in conceiving of
the more interesting of these, and, with history and a little knowledge
of human nature for one’s guide, run no great risk of conceiving amiss.
The port of Cromarty was one of considerable trade for the age and
country, and the people of the town were Lowland Scots. A more
inquisitive race live nowhere. First there would come to them wild vague
reports, by means of the seamen and merchants, of the strange doctrines
which had begun to disturb the Continent and the sister kingdom. Shreds
of heretic sermons would be whispered over their ale; and stories
brought from abroad, of the impositions of the priests, would be eked
out, in some instances with little corroborative anecdotes, the fruit of
an experience acquired at home. For there were Liberals even then,
though under another name;—a certain proportion of the people of
Scotland being bom such in every age of its independence. Then would
come the story of the burning of good Patrick Hamilton, pensionary of
the neighbouring abbey of Feam; and everybody would be exceedingly
anxious to learn the particular nature of his crime. Statements of new
doctrines, and objections urged against some of the old, would in
consequence be eagerly listened to, and as eagerly repeated. Then there
would come among them two or three serious, grave people, natives of the
place, who would have acquired, when pursuing their occupations in the
south, as merchants or mechanics, a knowledge, not merely speculative,
of the new religion. A traveller of a different cast would describe with
much glee to groups of the younger inhabitants, the rare shows he had
seen acted on the Castle-hill of Cupar; and producing a black-letter
copy of “The Thrie Estaites” of Davy Lindsay, he would set all his
auditors a-laughing at the expense of the Church. One of the graver
individuals, though less openly, and to a more staid audience, would
also produee a book, done into plain English, out of a very old tongue,
by one Tyndale, and still more severe on the poor priests than even “The
Thrie Estaites.” They would learn from this book that what they were
beginning to deem a rational, but at the same time new religion, was in
reality the old one; and that Popery, with all its boasted antiquity,
was by far the more modem of the two. In the meantime, the priests of
the chapels would be the angriest men in the parish; —denouncing against
all and sundry the fire and fagots of this world, and the fire without
fagots of the next; but one of them, a good honest man, neither the son
of a churchman himself, nor yet burdened with a family of his own, would
set himself, before excommunicating any one, to study the old,
newly-translated book, that he might be better able to cope with the
maligners of his Church. Before half completing his studies, however,
his discourses would begin to assume a very questionable aspect. Little
would they contain regarding the Pope, and little concerning the saints;
and more and more would he press upon his hearers the doctrines taught
by the Apostles. Anon, however, he would assume a bolder style of
language; and sometimes conclude, after saying a great deal about the
spiritual Babylon, and the Man of sin, by praying for godly John Knox,
and all the other ministers of the Evangel. In short, the honest priest
would prove the rankest heretic in the whole parish. And thus would
matters go on 'from bad to worse. A few grey heads would be shaken at
the general defection, but these would be gradually dropping away; and
the young themselves would be growing old without changing their
newly-acquired opinions. They would not all be good Christians;—for
every one should know it is quite a possible thing to be a Protestant,
sound enough for all the purposes of party, without being a Christian at
all;—but they would almost all be reformers; and when the state should
at length set itself to annihilate root and branch of the old
establishment, and to build up a new one on the broad basis of the
kingdom, not a parish in the whole of it would enter more cordially into
the scheme than the parish of Cromarty.
But however readily the
people might have closed with the doctrines of the Reformation, they
continued to retain a good deal of the spirit of the old religion.
Having made choice of a piece of land on the edge of the ridge which
rises behind the houses as a proper site for their church, they began to
collect the materials. It so chanced, however, that the first few stones
gathered for the purpose, being thrown down too near the edge of the
declivity, rolled to the bottom; the circumstance was deemed
supernaturally admonitory; and the church, after due deliberation, was
built at the base instead of the top of the ridge, on exactly the spot
where the stones had rested. The first Protestant minister of the parish
was a Mr. Robert Williamson. His name occurs oftener than once in
Calderwood’s Church History; and his initials, with those of his wife,
are still to be seen on a flat triangular stone in the eastern part of
the town, which bears date 1593. It is stated by Calderwood, that
“Jesuits having libertie to passe thorough the countrey in 1583; during
the time of the Earle of Huntlies lieutenantrie, great coldness of
religion entered in Ross;” and by an act of council passed five years
after, this Robert Williamson, and “John Urquhart, tutor of Cromartie,”
were among the number empowered to urge matters to an extremity against
them.
There awaited Scotland a
series of no light evils in the shortsighted policy which attempted to
force upon her a religion which she abhorred. The surplice and the
service-book were introduced into her churches; and the people, who
would scarcely have bestirred themselves had merely their civil rights
been invaded, began to dread that they could not, without being unhappy
in more than the present world, conform to the religion of the state.
And so they set themselves seriously to inquire whether the power of
kings be not restricted to the present world only. They learned, in
consequence, that not merely is such the case, but that it has yet other
limitations; and the more they sought to determine these, the more
questionable did its grounds become. The spirit manifested on this
occasion by the people of this part of the country, is happily
exemplified by Spalding’s narrative of a riot which took place at the
neighbouring Chanonry of Ross, in the spring of 1638. The service-book
had been quietly established by the bishop two years before; but the
more thoroughly the people grew acquainted with it, the more unpopular
it became. At length, on the second Sunday of March, just as the first
bell had rung for sermon, but before the ringing of the second, a
numerous party of schoolboys broke into the cathedral, and stripped it
in a twinkling of all the service books. Out they rushed in triumph,
and, procuring a lighted coal and some brushwood, they marched off in a
body to the low sandy promontory beneath the town, to make a bonfire of
the whole set. But a sudden shower extinguishing the coal,, instead of
burning they tore the books into shreds, and flung the fragments into
the sea. The bishop went on with his sermon; but it was more than
usually brief; and such were the feelings exhibited at its close by the
people, that, taking hastily to his horse, he quitted the kingdom. “A
very busy man was he esteemed,” says the annalist, “in the bringing in
of the service-book, and therefore durst he not, for fear of his life,
return again to Scotland.” In short, the country was fully awakened; and
before the close of the following month, the National Covenant- was
subscribed in the shires of Ross, Cromarty, and Nairn.
Some of the minor events
which took place in the sheriffdom of Cromarty, on the triumph of
Presbyterianism, have been detailed, as recorded by Sir Thomas, in the
foregoing chapter. Even on his own testimony, most men of the present
day will not feel disposed to censure very severely the churchmen of his
district. It must be confessed, however, that the principles of liberty,
either civil or ecclesiastical, were but little understood in Scotland
in the middle of the seventeenth century; the parties which divided it
deeming themselves too exclusively in the right to learn from the
persecutions to which they were in turn subjected, that the good old
rule of doing as we would be done by, should influence the conduct of
politicians as certainly as that of private men. And there is a simple
fact which ought to convince us, however zealous for the honour of our
church, that the Presbyterian synod of Ross, which Sir Thomas has termed
“ a promiscuous knot of unjust men,” was by no means a very exemplary
body. Five-sixths of its members conformed at the Restoration, and
became curates ; and as they were notoriously intolerant as
Episcopalians, it is not at all probable that they should have been
strongly characterized by liberality during the previous period, when
they had found it their interest to be Presbyterians.
The restoration of
Charles, and the appointment of Middleton as his commissioner for
Scotland, were followed by the fatal act which overturned
Presbyterianism, and set up Episcopacy in its place. It is stated by
Wodrow, that Middleton, previous to the bringing in of this act, had
been strengthened in the resolution which led to it, by Mackenzie of
Tarbat, and Urquhart of Cromarty; and that the latter, who had lately
“counterfeited the Protestor,” ended miserably some time after. In what
manner he ended, however, is not stated by the historian, but tradition
is more explicit. On the death of Sir Thomas, he was succeeded by his
brother Alexander, who survived him only a year, and dying without male
issue, the estate passed to Sir John Urquhart of Craigfintrie, the head
of a branch of the family which had sprung from the main stock about a
century before. This Sir John was the friend and counsellor of
Middleton. About eleven years after the passing of the act, he fell into
a deep melancholy, and destroyed himself with his own sword in one of
the apartments of the old castle. The sword, it is said, was flung into
a neighbouring draw-well by one of the domestics, and the stain left by
his blood on the walls and floor of the apartment, was distinctly
visible at the time the building was pulled down.
So well was the
deprecated act received by the time-serving Synod of Ross, that they
urged it into effect against one of their own body, more than a year
before the ejection of the other nonconforming clergymen. In a meeting
of the Synod which took place in 1661, the person chosen as moderator
was one Murdoch Mackenzie ;—a man so strong in his attachments that he
had previously sworn to the National Covenant no fewer than fourteen
times, and he had now fallen desperately in love with the Bishopric of
Moray. One of his brethren, however, an unmanageable, dangerous person,
for he was uncompromisingly honest, and possessed of very considerable
talent, stood directly in the way of his preferment. This member, the
celebrated Mr. Hogg of Kilteam, had not sworn to the Covenant half so
often as his superior, the Moderator, but then so wrong-headed was he as
to regard his few oaths as binding ; and he could not bring himself to
like Prelacy any the better for its being espoused by the king. And so
his expulsion was evidently a matter of necessity. The Moderator had
nothing to urge against his practice,—for no one could excel him in the
art of living well; but his opinions lay more within his reach ; and no
sooner had the Synod met, than, singling him out, he demanded what his
thoughts were of the Protestors—the party of Presbyterians who, about
ten years before, had not taken part with the king against the
Republicans. Mr. Hogg declined to answer ; and on being removed, that
the Synod might deliberate, the Moderator rose and addressed them. Their
brother of Kilteam, he said, was certainly a great man—a very great
man—but as certainly were the Protestors opposed to the king; and if any
member of Synod took part with them, whatever his character, it was
evidently the duty of the other members to have him expelled. Mr. Hogg
was then called in, and having refused, as was anticipated, judicially
to disown the Protestors, sentence of deposition was passed against him.
But the consciences of the men who thus dealt with him, betrayed in a
very remarkable manner their real estimate of his conduct. It is stated
by Wodrow, on the authority of an eye-witness, that sentence was passed
with a peculiar air of veneration, as if they were ordaining him to some
higher office ; and that the Moderator was so deprived of his
self-possession as to remind him, in a consolatory speech, that “ our
Lord Jesus Christ had suffered great wrong from the Scribes and
Pharisees.”
Mackenzie received the
reward of his zeal shortly after in an appointment to the Bishopric of
Moray; and one Paterson, a man of similar character, was ordained Bishop
of Ross. On the order of council, issued in the autumn of 1662, for all
ministers of parishes to attend the diocesan meetings, and take the
newly-framed oaths, while in some of the southern districts of the
kingdom only a few ministers attended, in the diocese of Ross there were
but four absent, exclusive of Mr. Hogg. These four were, Mr. Hugh
Anderson of Cromarty, Mr. John Mackilligen of Alness, Mr. Andrew Ross of
Tain, and a Mr. Thomas Ross, whose parish is not named in the list. And
they were all in consequence ejected from their charges. Mr. Anderson, a
nephew of Sir Thomas’s opponent, Mr. Gilbert, who was now dead, retired
to Moray, accompanied by his led ml, who had resolved on sharing the
fortunes of his pastor; and they returned together a few years after to
a small estate, the property of Mr. Anderson, situated in the western
extremity of the parish. Mr. Mackilligen remained at Alness, despite of
the council and the bishops, who had enacted that no nonconforming
minister should take up his abode within twenty miles of his former
church. Mr. Ross of Tain resided within the bounds of the same
Presbytery; and Mr. Fraser of Brea, a young gentleman of Cromartyshire,
who was ordained to the ministry about ten years after the expulsion of
the others, had his seat in the parish of Resolis. In short, as remarked
by Wodrow, there was more genuine Presbyterianism to be found on the
shores of the Bay of Cromarty, notwithstanding the general defection,
than in any other part of the kingdom north of the Tay.
And the current of
popular feeling seems to have set in strongly in its favour about the
year 1666. Towards the close of this year, Paterson the bishop, in a
letter to his son, describes the temper of the country about him as very
cloudy; and complains of a change in the sentiments of many who had
previously professed an attachment to Prelacy. Mr. Mackilligen, a
faithful and active preacher of the forbidden doctrines, seems to have
given him so much trouble, that he even threatened to excommunicate him,
but the minister regarding his threat in the proper light, replied to it
by comparing him to Balaam the wicked prophet, who went forth to curse
Israel, and to Shimei the son of Gera, who cursed David. The joke
spread, for as such was it regarded, and Paterson, who had only the
sanctity of his office to oppose to the personal sanctity of his
opponent, deemed it prudent to urge the threat no further : he had the
mortification of being laughed at for having urged it so far. There is a
little hollow among the hills, about three miles from the house of
Fowlis, and not much farther from Alness, in the gorge of which the eye
commands a wide prospect of the lower lands, and the whole Firth of
Cromarty. It lies, too, on the extreme edge of the cultivated part of
the country, for beyond there stretches only a brown uninhabited desert
; and in this hollow the neighbouring Presbyterians used to meet for the
purpose of religious worship. On some occasions they were even bold
enough to assemble in the villages. In the summer of 1675, Mr.
Mackilligen, assisted by his brethren of Tain and Cromarty, and the
Laird of Brea, celebrated the Communion at Obsdale, in the house of the
Lady Dowager of Fowlis. There was an immense concourse of people ; and “
so plentiful was the effusion of the Spirit,” says the historian whom I
have so often had occasion to quote, “ that the oldest Christians
present never witnessed the like.” Indisputably, even from natural
causes, the time must have been one of much excitement; and who that
believes the Bible, will dare affirm that God cannot comfort his people
by extraordinary manifestations, when deprived of the common comforts of
earth for their adherence to him ? One poor man, who had gone to Obsdale
merely out of curiosity, was so affected by what he heard, that when
some of his neighbours blamed him for his temerity, and told him that
the bishop would punish him for it by taking away his horse and cow, he
assured them that in such a cause he was content to lose not merely all
his worldly goods, but his head also. A party had been despatched, at
the instance of the bishop, to take Mackilligen prisoner; but,
misinformed regarding the place where the meeting was held, they
proceeded to his house at Alness, and spent so much time in pillaging
his garden, that before they reached Obsdale he had got out of their
way. But he fell into the hands of his enemy, the bishop, in the
following year, and during his long imprisonment on the Bass Rock—for to
such punishment was he subjected—he contracted a disease of which he
died. Mr. Ross of Tain, and Mr. Fraser of Brea, were apprehended shortly
after, and disposed of in the same manner.
Nor was it only a few
clergymen that suffered in this part of the country for their adherence
to the church. Among the names of the individuals who, in the shires of
Ross and Cromarty, were subjected to the iniquitous fine imposed by
Middleton on the more rigid Presbyterians, I find the name of Sir Robert
Munro of Fowlis, the head of a family which ranks among the most ancient
and honourable in the kingdom. Sir John Munro, son of Sir Robert,
succeeded to the barony in 1668. His virtues, and the persecutions to
which he was subjected, are recorded by the pen of Doddridge :—“The
eminent piety of this excellent person exposed him,” says this writer,
“to great sufferings in the cause of religion in those unhappy and
infamous days, when the best friends to their country were treated as
the worst friends to the government. His person was doomed to long
imprisonment for no pretended cause but what was found against him in
the matters of his God ; and his estate, which was before considerable,
was harassed by severe fines and confiscations, which reduced it to a
diminution much more honourable, indeed, than any augmentation could
have been, but from which it has not recovered to this day.”
But, perhaps, a brief
narrative of the sufferings of a single individual may make a stronger
impression on the reader than any general detail of those of the party.
Mr. James Fraser of Brea was born in the western part of the shire of
Cromarty, in the year 1639. On the death of his father, whom he lost
while in his infancy, he succeeded to the little property of about £100
per annum, of which the name, according to the fashion of Scotland, is
attached to his own. His childhood was passed much like the childhood of
most other people; but with this difference, that those little attempts
at crime which serve to identify the moral nature of children with that
of men, and which, in our riper years, are commonly either forgotten
altogether, or regarded with an interest which owes nought of its
intensity to remorse, were considered by him as the acts of a creature
accountable to the Great Judge for even its earliest derelictions from
virtue. But this trait belongs properly to his subsequent character. In
his seventeenth year, after a youth spent unhappily, in a series of
conflicts with himself, for he was imbued with a love of forbidden
pleasures, and possessed of a conscience exquisitely tender, a change
came over him, and he became one of the excellent few who live less for
the present world than for the future. As he was not wedded by the
prejudices of education to any set of religious opinions, he had, with
only the Scriptures for his guide, to frame a creed for himself; and
having come in contact, in Edinburgh, with some Quakers, he was
well-nigh induced to join with them. But on more serious consideration,
he deemed some of their tenets not quite in unison with those of the
Bible. He attended, for some time after the Restoration, the preaching
of the curates; but, profiting little by their doctrines, he deliberated
whether he did right in hearing them, and concluded in the negative, in
the very year in which all such conclusions were declared treason by act
of Parliament. In short, by dint of reasoning and reading, he landed
full in Presbyterianism, at a time when there was nothing to be gained
by it, and a great deal to be lost. And not merely did he embrace it for
himself, but deeming it the cause of God, he came forward in this season
of wrong and suffering, when the bad opposed it, and the timid shrunk
from it, to preach it to the people. He believed himself called to the
ministerial office in a peculiar manner, by the Great Being who had
fitted him for it; and the simple fact that he did not, in Scotland at
least, gain a single sixpence by all his preaching until after the
Revolution, .ought surely to convince the most sceptical that he did not
mistake on this occasion the suggestions of interest for those of duty.
He began to preach the forbidden doctrines in the year 1672 ; and he was
married shortly after to a lady to whom he had been long attached.
The sufferings to which
he had been subjected prior to his marriage affected only himself. He
had been fined and exposed to ridicule; and he had had to submit to loss
and imposition, out of a despair of finding redress from corrupt judges,
whose decisions would have been prompted rather by the feelings with
which they regarded his principles than by any consideration of the
merits of his cause. No sooner, however, had he married, and become a
preacher, than he was visited by evils greater in themselves, and which
he felt all the more deeply from the circumstance that their effects
were no longer confined to himself. He was summoned before councils for
preaching without authority, and in the fields, and denounced and
outlawed for not daring to appear. But he persevered, notwithstanding,
wandering under hiding from place to place, and preaching twice or
thrice every week to all such as had courage enough to hear him. He was
among the number intercommuned by public writ; all the people of
Scotland, even his own friends and relatives, being charged, under the
severest penalties, not to speak to him, or receive him into their
houses, or minister even the slightest comfort to his person. And yet
still did he persevere on the strength of the argument urged by St.
Peter before the Jewish Sanhedrim. The lady he married was a person
every way worthy of such a husband. “In her,” I use his own simple and
expressive language, “did I behold as in a glass the Lord’s love to me;
and so effectually did she sweeten the sorrows of my pilgrimage, that I
have often been too nearly led to exclaim. It is good for me to be
here!” But she was lent him only for a short season. Four years after
his marriage, when under hiding, word was brought him that she lay sick
of a fever; and hurrying home in “great horror and darkness of mind,” he
reached her bedside only to find that she had departed, and that he was
left alone.
His sorrow at the
bereavement oppressed, but it could not overwhelm him; for, with an
energy rendered more intense by a sense of desolateness, and a feeling
that the world had become as nothing to him, he applied afresh to what
he deemed his bounden duty, the preaching of the Word. He was diligent
in ministering to the comfort of many who were less afflicted than
himself; and enveloped in the very flames of persecution, he confirmed,
by his exhortations, such as were shrinking from their approach. So well
was his character understood by the prelates, that he was one of three
expressly named in an act of council as peculiarly obnoxious, and a
large sum of money was offered to any who would apprehend him. Great
rewards, too, were promised on the same account by the Archbishop of St.
Andrews, out of his private purse; and after a series of hairbreadth
escapes, he at length fell into his hands through the treachery of a
servant. The questions put to him on his trial, with his replies to
them, are given at full length by Wodrow. Without in the least
compromising his principles, he yet availed himself of every legal
argument which the circumstances of his case admitted; and such was the
ingenuity of his defence, that he was repeatedly complimented on the
score of ability by the noblemen on the bench. He was charged, however,
with a breach of good manners; for, while he addressed his other judges
with due respect, he replied to the accusations of the archbishop as if
they had been urged against him by merely a private individual. In
answer to the charge, he confessed that he was but a rude man, and
hinted, with some humour, that he had surely been brought before their
lordships for some other purpose than simply to make proof of his
breeding. And, after all, there was little courtesy lost between himself
and the archbishop. He had been apprehended near midnight, and before
sunrise next morning, the servant of the latter was seen standing at the
prison gate, instructing the jailer that the prisoner should be confined
apart, and none suffered to have access to him. When the court met, the
archbishop strove to entrap him, with an eagerness which only served to
defeat its object, into an avowal of the sentiments with which he
regarded the king and his ministers ; and failing to elicit these, for
the preacher was shrewd and sagacious, he represented him to the other
members of council as a person singularly odious and criminal, and an
enemy to every principle of civil government. He was a schismatic too,
he affirmed—a render asunder of the Church of Christ! To the charge that
he was a preacher of sedition, Mr. Fraser replied with apostolic fervour,
that in “none of his discourses had he urged aught disloyal or
traitorous; but that as the Spirit enabled him, had he preached
repentance towards God, and faith towards Jesus Christ, and no other
thing but what was contained in the Prophets and the New Testament. And
so far,” he added, “was he from being terrified or ashamed to own
himself a minister of Christ, that although of no despicable extraction,
yet did he glory most to serve God in the gospel of His Son, and deem it
the greatest honour to which he had ever attained.” After trial he was
remanded to prison, and awakened next morning by the jailer, for he had
slept soundly, that he might prepare for a journey to the Bass. He was
escorted by the way by a party of twelve horsemen and thirty foot, and
delivered up on landing in the island to the custody of the governor.
Here a new series of
sufferings awaited him, not perhaps so harassing in themselves as those
to which he had recently been subjected—for punishment in such cases is
often less severe than the train of persecution which leads to it; but
he felt them all the more deeply, because he could no longer, from his
situation, exert that energy of mind which had enabled him to divest, on
former occasions, an evil of more than half its strength, by meeting it,
as it were, more than half-way. He had now to wait in passive
expectation until the evil came. There were a number of other prisoners
confined to the Bass for their attachment to Presbyterianism; and the
governor, a little-minded, capricious man, who loved to display the
extent of his authority, by showing how many he could render unhappy,
would sometimes deny them all intercourse with each other, by closely
confining them to their separate cells. At times, too, when permitted to
associate together, some of the profaner officers would break in upon
them, and annoy them with the fashionable wit and blasphemy of the
period. A dissolute woman was appointed to wait upon them, and
scandalous stories circulated at their expense; all the letters brought
them from the land were broken open and made sport of by the garrison;
they were neither allowed to eat nor to worship together; and though
their provisions and water were generally of the worst kind, they had
sometimes to purchase them—even the latter—at an exorbitant price. But
there were times at which the preacher could escape from all his petty
vexations. In the higher part of the island there are solitary walks,
which skirt the edge of the precipices, and command an extensive view of
the neighbouring headlands and the ocean. On these, when his jailers
were in their more tolerant moods, would he be permitted to saunter for
whole hours; indulging, as the waves were breaking more than a hundred
yards beneath him, and the sea-fowl screaming over him, in a not
unpleasing melancholy—musing much on the future, with all its doubtful
probabilities, or “ looking back on the days of old, when he joined with
the wife of his youth.” And there was a considerable part of his time
profitably spent in the study of Greek and Hebrew. He besides read
divinity, and wrote a treatise on faith, with several other miscellanies
: and at length, after an imprisonment of two years and a half, during
which period his old enemy the archbishop had suffered the punishment
which there was no law to inflict upon him, he was set at liberty; and
he quitted his prison with not less zeal, and with more learning than he
had brought into it.
He still deemed preaching
as much his duty as before, and the state regarded it as decidedly a
crime; and so he had to resume his wandering, unsettled life of peril
and hardship ; “labouring to be of some use to every family he visited.”
Falling sick of an ague, contracted through this mode of living, he was
cited before the council, at the instance of some of his old friends the
bishops; who, reckoning on his inability to appear on the day named,
took this way of having him outlawed a second time. But they had
miscalculated; for no sooner had he received the citation, than dragging
himself from his bed, he set out on his journey to Edinburgh. Legal
oppression he respected as little as he had done six years before ; but
he was now differently circumstanced—one of his friends, on his
liberation from the Bass, having bound himself as his surety; and sooner
would he have died by the way than have subjected him to any loss. When
the day arrived, he presented himself at the bar of the council; and
defended himself with such ability and spirit, that his lay judges were
on the eve of acquitting him. Not so the bishops; and the matter, after
some debate, being wholly referred to their judgment, he was sentenced
to be imprisoned at Blackness until he had paid a fine of five thousand
merks, and given security that he should not again preach in Scotland.
To Blackness he was accordingly sent; and there he remained in close
confinement, and subjected, as he had been at the Bass, to the caprice
of a tyrannical governor, for about seven weeks; when he was set at
liberty on condition that he should immediately quit the kingdom. He
passed therefore into England; and he soon found—for the Christian- is a
genuine cosmopolite—“ that a good Englishman was more truly his
countryman than a wicked Scot.” He was much esteemed by English people
of his own persuasion ; and though he had at first resolved to forbear
preaching out of the dread of being reckoned a “ barbarian,” for he
could not divest himself of his Scotticisms, he yielded to the
solicitations of his newly-acquired friends; and soon attained among
them, as he had done at home, the character of being a powerful and
useful preacher. But bonds and imprisonment awaited him even there. On
the execution of Russell and Sydney, he was arrested on the suspicion of
being one of their confederates ; and on refusing to take what was
termed the Oxford Oath, he was committed to Newgate, where he was kept
for six months. But from his previous experience of the prisons of
Scotland, he seems, with Goldsmith’s sailor, to have deemed Newgate a
much better sort of place than it is usually esteemed;—his apartment was
large and lightsome, and the jailers were all very kind. Resuming, on
his release, his old mode of living, he continued to preach and study by
turns, until the Revolution; when, returning to Scotland, he was invited
by the people of Culross to preside over them as their pastor;—a fit
pastor for a parish which, during the reign of Prelacy, had suffered and
resisted more than almost any other in the kingdom. In this place he
continued until his death; grateful for all the mercies bestowed upon
him, and few men could reckon them better; but peculiarly grateful that,
in a season of hot persecution, he had been enabled to take part with
God.
Nor were strong-minded
men, like Fraser of Brea, the only persons who espoused this cause in
the day of trouble, and dared to suffer for it. There is a quiet passive
fortitude in the better kind of women, which lies concealed, as it
ought, under a cover of real gentleness and seeming timidity, until
called forth by some occasion which renders it a duty to resist; and
this excellent spirit was exhibited during this period by at least one
lady of Cromarty. She was a Mrs. Gordon, the wife of the parish minister
;—a lady who, at an extreme old age, retained much of the beauty of
youth—a smooth unwrinkled forehead, shaded by a profusion of black
glossy hair without the slightest tinge of grey: and it was said of her,
so exquisite was her complexion, that, when drinking a glass of wine,
her neck and throat would assume the ruddy hue of the liquid—an
imaginary circumstance, deemed characteristic at one time, by the common
people of Scotland, of the higher order of beauties, and which is
happily introduced by Allan Cunningham into one of the most pleasing of
his ballads:—
“Fu* white white was her
bonny neck,
Twist wi’ the satin twine;
But ruddie ruddie grew her hawse,
While she sipp’d the bluid-red wine.”
Mrs. Gordon could
scarcely have attained to her eighteenth year at the Revolution ; and
yet she had been exposed to suffering on the score of religion, in the
previous troubles. There was a story among the people, that her ears had
been cut off; it was even observed, that her tresses were always so
arranged as to conceal the supposed mutilation ; and some of the wilder
spirits of the place used to call her Luggie, in allusion to the story;
but she was too highly respected for the name to take. When a very old
woman, she was one day combing her hair in the presence of a little
girl, who was employed in dressing up the apartment in which she sat,
and who threw at her from time to time a very inquisitive glance. “ Come
here, Maggie,” said the lady, who guessed the cause of her solicitude;
“you are a curious little girl, and have heard that I have lost my ears
—have you not? Here they are, however,” she continued, shading back her
hair as she spoke, and displaying two very pretty ones; “wicked men once
threatened to cut them off, and a knife was sharpened for the purpose,
but God permitted them not.” |