Ever since the first disbanded Highland soldiery and displaced crofters settled on Canada's shores two hundred years ago, in the 1760s and 1770s, Scottish Canadians have borne their full share of the burden of Canada's defence. Soldiers and regiments bearing Scottish names and wearing the bonnet, kilt and feather form a mighty array in our history; they have fought in the snows of Canada, in the mud of Flanders, in the mountains of Italy; they have inspired Canadians with the military traditions of old Scotland, bravery and devotion, fortitude in distress. Today there are over 2,000,000 people of Scottish descent in Canada, although through intermarriage the Scottish blood flows in the veins of many more Canadians than the census returns would suggest. It is, indeed, sufficiently widespread that, despite dilution, it has encouraged that mystic sympathy of Canada for Scotland which unites the two lands in the unity of understanding. The Canadian soldier in World War II was well aware of it, if only because he seemed to feel more at home in Scotland than in the land of the Southrons. Perhaps that understanding derives, in part at least, from the fact that Canadian and Scot live in northern lands, to the south of which there is a powerful, and too often dominating nation. Each knows that his nation has always to be on the watch lest it lose its freedom and its own distinctive nationality.

The Scottish military tradition is generally associated with the Highlands, the country of the chief, clan and cateran. This does not mean that the Lowlands were bare of men of military virtue, of men ready and able to wield a spear or broadsword in defence of their faith and their possession - the achievements of the Cameronians contradicts that - but rather that the Highlands, by the very nature of the countryside and the tribal feudalism it nourished, tended to develop and perpetuate the military characteristics of independence and combativeness more than did the land and society of the Lowlands.

The country north and west of the Highland Line was, and still is, in many respects, a wild, harsh, forbidding land of violent tempests and uncertain climate. It is not a rich luxuriant land, but one of bare mountains, bleak hills, heathered moors, coniferous forests, lakes, streams and fens. There are only isolated and disconnected patches of arable soil1 located in the sequestered straths, glens and islands which favoured the settlement of family groups under their natural leaders or ceann-cinnidh. Such a land was not of the nature to sustain a large and prosperous agricultural population. The men who lived in the Highlands were the sons of Esau. They lived on the fish they caught in the lochs, the deer they hunted in the hills, and the herds they tended on their thin mountain pastures or reaved from their Lowland neighbours. Only the bold, the strong, the hardy and the independent survived in such a land, men nursed in poverty, men whose needs were simple and basic. Geography made the Scottish Highlander, and it made him good soldier material, because it demanded those qualities which make men good soldiers; hardihood, courage, endurance, self-reliance and loyalty to one's leader and one's comrades.2

The history of the country, too, added its strength to reinforce the fighting spirit of the men of Scotland. From the day when Calgacus fell at the head of the Pictish host to the Roman, Agricola, at Mons Graupius in 84 A.D., to the flight of Charles Edward Stewart from the field of Culloden in 1746, Scottish history has been one long, bloody brawl. But Culloden was the end - the end of seventeen centuries of strife between warring tribes, warring religions, warring nations. Did anything of value emerge from it beyond an unpopular union with England bought with English gold? Does anything emerge from Scottish history other than bloodshed and violence and sticky sentiment? Beneath the surface will be found virtues as heroic as they sometimes appear irrational, the virtues of independence, devotion and valour. These are the saving virtues of the Scottish story and the backbone of the Scottish military tradition.

Na Sassunaich a ghadhail cothrom air spiorad cogail na Ghaidhail
The Southrons exploit the Scottish military spirit

The immediate British reaction to the Jacobite rising of 1745-46 was an effort to break the spirit of the men who had served the Jacobite cause. Rapine, slaughter and torture, all were used with relentless vindictiveness by the king's son who commanded the British government forces.3 Quarter was given to no straggler or fugitive, except to the select few reserved for the spectacle of a public execution. For the wounded who lay on the field of battle there was no compassion, only the bullet and the bayonet when they were discovered. All men suspected of rebel sympathies were herded into gaols, prison ships, cellars or lofts, and left without food or water, or clothes to hide their nakedness; even the doctor had his lancet taken from him lest he be moved to blood some of the wounded in order to save their lives. To His Grace of Newcastle, Lord Chesterfield wrote, "Starve the country by your ships, put a price on the heads of the chiefs, and let the Duke put all to the fire and sword."4 That was exactly what "Bloody Butcher" Cumberland did. Through the glens and over the hills, his patrols laid waste the land, plundered the houses, burned the crofts, killed suspected Jacobites, raped the women and drove the Highlanders' cattle to the military posts. When starving creatures sought a handful of oatmeal they were driven away with the butts of muskets; should any soldier or his wife show a little humanity, well, Cumberland had said "they shall be first whipped severely . . . and then put on meal and water in the Provost for a fortnight."5 Heartless and abhorrent as these reprisals were, the Duke considered them inadequate. To Newcastle he wrote, three months after the battle of Culloden, "I am sorry to leave this country in the condition it is in; for all the good that we have done is a little blood letting, which has only weakened the madness, but not at all cured it; and I tremble for fear that this vile spot may still be the ruin of this island and of our family."6

Such methods were not without results; but even more effective in throttling the Highland spirit were the legislative enactments, the laws that destroyed the clan system, that made the playing of the old music and the wearing of the kilt and tartan criminal offences. Every Highlander was required to surrender his arms. Failure to do so might mean transportation for seven years. Restrictions too were imposed upon the Episcopal Church, regarded by the authorities as only slightly less ardent than the Roman Catholics in their support of the House of Stewart. Most effective of all was the Act abolishing the hereditary jurisdictions. For generations the inhabitants of the Highlands had looked to their chiefs for direction and protection. Now there were no more chiefs. Those who had supported the Jacobites in 1745 were, in some instances, executed, in others, outlawed, and in all instances obliged to forfeit their estates. Those who had not been out in '45 were ready to sell out, salvage what they could in golden guineas, as compensation for what they had lost in giving up their rights of "pit and gallows." They moved to Edinburgh and acquired an English veneer. Thus, when he needed him most, the Highland clansman had no chief. He was leaderless in a hostile world.

Two choices were open to him if he were to avoid starvation. He could emigrate, leave the land of his forefathers and find a new home elsewhere, or he could accept German Geordie's shilling and serve in the army of the Hanoverian king. Both were unpalatable. But the will to survive is stronger even than love of home or pride of ancestry.7

Poverty was nothing new to the Highlander. Neither was serving in the armies of foreign monarchs. He had been doing it since the days of the Crusades. During the sixteenth century licences had been granted to individuals to raise men in Scotland for service in Denmark, Sweden and the Low Countries, a traffic which increased during the seventeenth century. Donald MacKay raised 3600 men for Christian IV, and Gustavus Adol-pus is said to have had 10,000 Scots under his command during the Thirty Years' War. Others served the King of France as Archers of the Guard. At a later date refugees from the forces of Dundee, Mar and Charles Edward fought in the armies of France. The son of a Scottish Jacobite schoolteacher became a marshal of France under Napoleon, Etienne-Jacques-Joseph-Alexandre Macdonald, Duke of Taranto.

There was precedent too for serving King George. In 1725 the British government had raised a number of independent companies to keep watch on the Highland clans and discourage the popular activities of cattle lifting and blackmailing. These independent companies were clad in a black, green and blue government tartan to distinguish them from the regular troops and were known as the Freiceadan Dubh, or Black Watch. Several years later, in the hope of discouraging the growth of Jacobitism, the Lord President Duncan Forbes of Culloden suggested to the British authorities that greater scope might be given the natural military attributes of the Highlanders were they to be recruited into several regiments commanded by English or Scottish officers "of undoubted loyalty" and officered by chiefs and chieftains "of the disaffected clans." "If Government pre-engage the Highlanders in the manner I propose," he wrote, "they will not only serve well against the enemy abroad, but will be hostages for the good behaviour of their relatives at home, and I am persuaded it will be absolutely impossible to raise a rebellion in the Highlands."8 Forbes's advice was followed only in part. Not several but one regiment only was formed, and this by bringing together the various independent companies of the Watch. In 1740 the new regiment, numbered the 43rd (changed in 1749 to the 42nd) but still bearing the name Black Watch, was embodied under the command of Sir Robert Munro of Foulis, and officered by Highland gentlemen, a number of whom were from the clans Munro, Grant and Campbell, whose Whig sympathies met with the approval of the British government.9

In 1743 the Black Watch was ordered to England. It was not a popular order, nor a popular move; the Highlanders had no wish to serve so far from their own glens. However, they were told that the move was simply to satisfy the curiosity of the German lairdie who sat on England's throne and who had never seen a Highland regiment. When they arrived in London the soldiers of the Black Watch learned that the king had gone to Hanover and heard rumours that they were to be sent to America. Regarding such deception as intolerable - many of those even in private rank were gentlemen - they set out on their own for Scotland. Overtaken at Northampton by a larger British force, the Scots surrendered and were disarmed. A number of the so-called mutineers were tried; three of them (all sons of Clan Chattan) were executed. Then the expected blow fell, two hundred of the Watch were sent to the West Indies; the remainder joined Cumberland's forces in Flanders, to contribute their decisive strength to the victory of Fontenoy. During the Jacobite rising of 1745-46 the Black Watch warmed their heels on the shores of Kent; to send them north against their blood relatives in the Highland host would hardly have been a politic act. After Culloden, they went to Ireland on garrison duty where they remained, with one short tour in Flanders, until the outbreak of the Seven Years' War against France in 1756.

The bravery of the Watch at Fontenoy had made its impression upon the British authorities. They therefore decided to repeat the experiment of employing Highlanders in the British service. In 1745 Campbell, the Earl of Loudoun, was commissioned to raise another Highland unit.10 The time, however, was critical, and the devotion of the recruits to the Hanoverian monarchy suspect. There were desertions to the Jacobites, but for the most part the officers and men remained true to their engagement. Nevertheless the regiment did not see service as a unit. Three companies were at Prestonpans only to surrender to Prince Edward when Cope's army was put to flight. Some men of Loudoun's regiment were victims of the Rout of Moy. Three companies were at Culloden. After a brief tour in the Low Countries the regiment was disbanded in 1748.

It was the outbreak of the Seven Years' War with France in 1756 that led to the policy which drained the Highlands by sending Scotsmen to fight England's wars in Europe and North America. William Pitt adopted Duncan Forbes's ideas with enthusiasm, and during the period of the Seven Years' War no fewer than ten line regiments, the 77th (Montgomery's), 78th (Fraser's), 87th (Keith's), 88th (Campbell's) 89th (Gordon's), 100th, 101st (Johnstone's), 105th (Queen's), 113th (Royal Highland Volunteers), and MacLean's, and two fencible regiments (regiments for the internal defence), Argyll Fencibles and Sutherland Fenci-bles, were recruited in the British interest.11 From Britain's point of view it was sound military strategy to make the best use of the Scottish military tradition, and good politics to get so many sullen and resentful unemployed men out of their mountain fastness. It was a policy which lesser men than Pitt were glad to continue when later wars broke out in 1775 and 1793. The regiments raised during the American Revolutionary War included 71st (Fraser's), 73rd (MacLeod's), 74th (Argyll Highlanders), 76th (Macdonald's), 77th (Atholl Highlanders), 78th (Seaforths), 81st (Aberdeenshire Regiment), 2nd Battalion, Black Watch. Additional regiments were raised on the outbreak of the French Revolutionary War in 1793. The depopulation of the Highlands may have been largely the result of the Highland clearances and the emigration of the clansmen; but it was the result, too, of the military exploitation of Scotland's human resources for the sake of Britain's imperial ambitions. Of Britain's new Highland regiments, three saw service in North America during the French war, the 42nd (Black Watch), the 77th (Montgomery's), and the 78th (Fraser's). The two latter were raised in 1757 from the Jacobite clans, Frasers, Macdonalds, Camerons, MacLeans and Macphersons in particular. The 77th was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Montgomery, afterwards Lord Eglinton, and the 78th by Simon Fraser, son of the Lord Lovat who had lost his head after Culloden for supporting Prince Charles.

The 42nd was the first Highland regiment ever to come to North America. It arrived in New York in 1756 and promptly moved to Albany. During the winter of 1756-57 it underwent serious training in bush fighting in the Canadian manner. It was a kind of training much needed by the Scots, for their traditional tactic of firing a volley and then rushing forward with targe and broadsword to engage the enemy hand-to-hand was of limited value against an elusive foe who knew how to make good use of cover. Early in the summer of 1757, the regiment moved to Halifax as part of the large force assembled for an attack upon Louisbourg. Here it was joined by the 77th and the 78th. The Louisbourg assault was not carried through in 1757. The delay in the arrival of the naval component, the lateness of the season, and the arrival of reinforcements in Louisbourg convinced Loudoun that the assault would have to be postponed to a more opportune occasion and, leaving a number of his troops at Halifax, he returned to New York with his three regiments of Highlanders.

All three regiments played notable roles during the campaign of 1758, albeit in three separate theatres of operations.12 In the spring, Fraser's Highlanders joined Amherst's force for the postponed assault upon Louisbourg, forming part of the brigade commanded by Brigadier-General Wolfe, who, incidentally, had fought at Culloden and had shared in the ruthless and unsavoury "pacification" of the Highlands. But Wolfe, who had formerly distrusted the Highlanders, now recognized their worth, and used them along with the light infantry in every action calling for the employment of shock troops. After a siege of seven weeks the fortress surrendered. The impatient Wolfe would have continued on to Quebec, but he was compelled to limit his military activities to attacking Acadian communities along the Atlantic shore.

On the far western front, Montgomery's Highlanders pushed their way slowly towards Fort Duquesne as the main regular component of Brigadier General Forbes's corps. At Loyalhanna, about 40 miles from their destination, the Highlanders' weakness in bush fighting became all too apparent when a detachment of the 77th, under Major James Grant, was badly cut to pieces by the French and the Indians. But the French at Fort Duquesne, outnumbered and in no position to offer a prolonged resistance to Forbes's men, in November blew up their defences and withdrew. In honour of William Pitt, Forbes renamed the smoking ruin Pittsburgh. Here the 77th spent the winter. In the following May it moved to the central theatre of operations to join the 42nd on Lake Champlain for a second attack upon Carillon (Ticonderoga).

The first assault upon the French position at Carillon had ended in disaster for the Black Watch. With every confidence in the world, the Highlanders had joined the mighty array which was intended to strike north to the St. Lawrence - 16,000 men, regulars, provincials, rangers and boatmen. What was there to halt them? Only a poor stone fort on Lake Champlain manned by a force considerably inferior in numbers. The British commander, James Abercromby, had all the tools necessary for siege or open warfare. A quick look at the French defences convinced him that Carillon could be carried by storm, and, with a singular lack of imagination, he decided upon a frontal attack. On the morning of July 8 the British assault troops, led by the Grenadiers, deployed in the open area in front of the French defences; four battalions, with the 42nd in support. When the Grenadiers failed to penetrate the thick abbatis in front of the French breastworks, the Scots impetuously rushed forward and began hacking their way through the tangled branches. Safe behind their defences the French infantry cut them to pieces with well-directed musketry. Time and again the brave Highlanders surged forward, only to fall back in the face of a murderous fire. A few men did succeed in reaching the French breastworks, but they had no scaling ladders and when, after great exertion, Captain John Campbell and several others forced their way over the French works, they were stabbed to death by French bayonets. For four hours Abercromby kept it up; then, finally, he gave the order to retreat. Despite their losses, the Highlanders still sought vengeance for the death of their comrades, and Abercromby was obliged to repeat his orders three times before he could prevail upon the stubborn Scots to obey. The 42nd, indeed, paid dearly for its intrepidity: 314 officers and men were killed and 333 wounded in the battle, over half the strength of the regiment. Despite its shattered condition Abercromby gave The Black Watch the honour of covering the retirement, although in its weakened state it is questionable whether the regiment could have beaten back a determined attack had Montcalm been disposed to pursue the retreating British. Abercromby may not have been a brilliant tactician, but at least he knew how to humour the spirit of his Highlanders.

1759 was the decisive year of the war, and to the British success in that year the Highlanders made a notable contribution. The Black Watch, reinforced by a strong infusion of new recruits, and Montgomery's Highlanders formed part of the army Jeffrey Amherst led, methodically and laboriously, through the Lake George-Lake Champlain entrance to Canada. Carillon and Fort St. Frederic (Crown Point) were occupied without a battle. Had Amherst been less concerned with rebuilding what the French had destroyed, he might have reached Montreal and the St. Lawrence. As it was he got no further than Crown Point before going into winter quarters. Thus it was Fraser's Highlanders, not the 42nd or the 77th, which played the major role in the reduction of Canada.

Occupying a position made formidable by nature and by military engineering, Quebec was the key to Canada. Montcalm realized it and chose to remain on the defensive. Let the British come to him. They did, in the spring of 1759, under James Wolfe. But weeks went by and Wolfe made little or no progress. Fraser's men shared in the ill-fated attack on the French and Canadian position at Beauport in July, and in the terrorist raids carried on by General Wolfe during the month of August. Finally, almost as a last resort, Wolfe sought to gain a lodgement to the west of the city on the Plains of Abraham. Fraser's Highlanders were on the heels of the Light Infantry who first climbed the cliff of Quebec in the early hours of September 13. A French-speaking Highlander, Captain Donald Macdonald, a brother of Clanranald, whose men had been out in '45, lulled the suspicions of the French sentry and made possible the seizure of the plains. When the British drew up their battle array, Fraser's were in the front rank. After exchanging shots with the French, the Highlanders reverted to their traditional tactics; they threw away their muskets, drew their broad swords and swept forward, halting only when they reached the walls of the city. Led by Brigadier-General Murray, they returned to the woods on the left flank to oust the Canadians holding up the other pursuing troops. Watching the whole thing with great interest was Montcalm's aide-de-camp, the Chevalier Johnstone.13 He, too, had been out in '45, fighting alongside the Glengarry Macdonells at Culloden. He would have recognized the names if not the features of those who were killed or wounded at Quebec, such as McNeil of Barra, Macdonell of Lochgarry, Macdonell of Keppoch, Fraser of Inverlochy and Campbell of Barcaldine.

Fraser's Highlanders witnessed the surrender of Quebec on September 18 by de Ramezay, a Frenchman of Scottish descent, and then spent the winter in the ruined city. It was dreadfully cold, cold enough to cause Malcolm Fraser to admit that "the Philibeg is not at all calculated for this terrible climate."14 Canada was colder even than Scotland. In the spring the 78th marched out with Murray to face the French and Canadian army, led by the Chevalier de Levis. Murray was defeated at Ste. Foye, a mishap which elicited from Charles Stewart, who had served at Culloden, "from April battles and Murray generals, good Lord deliver me!`15 Only the walls of Quebec and the timely arrival of British ships of war saved Murray from surrendering in 1760 the fortress Wolfe had gained in 1759.

Following the capitulation of Canada in September, 1760, the Black Watch and the 77th were sent to the West Indies. Subsequently they returned to assist in the suppression of the Indian rising led by Pontiac. Meanwhile, the 78th contributed a detachment to Colonel William Amherst's force, sent to recover St. John's, Newfoundland, from the French in 1762. In 1763 the war was over and the peace was signed. The Watch remained on the regular establishment, but the 77th and 78th were ordered to be disbanded, the officers and men being given the opportunity of settling in British North America if they wished to do so. Rather than face sad memories and unemployment in Scotland, many chose to remain in Canada, where each officer and man received a grant of land according to his rank. Thus the disbanded solidiery of Montgomery's and Fraser's Highlanders became the first Scots to form an integral part of Canadian life and history. And they were not the last. Others soon arrived in North America; destitute but proud men, who settled in Prince Edward Island through the initiative of John Macdonald, Eighth of Glenaladale; in Pictou, Nova Scotia, through the inducements of a Lowland promoter; and the Mohawk Valley, through the leadership of three Macdonell lairds, Aberchalder, Leek and Collachie. By far the greater number of them were Jacobites: "ged chaidh an sgadpdth air gach taobh, cha chaochail iad an gnaths," sang the Gaelic bard.16 "Although they were scattered in every direction, they did not change their ways."

III

Spiorad cogail na Ghadhail a tighinn do Chanada
The Scottish military spirit comes to Canada

Vergennes, the astute French ambassador to Constantinople, is said to have predicted that England would quickly repent having insisted upon the cession of Canada by France, if only because it removed the American colonies' greatest inducement to remain within the British Empire, the threat of French invasion. Peter Kalm had said much the same thing twelve years before. Within another twelve years, history proved both good prophets. By 1775 British soldiers and American minutemen were exchanging shots at Lexington and a British garrison was being besieged at Boston by 20,000 angry American militia. In 1776 the American colonies declared their independence.

Once more the British government looked to the Scots for help. More regiments were raised in Great Britain and old ones, like Fraser's, were revived. More significantly, the practice of employing Scotsmen as soldiers was extended to the British possessions in North America. On June 12, 1775, General Thomas Gage issued orders to Lieutenant-Colonel Allan Maclean, son of Maclean of Torloisk, Mull, to raise a regiment consisting of two battalions, each of ten companies, to be clothed, armed and accoutred like The Black Watch17 and "to be called the Royal Highland Emigrants."18 Maclean was appointed lieutenant-colonel commandant of the regiment, as well as commanding officer of the 1st Battalion, with Donald Macdonald as his major, while Major John Small, formerly of the 42nd, was placed in charge of the 2nd battalion.

The idea was that The Emigrants should find their recruits among former soldiers who had served in the 42nd, the 77th and the 78th, and in the several Scottish settlements in America. As inducements to enlist, each man was promised a grant of land at the expiration of hostilities, and one guinea levy-money on joining. Even so, recruits came in slowly. The recruiting parties of the 1st Battalion found it difficult to get recruits safely and quietly out of the Mohawk Valley without arousing the suspicions of Americans, and it was some time before The Emigrants were brought up to strength. To fill the gaps in the ranks, recourse was had to enlisting Irishmen from Newfoundland and prisoners of war who were willing and ready to change sides. Few of these latter were Scots, and few of them made reliable soldiers.19 Initially, detachments of The Emigrants were posted along the St. Lawrence and in the Richelieu Valley and, under Maclean's command planned to relieve the besieged Fort Saint Jean. With the defeat of Guy Carleton's co-operating force from Montreal, Maclean hurried his Emigrants back to an almost defenceless Quebec where they furnished the bulk of the "regular" (if they could be called that) army of the garrison. During the siege of Quebec by Montgomery and Arnold, The Emigrants played a notable part. Captain Malcolm Fraser, formerly of the 78th, was the first to observe the American signals on the night of December 31, 1775, indicating that an attack was in the offing. Allan Maclean commanded the defenders under Carleton and was, in large measure, responsible for the defeat of the Americans.20 When General Burgoyne organized his counter-attack force in 1777, Maclean's Emigrants were posted along the line of communications and provided the garrison for Fort Ticonderoga. As an indication of his satisfaction with their services, George III instructed Sir Frederick Haldimand in 1779 to place The Emigrants upon the regular establishment of the British army and to number them the 84th among the British line regiments.21 During its career the 1st Battalion in Canada was plagued with desertions, mostly among the Americans and Irish who had joined the regiment; it is worth noting that not one native Highlander deserted, and only one man was brought to the halberts during the time the regiment was embodied.22

In Nova Scotia, Major Small had less trouble obtaining recruits than Maclean in Canada. The 2nd Battalion was not, however, employed as a unit. Instead, it was broken up into detachments and sent to garrison such posts as Annapolis, Cumberland, Saint John, Windsor and Halifax, where American raiders might be expected to land. The rest of the battalion, five companies, was sent to join Cornwallis in the southern colonies where they fought with distinction at Eataw Springs. The troops, however, resented being used piecemeal. It was with disgust that Captain Alexander Macdonald wrote, "We have absolutely been worse used than any one Regiment in America and have done more duty and drudgery of all kinds than any other Battalion in America, these three Years past, and it is but reasonable, Just and Equitable that we should now be Suffered to Join together at least as early as possible in the Spring and let some Other Regiment relieve the different posts we at present Occupy."23

Both battalions of The Royal Highland Emigrants were disbanded at the end of hostilities. Some of the officers and men returned to Scotland, but the greater number took up their promised land grants, the 1st Battalion in Canada and the 2nd in Nova Scotia, and remained in British North America.

There were other Scotsmen who served the King in British North America during the Revolutionary War besides those commissioned or enlisted in the Royal Highland Emigrants. A considerable number of Highlanders from Glengarry, Glen Urquhart and Strathglass had emigrated during 1773 to the Mohawk Valley and settled on the lands of Sir William Johnson, the Irish baronet, whose name was so closely associated with the league of the Six Nations. Johnson liked the Highlanders, cultivated them, and encouraged them to maintain their customs. The tradition of the clan and the chief was still very much alive among the Highlanders, and it was hardly surprising that Johnson assumed, in the minds of his Scottish tenantry, something of the character of a Highland chief. When Sir William died in 1774, this attachment was transferred to his son, Sir John. This explains why, on the outbreak of the Revolutionary War, when Sir John Johnson fled to Canada early in 1776, he was accompanied by a considerable number of his Highland followers. These were joined a year later by the remainder of the Mohawk Valley Highlanders.

Scarcely had Johnson put a foot in Montreal when he received a commission as colonel in the British army, and was authorized to raise a regiment of Loyalists under the name of The King's Royal Regiment of New York (KRRNY).24 With his tenantry at his heels he had no problem in finding recruits, particularly when he had the support of the Macdonell chieftains, Aberchalder, Scotus and Leek, as his officers.

The 1st Battalion of the KRRNY saw action with St. Leger's force in 1776 when they defeated the Americans at Oriskany. However the failure to capture Fort Stanwix nullified this victory and St. Leger did not join forces with Burgoyne. In the years which followed, the "Royal Yorkers," as they were sometimes called, took part in several notable raids into the Mohawk Valley. These actions not only brought in additional recruits to the Yorkers, but also stripped the region of supplies useful to the American rebels. Accordingly, Johnson was authorized to form a 2nd Battalion in 1780,25 despite the fact that Canada's Swiss governor, Sir Frederick Haldimand, was disposed to sneer at Johnson's regiment as "a useful corps with the Ax," but "not altogether to be depended on with the Firelock."26

Like the Royal Highland Emigrants, the officers and men of the KRRNY were given land grants on demobilization in 1783. The 1st Battalion settled largely in what is now Glengarry and Stormont counties; the 2nd Battalion, which contained fewer Scots and more Germans, settled in the Bay of Quinte region.

During the American invasion of Canada at the time of the War of 1812, few Scotsmen from Great Britain saw service in this country. With the exception of the Royal Scots, no overseas Scottish units were sent to Canada until the late summer of 1814, when the Glasgow Lowland Division arrived from Ireland. And in the Royal Scots few of the men were, in fact, Scottish-born; most of them were of English, Irish and French nationality. The Scots who fought in the Canadian War of 1812 were, therefore, most of them Canadian Highlanders who lived on the banks of the St. Lawrence River, where the disbanded Emigrants and Royal Yorkers had settled a generation previously, and where their numbers had been reinforced by the arrival from Scotland of the disbanded Glengarry Fencibles and their chaplain, Father Alexander Macdonell, in 1803.

Several times during the early years of the nineteenth century, suggestions had been put forward that a regiment of Canadian Highlanders should be raised as a force to supplement the British regulars. But no one had heeded this advice until the threat of war with the United States was so obvious that it could be ignored only with peril. Finally, under the shadow of invasion, the Glengarry Regiment of Light Infantry Fencibles was embodied in Upper Canada early in 1812. Father Alexander Macdonell, assisted by "Red George" Macdonell of Leek, fired the heather, and on May 12 a unit of some 400 men was paraded for duty, just one month before the President of the United States declared war on Great Britain and began to move troops towards the Canadian frontier. The Glengarrians shared in many of the significant engagements of the war, including Salmon River, Ogdensburg, York, Fort George, Sackett's Harbour, Oswego, Fort Erie, Lyon's Creek and Mackinac, as well as in the hardest fought battle of the war, Lundy's Lane, where they protected the right flank of the British force and were accorded the right to wear "Niagara '' on their colours. In 1816 the regiment was disbanded at Kingston.

The men from the Scottish counties also saw service in the militia. In General Brock's opinion the militia along the St. Lawrence, from the Bay of Quinte to Glengarry, were "the most respectable of any in the province,"27 a statement borne out by the battle honours awarded the militia regiments from Glengarry, Stormont and Dundas. The 1st Stormont Regiment was at Salmon River, Ogdensburg, Crysler's Farm, and Hoople's Creek, and the 1st Dundas at Toussaint's Island, Prescott, Salmon River and Ogdensburg. Militiamen from these counties were also employed in garrison and escort duty along the vital highway of the St. Lawrence, the sole line of communication between Upper and Lower Canada.

The significant role of the Scots in the militia during the War of 1812 is revealed by a glance at the names of the officers who commanded the county units.28 Among them we find Colonel Neil Maclean, a former Royal Highland Emigrant, of the 1st Stormont; Colonel William Fraser of the 1st Grenville; Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Fraser of the 1st Dundas; Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander MacMillan of the 1st Glengarry; and Lt.-Col. Allan Macdonell of Greenfield of the 2nd Glengarry. Lieutenant-Colonel Allan Maclean of the 1st Frontenac became commanding officer of the Battalion of Incorporated Militia. Lieutenant-Colonel John Macdonell was A.D.C. to General Brock and died at Queenston Heights with his superior officer. Colonel Archibald Macdonell commanded the 1st Prince Edward Militia; Colonel John Ferguson, the 1st Hastings; Colonel Matthew Elliott, the 1st Essex; Lt.-Col. William Graham, the 1st York; and Captain William Mackay, the Michigan Fencibles. Mackay and Elliott were officers of the Indian Department. The Adjutant-General of the Canadian militia during the war was Major-General Aeneas Shaw, a former officer of The Queen's Rangers.

The response of the Canadian Scots to the call to arms was reminiscent of the old days in Scotland, and it was repeated with the mustering of the militia during the troubles of 1837 and 1838. If it was a Scot, William Lyon Mackenzie, who set out to establish a Canadian republic in December, 1837, it was another Scot, Sir Allan MacNab, who led the Loyalists who opposed him. In the Ottawa Valley, the last Highland chief ever to play the traditional role, Archibald MacNab, 12th of MacNab, raised the local militia in Lanark and Renfrew; and in Glengarry, Bishop Alexander Macdonell prompted the Highlanders to form four battalions, one each from the townships of Charlottenburg, Lancaster, Lochiel and Kenyon, commanded by Colonels Alexander Fraser, Donald MacDonald, Alexander Chisholm and Angus Macdonell respectively. In November, 1838, detachments of the militia from Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry took part in the Battle of the Windmill, and other detachments from the Glengarry and Stormont regiments formed part of Sir John Colborne's corps employed in supressing the rebellion in Beauharnois. It was not without justification that a British officer wrote in December, 1840, "I beg to state that the County of Glengarry has, on every occasion, been distinguished for good conduct, and will, in any emergency, turn out more fighting men in proportion to its population, than any other in Her Majesty's Dominions."29

That 'n fhuil a tanachadh ach tha an spiorad treun
The blood grows thin but the spirit remains strong

Following the War of 1812 a number of Scottish line regiments saw tours of garrison duty in Canada, including The Royal Scots, the 71st Highland Light Infantry, the 70th Cameron Highlanders, the 80th (Glasgow Lowland), and the 93rd Sutherland Highlanders. But the days of the British garrison were numbered and by 1871 the last of the British regiments had been withdrawn from Canada. The old county militia units were also gone. In their place were the new volunteer territorial units, which still form a considerable portion of Canada's present-day military establishment. The Militia Acts of 1855 and 1859 provided for the organization of volunteer regiments, and in November, 1859, the 1st Battalion, Volunteer Militia Rifles of Canada, was organized in Montreal. The following spring another battalion was formed, the 2nd Battalion, Volunteer Militia Rifles, this time in Toronto. Thus began a series of territorial infantry battalions which, prior to 1914, numbered 110.

The volunteer movement coincided, in date, with the movement to eliminate the kilt as part of the military dress of British regiments. Unable to find sufficient recruits in the Highlands, the War Office had been compelled to fill the so-called Scottish regiments with men of other nationalities, and the new recruits were not only indifferent but sometimes hostile to the traditions the kilt implied. With a home government cool towards the kilt it is hardly surprising that few militia regiments in Canada were initially kilted units. It was argued that Fraser's men had complained of the cold and that the Glengarrians had willingly worn the uniform of the British light infantry in 1812. Accordingly only two Highland units were established, as such, in the 1860s and 1870s in Canada, both of them, appropriately enough, in Nova Scotia: the 79th Colchester and Hants or Highland Battalion of Infantry (later the Pictou Highlanders and today the 1st Battalion Nova Scotia Highlanders), and the 94th Victoria Highland Provisional Battalion of Infantry (later the Cape Breton Highlanders and today the 2nd Battalion Nova Scotia Highlanders).30 But the kilt survived and was revived in Great Britain in the 1880s, and in Canada the enthusiasm for the Scottish military tradition was reflected in the formation of the 48th Highlanders in Toronto in 1891; the 91st Highlanders (later the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders) in Hamilton in 1903; the 72nd Highlanders (later the Seaforth Highlanders of Canada) in Vancouver in 1910; and the 79th Highlanders (later the Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders of Canada) in Winnipeg in 1910. The 5th Battalion, organized in 1862 in Montreal, was re-designated the Royal Scots Fusiliers in 1880. In 1906 it became the Royal Highlanders of Canada, and in 1930, The Black Watch (Royal Highland Regiment) of Canada.

Between 1899 and 1901 militia units provided men for the Canadian battalions which served under British command during the South African War, but it was not until the Great War of 1914-1918 that Canadian troops were sent abroad in any very considerable numbers. Following the declaration of war between Great Britain and Germany in August, 1914, the Canadian Department of Militia and Defence, ignoring existing militia units and the traditions they had developed, enlisted men into a new series of numbered Canadian Expeditionary Force battalions. Because the kilted units had demonstrated their popularity in Canada, several of the CEF battalions were given Scottish designations. It was almost as if Sir Sam Hughes and Sir Edward Kemp had read the words of Duncan Forbes of Culloden or those of William Pitt. Thus the 13th Battalion CEF carried the name "The Royal Highlanders of Canada," the 15th CEF was the "48th Highlanders of Canada," and the 16th CEF "The Canadian Scottish." These three Scottish units were grouped together in the 3rd Canadian Brigade. The 42nd (Royal Highlanders of Canada) and the 43rd (Cameron Highlanders of Canada) were in the 7th and 8th brigades; the 38th (Cameron Highlanders), the 72nd (Seaforth Highlanders of Canada), and the 85th (Nova Scotia Highlanders) were part of the 12th Infantry Brigade. None of these battalions, although they carried Scottish names and their officers and men wore the kilt, were composed solely of Canadian Scots or Scots living in Canada. If the 16th Canadian Scottish was anything to go by, they included almost all the nationalities one could find in Canada; Scots, of course, but also English, Irish, French, Americans, Italians, Dutch, Danes, Mexicans and others.31

The first major battle involving a Canadian Scottish unit was a trying ordeal. When the French colonial troops broke under the German gas attach at Ypres early in 1915, the 3rd Canadian Infantry Brigade was left dangling at its flank. It was this brigade, with its three Highland units, which bore the initial brunt of the German attack. All three regiments suffered heavy casualties at Ypres and St. Julien, but all proved their worth in battle. They had gone to France green and untried. In the crucible of Ypres they became the veterans who gave the Canadian corps its strength and its reputation.

Manifestly it is impossible to tell the whole story of the Canadian Scottish battalions in World War I within the compass of a few paragraphs. It is sufficient here to record the battle honours worn by the Scottish units on their colours - household names to an earlier generation and all too unfamiliar to those who have followed - Festubert, Mount Sorrel, Somme, Courcellette, Arras, Vimy, Passchendaele, Amiens, Hindenburg Line, Dro-court-Queant, Canal du Nord, Valenciennes. These names echo through the halls of our history the contribution made by the Canadian Scottish battalions, indeed of all Canadian battalions, which fought under General Sir Arthur Currie's command. And there is further testimony, too, of the prowess of Canadian Scots. Should we forget the name of Sir Archibald Macdonell, that descendant of the Glengarry Macdonells who commanded the 1st Canadian Division? Should we forget the fact that eight of the Canadian winners of the Victoria Cross between 1914-1918 were members of the Highland battalions of the Canadian Corps? Such men as these walk erect among the shades of those heroic Scots who, if not necessarily their progenitors, were the inspiration of the tradition which the Canadians, as members of Scottish units, had willingly embraced.

Perhaps it was the fighting reputation which the Highland units earned during World War I; perhaps it was the strong pride Canadians had in the kilt; perhaps it was the affection which our people generally have had for the pipes; whatever the explanation, there was a remarkable increase in the number of Scottish-named units when the Canadian militia was reorganized after peace had been established in 1919. Not that new units were established, but a considerable number of old infantry militia regiments were redesignated as Scottish units. In this way the 20th Regiment (1866) became The Lome Rifles (Scottish) in 1931 and, after amalgamation with the Peel and Dufferin Regiment, The Lorne Scots in 1936; the 21st (1885) became The Essex Scottish in 1927; the 29th (1866) became The Highland Light Infantry in 1915; the 42nd became The Lanark and Renfrew Scottish in 1927; the 43rd (1881) became The Ottawa Highlanders in 1922 and, in 1933, The Cameron Highlanders of Canada; the 50th (1913) and the 88th (1912) amalgamated to become The Canadian Scottish in 1920; the 59th became The Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry Highlanders in 1922; the 82nd became The Prince Edward Island Highlanders in 1927; and the 103rd became The Calgary Regiment and later The Calgary Highlanders in 1924. The Mississauga Regiment lasted a year before becoming The Toronto Scottish in 1921. A whole new array of kilted units (only The Lorne Scots were trewed) was thus added to the Canadian Militia List.

But the new regiments, as well as the old, had their problems in the between-wars years. These were not propitious years in Canada for things military; indifference and hostility towards the militia and towards military training were characteristic attitudes both in Parliament and out. The 1920s were the years of pacifist idealism and the 1930s of economic realism. Short of men, short of equipment, working with hand-me-down uniforms and hand-me-down weapons, the officers and men who devoted their time, effort and money to the militia performed a service for their country which was ill-appreciated at the time.

Then everything changed. War broke out in 1939. Men and money were readily available, and the military virtues, for nearly 20 years derided or ignored, became a source of popular admiration. On this occasion the Defence Department did not repeat the blunder of ignoring the militia units. The regiments mobilized in 1939 and 1940 were those which already existed in the peace establishment; and they included a considerable number of Canadian Highland units. Among those which served overseas in Italy and Northwest Europe between 1939 and 1945 were the 48th Highlanders (1st Canadian Infantry Brigade), The Seaforth Highlanders of Canada (2nd Brigade), The Essex Scottish (4th Brigade), The Black Watch (Royal Highland Regiment) of Canada, and The Calgary Highlanders (5th Brigade), The Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders (6th Brigade), The 1st Battalion Canadian Scottish (7th Brigade), The Highland Light Infantry of Canada, The Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry Highlanders, The North Nova Scotia Highlanders (8th Brigade), The Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders (10th Brigade), The Cape Breton Highlanders and the Perth Regiment (11th Brigade), and The Lanark and Renfrew Scottish (12th Brigade). The Toronto Scottish and the Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders of Canada served as divisional troops in the 2nd and 3rd Canadian Infantry Divisions. The Lome Scots provided defence and employment units at formation headquarters in Italy and Northwest Europe. In the North American zone, we find The Renfrew Scottish, the 2nd Battalion Black Watch, the 2nd Battalion Canadian Scottish, The Prince Edward Island Highlanders and The Scots Fusiliers.

The blooding of General Andrew McNaughton's Canadian Army in World War II began in August, 1942, when the Essex Scots returned with only two officers and forty-nine other ranks from the blood-stained beach of Dieppe. In the following year the 48th and the Seaforths of the 1st Canadian Division landed in Sicily and, joined later by The Cape Breton Highlanders of the 5th Armoured Division, began the long, slow, push up the boot of Italy, through the Hitler and Gothic Lines almost to the gates of Bologna. Finally, after twenty months of separation, they rejoined the other Canadian divisions in Northwest Europe. In June, 1944, the 3rd Canadian Infantry Division landed on the channel coast of France to be joined subsequently in the Normandy bridgehead by the 2nd Infantry and 4th Armoured Divisions. Under the command of General H.D.G. Crerar, they broke through the German defences between Caen and Falaise, pursued the retreating foe across France and Belgium into Western Holland, and secured a winter position on the river Maas. The Scottish units in these three Canadian divisions, like the other Canadian regiments, paid heavily for their victories, but none perhaps so heavily as The Black Watch, which experienced near disaster at the Verrieres Ridge on July 25, thus imposing upon the Calgary Highlanders the heavy and almost intolerable burden of carrying out not only their own responsibilities but those of The Black Watch, until the Royal Highlanders could recover. That the Calgaries were able to do this speaks volumes for their grit, training, and loyalty to their trust, and the determination of their commanding officer, Donald MacLauchlan. Early in 1945, the final offensive against the Germans began in the Reichwald. It continued, in the face of determined and often suicidal opposition, until the crossing of the Rhine. The final stage of the war saw the Canadians of both the 1st and 2nd Corps co-operating in the liberation of the whole of Holland.

When we read the battle honours of the Scottish regiments which formed part of the Canadian First Army, we read, in effect, the battle honours of all Canadian overseas regiments - Moro River, Ortona, Liri Valley, Hitler Line, Gothic Line, Coriano Ridge, Savio Crossing, Caen, Bourguebus Ridge, the Scheldt, Walcheren, Breskens Picket, Hochwald, Zutphen, Kusten Canal, Apeldoorn - these are only a sampling of the names inscribed on the colours of the various units which served in the Canadian army during World War II. These and other names are today part of Canada's military history, part of Canada's military tradition. It is a tradition which has been purchased at a high price in torn bodies and mutilated minds, and in determination, heroism, valour and self-sacrifice. It is a tradition of which we can be proud.32

The immediate post-war period has witnessed the organization of only two new Scottish regiments in Canada, or rather the conversion of three infantry regiments into Scottish regiments, the Lake Superiors, and the New Brunswick Rangers, which became respectively, the Lake Superior Scottish and The New Brunswick Scottish, and The Perth Regiment which became kilted in 1946. But other changes were in the offing. Three Canadian Highland regiments, The Cape Breton, The Pictou and The North Nova Scotia Highlanders were amalgamated into a single regiment, The Nova Scotia Highlanders, with two battalions - in New Brunswick, the New Brunswick Scottish and The Carleton and York became the 1st Battalion of The Royal New Brunswick Regiment. Today some eighteen Canadian regiments out of fifty-five in the post-war Canadian Army List bear Scottish names.33 One of these, The Black Watch, was activated as a regular regiment between 1953 and 1969. On the reduction to nil strength of the regular battalions of The Black Watch, the militia battalion became once again the perpetuating unit of what is the senior Highland regiment in the Canadian armed forces.

Mairidh an cliu gu brath
May their names live forever

But there are clouds of doubt gathering on Canada's military horizon. With the unification of the Canadian armed services and the acceptance of the principle of uniformity, the question arises as to what may be the future of Canada's Scottish regiments. To some Canadians, these regiments appear as anachronisms, relics of a past that is dead and gone. It is said that they no longer possess any ethnic significance, since officers and men alike are drawn from all the nationalities which now make up the composite Canadian population. Others point out that active service had denationalized the Scottish units in uniform as well as in personnel. They take the view that the unsuitability of the kilt in modern warfare, apparent when the khaki apron had to be introduced during the South African War and continued during the War of 1914-18, became obvious even to the most stubborn Scot when it had to be dropped entirely during World War II. Modern combat uniform has no place for a tartan kilt or a Glengarry bonnet. Efficiency must replace tradition, whether it be on the field of battle or in the counting house.

Undoubtedly efficiency will have its way, if only because it represents the future while tradition represents the past. But if we ignore tradition, will we not lose those qualities which tradition brings to us? Will we not sacrifice to the computer the virtues which have been the strength of our military history? Can efficiency provide an inspiration as moving and powerful as the memories of the achievements of those who have gone before us? Does the skirl of the pipes, the beat of the drum and the swing of the kilt no longer stir the sluggish blood of the young Canadians, whether they be of Scottish origin or not?

The end of the Scottish military tradition in Canada will mean the end of an era that began centuries ago in the mountains and glens of Scotland, that came to this country in the eighteenth century in the haversacks of Fraser's and Montgomery's Highlanders, and in the wooden trunks of those unhappy displaced Scotsmen seeking in Canada the freedom and future their own land could not afford them after "Butcher" Cumberland's "pacification."

NOTES

1. There is a further similarity between Canada and Scotland. It is not always realized that Canada has only 3.9% of its total area in arable land; 34.4% is in forest; 2.2% is in pasture; and the remainder is in city, mountain, waste and water areas. This is in contrast with the United States where 23.5% of the land is arable and 34.2% is pasture, with only 10% in city, mountain, waste and water areas.

2. David Stewart of Garth, Sketches of the Character, Manners and Present State of the Highlanders of Scotland (Edinburgh: Constable, 1822) I, 218.

3. Lord Mahon, History of England from the Peace of Utrecht to the Peace of Versailles (London: Murray, 1853) iii, 324-327.

4. Quoted in John Prebble, Culloden (London: Penguin, 1967), 163.

5. Ibid.,184.

6. Quoted in Mahon, iii, 327.

7. Gordon Donaldson, The Scots Overseas (London: Hale, 1966), 32.

8. Quoted in Frank Adam and Sir Thomas Innes of Learney, The Clans, Septs and Regiments of the Scottish Highlands (Edinburgh and London: Johnson, 1952),p.440.

9. The colonel of The Black Watch was a Lowlander, the Earl of Crawford and Lindsay, who had been raised in the Highlands by the Duke of Argyll. For a list of the original officers of The Black Watch see Stewart of Garth, I, pp. 227-228.

10. The Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment was John Campbell, later Duke of Argyll.

11. According to The Scots Magazine, 1973, 65,000 Scotsmen were enlisted, of which by far the greater number were from the Highlands. See Adam and Learney, p.441.

12. See for instance A.G. Wauchope, A Short History of The Black Watch Royal Highlanders 1715-1907 (London and Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1908), and B. Fergusson The Black Watch and the King's Enemies (London: Collins, 1950).

13. For James Johnstone's story see Memoirs of the Chevalier Johnstone, trans. C. Winchester, (Aberdeen: 1871).

14. "Malcolm Fraser's Journal of the Operations before Quebec, 1759," (Quebec Literary and Historical Society), 27. Quoted in G.F.G. Stanley, New France: The Last Phase (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1969), p.243.

15. Stewart of Garth, I, 319. The battle of Culloden was fought on April 16, 1746. The commander of the Highland host was Lord George Murray.

16. C.W. Dunn, Highland Settler: A Portrait of the Scottish Gael in Nova Scotia (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1953), p.64.

17. The sporrans were of raccoon rather than badger heads, thus giving the unit a distinctive North American feature of dress.

18. The Quebec Gazette, August 10, 1775. For various documents relating to The Royal Highland Emigrants and the KRRNY see A History of the Organization, Development and Services of the Military and Naval Forces of Canada (Historical Section of the General Staff, Ottawa, 1919-1920), Volumes II and III.

19. A History of the Organization etc., II, 167, 172: Caldwell to Murray, June 15,1776.

20. Ibid., ii, 143: Memorial of Malcolm Fraser, March 31, 1791.

21. lbid.,iii, 103: Germain to Haldimand, April 10, 1779.

22. John Keltie, A History of the Scottish Highlands, Highland Clans and Highland Regiments (Edinburgh: Fullarton, 1879) II, 566.

23. Quoted in J.P. MacLean, An Historical Account of the Settlements of Scotch Highlanders in America prior to the peace of 1783, together with Notices of the Highland Regiments and Biographical Sketches (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1968), 318. Captain Alexander Macdonald's letter book will be found in The Collections of the New York Historical Society, 1882. For an account of the 2nd Battalion, R.H.E., together with the muster roll, see Jonas Howe, "The Royal Emigrants," Acadiensis (Saint John, N.B., 1904), pp. 50-75.

24. A History of the Organization etc. II, 179: Carleton to Germain, July 8, 1776.

25. Ibid., iii, 162: Haldimand to Johnson, July 13, 1780.

26. Ibid., iii, 109: Haldimand to Clinton, May 26, 1779.

27. Quoted in G.F.G. Stanley, "The Contribution of the Canadian Militia during the War of 1812," in P.P. Mason, ed., After Tippecanoe - Some Aspects of the War of 1812-15 (Toronto: Ryerson, 1963), p.31.

28. See L.H. Irving, Officers of the British Forces in Canada during the War of 1812-15 (Welland: Tribune, 1908).

29. Quoted in R.M. Barnes (In collaboration with C.K. Allen), The Uniforms and History of The Scottish Regiments 1625 to the Present Day (London: Seely Service, 1956), p.316.

30. For the various changes in names and organization of Canadian regiments, see C.E. Dornbusch, Lineages of the Canadian Army, 1855-1961 (Cornwallville: Hope Farm Press, 1961).

31. H.M. Urquhart, The History of the 16th Battalion (The Canadian Scottish) Canadian Expeditionary Force in the Great War 1914-1919 (Toronto: Macmillan, 1932), p. 15.

32. Among the various regimental histories of Canadian Scottish regiments are E.J. Chambers, The 5th Regiment Royal Scots of Canada Highlanders (Montreal: Guertin, 1904); K. Beattie, 48th Highlanders of Canada 1891-1928 (Toronto, 1932); and Dileas, History of the 48th Highlanders 1925-1956 (Toronto, 1957); W. Boss, The Stormont, Dundas and Glengarry Highlanders 1783-1951 (Ottawa: Runge Press, 1952); F. Farran, The History of The Calgary Highlanders 1921-1954 (Toronto, 1955); D.W. Grant, Carry On - A History of The Toronto Scottish (n.p., 1949), H.M. Jackson, The Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders of Canada (Montreal, 1953); R. Roy, Ready for the Fray, The History of the Canadian Scottish (Vancouver, 1958); C.B. Topp, The 42nd Battalion CEF (Montreal, 1931).

See The Regiments and Corps of the Canadian Army prepared by the Army Historical Section, Volume I of the Canadian Army List (Ottawa, 1964).