ONE of the first acts of Richard's government towards Berwick was an order of protection for the burgesses, in these terms (Dec. 6, 1377) :

'The King to all Sheriffs, Mayors, etc., in England as in Scotland. Salute. Willing to do especial grace to our beloved in Christ the burgesses of our town of Berwick upon Tweed, who continually dwell in said fortified town in our allegiance not without great expense and labour, we take the burgesses and every one of their servants' rents, lands, possessions, and all goods under our special protection and defence, and therefore we command you that you maintain, protect, and defend the aforesaid burgesses' rents, etc., ut supra, neither inflicting on them any injury, molestation, hurt, impediment, or any other grievance whatsoever. If any one has caused any injury whatever to any one of them you cause that to be corrected and reformed without delay. We are unwilling that anything should be taken for our necessity, either of corn, hay, horses, conveyances, victuals, or other goods or chattels.'

This special protection of royalty was to last for three years: but all the King's good wishes could not prevent abuse of the town or castle. Next year, 1378, there was a more daring and successful assault made upon the latter. The raids I have mentioned became every year more destructive, and both sides desired peace. Percy and Sir John Gordon met at Berwick this year to arrange the terms of an armistice as the basis of a more enduring peace, when the news suddenly burst upon them that eight desperadoes had suddenly surprised Berwick Castle, which caused all thoughts of peace to be laid aside.

'On November 30th robbers of the Scottish March entered furtively the Castle of Berwick by night through a certain "foramen" of a certain tower, and finding the Constable of said Castle, Sir Robert de Boynton, a stout soldier, then unprepared, they slew him, but permitted his wife and family to escape upon condition of paying 2,000 marks within the three following weeks, or otherwise of rendering their bodies in prison. Then the next morning the same "Vespiliones" from the Castle through the contiguous country stole sheep and oxen and different kinds of animals, and led them for their food to the Castle, and it was hoped by many that these things were done by the counsel and favour of the magnates of Scotland. The Earl of Northumberland having heard of these proceedings hasted to besiege these malefactors, and without delay made an assault against the Castle, fighting them within with stone-throwing and other warlike machines for a long time. The same Earl had placed himself and his eldest son Henry (Hotspur) at the great gate of the Castle, Sir Alan de Heton and his men at another part, Thomas de Ilderton and his men at another part, and all the family of the Herons at a fourth part. And calling for the assistance of the " Most High," they made a simultaneous attack against the walls. Neither did the courage of the besieged fail them, for they repelled the English who were opposed to them bravely and manfully, and drove them from the breaches for more than two hours. At length, after a severe and long conflict, fortune smiling upon our soldiers, the traitors were miraculously captured, when all the lords whom we have mentioned surrounded the walls, entered together and at once, everyone at that point which he had undertaken to attack. Of the English two were slain and many wounded; but of the Scots there were slain forty-eight, one only being reserved to life who betrayed the counsels of the Scots to our men. . . . The Earl of Northumberland taxed the Earl of Dunbar with giving aid to the Scots, but Dunbar denied all complicity, and said he would assist the Earl to undo the Scots.'

It was very difficult to discover any other object than mere wantonness these eight men could have had in assaulting this stronghold. They must have been well aware they held their lives in their hands in so doing. The leader of the eight was said to be Alexander Ramsay, who was spared in the hope that he might reveal the object he had in this attack. Whether he ever revealed anything does not appear on the page of history.

In 1379 there is an incident related which throws a very characteristic light upon the habits of our seashore friends. A ship had sailed from Edinburgh to Tweedmouth with a cargo for which the Earl of Northumberland had paid £589 8s. 9d. On reaching the mouth of the harbour it became a wreck; when the Earl sent to try and recover his goods not a vestige remained; the whole had been carried away, stolen in the darkness of one night. The Earl sues for its restoration, and all are enjoined to be very diligent to discover the culprit.—'Rot. Scot.,' 1379.

On the conclusion of this attack upon the castle, renewed efforts were made for peace. The Duke of Lancaster, the King's uncle, was at this time sent north on this errand, with a considerable force to strengthen his endeavours. The Wardens of the Scots Borders met him at Berwick, and readily agreed to a year's truce. Then the year following the Duke was requested to meet at Abchester, near Ayton, with the eldest son of the Scotch King, when they agreed to a prolongation of the truce till the year 1384. It was when Lancaster was north that Jack Cade's rebellion took place in England. Lancaster, who was so conciliatory to the Scots, was the chief object of the hatred of Jack Cade's followers; but he remained safe across the Borders until the storm of this uprising passed. When the time came for his return home, Sir Matthew Redman, Captain of Berwick Castle, had strict orders from Northumberland f not to allow any one from Scotland to enter England by Berwick. The Duke, who had been slighted by Northumberland the previous year, presented himself at the gates, whither the Scots had escorted him with a convoy of 800 spears, and was refused admission. This led to a great disturbance, and the wrath of the Duke was only appeased when the northern Earl, at the King's request, sought pardon from the Duke for the terrible affront.

King Richard's protection still extended over the burgesses. He was kind and reasonable—at least his Council of Government was, with the Duke of Lancaster at its head. In 1383 the Council extended its benevolence to Berwick in a manner certainly worthy of note, not so much for the amount of the gift as for the reason given for it. A subsidy or new tax had been levied over the whole kingdom, viz., of 2s. on every hogshead of wine and 6d. on every pound weight of merchandise. But the Council said, 'We wish you to be exonerated of this tax because, first, Berwick is situated beyond the limits of the kingdom; secondly, the men of this same town are not accustomed to come to our Parliament; and thirdly they add, of right you ought not to be burdened with this subsidy.' No representation, no taxation. It says much for the Council of Regency that they were able to formulate so fair and faultless a principle. Were the statesmen of Richard II. in 1383 not more enlightened than those of George III. in 1761?.

The history of Berwick in 1384 seems dark and troubled, difficult to unravel. It seems that the Scots had burned the town in the month of May or June, but had obtained no possession. This is shown by a letter written by James Douglas, Lord of Dalkeith, Warden of the Marches of Scotland. Richard complained to him of the infraction of the truce then existing between the two countries. Douglas wrote Richard a characteristic letter, defending his conduct and accusing Richard of allowing his men against all honesty to 'herry' Scotland. The letter is long, but is highly illustrative of the period.

It bears date 26th July, 1383 :

*He excellent, and rycht mychty prynce, likit to your henes to wyte me, haff resavit your honorabile letters to me sende be a reverend fadir, the Abbot of Calkow, contenand that it is well knowin that trewis war tane and sworne o late betwix ye rewmys of Ingland and Scotlande, and for that yhu mervaulis gretly that my men be my wille and assent, has byrndc ye toun of Berwike and in other certayne places within the rewme of Ingland in brakyng fully ye saide trewis in my defaute and nathing in yhour and als agayn my othe made in streynthing of ye same trewis of ye qwhilke yhe desire rather that amende war made than any mar harme war done tharfor. Requirande me to do yhou to wyte qwhen I will gere refourme ye sayde attemptatz or qwhat my (full) will be to do o that matter. Anente ye qwhilkys, hee and excellent pyrnce, qwhar yhe say yhu mervalys gretly that my men be my will and assent has brenede ye toun of Berwike ye qwhilk is wythin Scotlande and other places in Inglande in brekyng fully of ye sayde trewis. I understand that giff yhour hee Ezcellence war clerly enfourmyte of ye brennying slachter and takyng of prisoners and Scottis schippis that is done be your men to Scottysmen wta ye saide trewis in devers places in Scotland before ye brynnyng of Berwike ye qwhilk skathis our lege lorde ye Kynge and his liege has pacientlye tholyte in ye kepying of ye saide trewis and chargit me til aske and ger be askyte be my deputy redress tharof, ye qwhilk my depute has askyte at dayis of March and nane has gottyne me think o resoune yhe sulde erar put blame and punicioun to ye doarys of ye saide trespas done agayn ye trewis in swilke maner, and callys thai rather brekare of ye trew than me that has tholyte sa mykylle injur so lang and nane amends gottyn. But it is like that ye gret attemptatz that yhour men dois agayn ye trewis is well concelyte fra yhour audience, for I suppos and yhe wist it yhe wold of yhour hee worschipe ger it to be refourmyte and redressit as ye cause requiryte. For lang befor ye bryning of Berwike yhour men com within our lorde ye Kynge's awin proper lande of Arane and til his Castell of Brathwike and brynt his Chapelle and other diverse places of that lande and toke and rawnsomde ye capetaine of ye saydc Castell and slew his son and heryde al thai mycht ourtakc ; And alsua thai had takyne befor that tym certayne Scotts schippis chargit with marchander and ye marchands tharof in ye contrer of ye said trewis; of ye qwhilk reparacioun and redress has bene askyte befor ye brenyng of Berwike and nane gottyn, and qwhar yhe say that Berwike that stande in Scotlande ye qwhilke toun yhe call yhouris in yhour saide letters and certayne lands of yhouris wythin Ingland was brende be my men be my will and my assent (brekand ye trewis in my defaute and nocht in yhouris and in ye contrar of my athe) parts I answer in this maner that qwhat tyme it like to our lege lorde ye Kyng to yhour hee Ezcellence to ordane redress to be made be his comisaris and youris of all attemptatz done of ather syde. I sail wyth ye helpe of Gode mak it well kennyt that I haff trewly kepit my athe and ye trewis as apperys to me of resoun. And qwha ever enfourmyt yhour Ezcellence that I had broken my athe it had bene fayrar for him to haffe sende that quarell in to wryte under his selle and till haff tane answer greable as apperit to him under my selle agayne, than sua untrewly in my absence till enfourme yhour Ezcellence. For I trayst he has said mar in my absens than he dar avow in my presens. For nocht to displece yhour honour learys (liars) sulde be lytille alowit wyth ony sic worschipfull Kyng as yhe ar ; and qwhar yhe say in yhour saide lettres that yhe desir rather amends of attemptatz done agayn yhour trewis than ony man was done tharfor. To that I answer in this manner that qwhen yhour sayde Ires come to me oure lorde ye Kyng was passit in ye north partis of Scotland, and I with all gudly haste sende yhour lettres til him, of ye qwhilke at ye makyng of yir lettres I had none answer. Neverthelast qwhen I hade understandyne yhour Ires I gert cry in diverse places ye truce to be kepit, traystand that it suld be sua done on ye tothir parte aftyr ye qwhilk crye yhour men of Inglande has rydyne in Scotlande wyth gret company like in fere of were and heryde Lawadyrdalle, Tevydale and a part of Etryke Forest, ye qwhilk at ye makyng of yir lettres was tholyte and nocht done tharfor. And giff ye trewis sail stande it lyes to yhour heenes to see for c hasty sing of trespassouris and for amends of attemptatz done and that be tym. And qwhat yhe vochesaff of yhour heenes to do twychand ye forsayd materis yhe wold certify mc to your letter wyth all gudly haste. He Almychty prynce, ye Haly Gast haff in his yheimsell ever more.'

There is no doubt about the ability of this letter, and of its special pleading; neither does it leave any doubt about Berwick having been burnt in that year. Later in the year the Scots gained possession of the castle, it is said by bribery. Northumberland's Deputy-Governor suffered himself to be bribed to deliver up this stronghold to the King of England's enemies. The King, and especially Lancaster, who still nursed his wrath against the Earl, were angry at the loss. Northumberland was summoned to appear at London to answer for his remissness of duty. He preferred to remain in the north ; he said the marches needed his presence. He knew, on the other hand, his going to London might involve the loss of his head. But gathering from the tone of the King and Parliament that they were in earnest, the Earl immediately set himself to recover Berwick. The weather was too unpropitious to lay a regular siege, so he bribed the Scots with 2,000 marks to give up the castle, which was done without delay. The charge against him, at this time, of want of fidelity to the King was groundless, and the King, after this action, pardoned and restored him to his favour.

In the opening months of the next year, when quietness once more prevailed in Berwick, the King was anxious to repair the ravages made by the Scots soldiers when in the early part of the past year they burned the town. In January Commissioners were appointed to report on the state of the fortifications, and to inspect the men-at-arms and archers in the garrison of Berwick. In March the inhabitants were asked to repair the damages out of the following resources granted to them by the King: viz., a small custom of that town put into their hands to collect and employ; the revenues of the horse-mills for four years; the ferm of the town for this year, and the half of it for two years more. And further to encourage people to dwell in town, all lands and tenements laid waste by the war were to be given to whosoever would occupy them, and the soldiers, men-at-arms, and archers who had entered into the houses, and were now inhabiting them, to the great hurt of the burgesses, were ordered to pay rent for their houses, which was declared the right thing to be done, and to the burgesses was granted the sole right of selling merchandise and victuals of England to the Scots during the truces.

In this history the battle of Otterburn does not fall to be described. But an odd circumstance arising out of that battle shows the manners of the age, that though they were rough and uninviting, yet they were not devoid of chivalry. Sir Matthew Redman, Deputy-Governor of Berwick under the Percys, was of a valorous and bellicose nature. He it was who shut the gates of the town in the face of the Duke of Lancaster. He joined the Bishop of Norwich in an expedition to Flanders on behalf of Pope Urban against Pope Clement, and now always ready for fight, he hastened to the fray at the famous battle of the Chevy Chace. Along with Sir Robert Ogle, he was appointed to command one of the divisions of the army. When the destinies of the day, or rather of the night, were decided against the English, Redman rode off, as may be well imagined, in no amiable mood. Sir James Lindsay, chief of the clan of that ilk, had likewise taken a valiant part in the battle, and was close by Douglas when he fell. Noticing Redman ride off, Lindsay immediately pursued and overtook him. After a brave contest for liberty he at length succumbed, and became prisoner to Sir James.

Sir Matthew said, ' Lindsay, I yield me.'

'Rescue or no rescue?' queried the Scot.

'I consent. You will take good care of me.'

'That I will' said Lindsay, 'and for a beginning, what shall I do with you?'

'I wish' said he, 'that you would allow me to return to Newcastle, and by St. Michael I will render me at Edinburgh, Dunbar, or where you will in Scotland'.

'I am willing,' said Sir James; 'let it be at Edinburgh, on the day you name'.

Such was the chivalry of the period that it was perfectly understood that the bargain was inviolable, and would certainly have been carried to an honourable issue, had not a strange adventure overtaken Lindsay. As he was returning to his army he lost his way. He came at last to a path which he thought was the right one. It was the direct road to Newcastle, on which he very soon met the Bishop of Durham coming too late with a contingent of soldiers to Percy's aid. Sir James unwittingly and unsuspectingly fell a prisoner into his hands, and was actually in Newcastle before Redman, his own prisoner. Redman having noticed Sir James's squire on his arrival, obtained the news of Lindsay's misfortune. He called upon him, and saluted him:

'What has brought you here, Sir James?'

'By my faith, Redman, ill-luck! I believe there will be no need for your coming to Edinburgh to obtain your release; we can finish the matter here, if my master consent.'

'We shall soon agree to that,' said Redman. 'But you must come and dine with me'.

'I accept your invitation.'

Froissart, who relates this story, adds 'that these two knights did rally each other, and bandy words of merriment.' The English knight, "Little did I think to find my master here." "Such," replied Lindsay, "is the chance of arms. As little thought I last night of gaining so little by chasing the English."'

This Governor of Berwick would wile away many a winter's night by relating these strange adventures.

We hear no more of Berwick's outward and military history till Richard was deposed, and Bolingbroke assumed the reins of power as Henry IV., King of England. During this interval Berwick gained a breathing-time to set its house in order. In what state the streets were kept at this period it is impossible to say. In after years the subject becomes plain enough. Now, all information is fragmentary. In 1387 an order was issued by the King, conferring on the burgesses the right of levying taxes upon all goods entering the town, for reparation and emendation of the pavement of the town. Previous to this, there had evidently been an attempt at paving. The taxes or tolls were to be levied upon goods imported and sold in the town; live stock were to be charged so much a head, and general merchandise so much a horse-load, or so much by weight and measure. These tolls were to be levied for one year, after which they were to cease and be wholly deleted. Again, in 1388, the inhabitants were further favoured by being allowed to trade to Zeeland, with two ships named the Godyere and Holy Ghost, under their respective^masters, Thomas Crovey and Thomas Clark. This privilege was conferred because the burgesses had been at great expense and trouble about the fortifications, and, to help them still further, they were to be allowed a certain custom called the * halfpenny toll/ another certain custom of ships, along with stallage and fines of court, from this date for four years. They were allowed forty marks out of the Royal Exchequer, with which they were competently to repair the wall near the eastern part of the Hospital called the 'Domus Dei,' now lying completely flat. This was the year of Otterbourne, at which Hotspur, who was Governor of Berwick, and Assistant-Warden, along with his father, of the East Marches, was taken prisoner. Thomas, Earl of Nottingham, Earl Marshal of England, superseded father and son in both offices. His appearance must have been hailed with rapturous delight. It seems as if especially the soldiers danced for joy that the Northumbrian family had no longer opportunity to tyrannize. They were commanded by royal order not to destroy, nor to burn, nor to waste house, garret, or lodging, especially on the arrival of our dearest Earl Marshal, coming to these parts as Keeper of the Town. The soldiers, roused up to mischief in their frolics, had been in danger of giving a rather warm reception to their Governor. Although so favourably received, he did not long enjoy his position, for in 1390 the offices were again conferred on Northumberland, and upon Hotspur, who was obliged to pay so heavy a sum for his ransom that Montgomery, his master in the fight, built the Castle of Penoon in Ayrshire with the amount. But, while the Earl Marshal was Governor, the burgesses obtained a new concession, about which they were afterwards very tenacious. When merchandise was being shipped from England to Scotland all goods were to be landed at Berwick, and then either transhipped or reloaded and sent by sea or land to their destination. The object of this curious transaction was to foster the trade and increase the customs of the place. Even after this indulgence the burgesses were not allowed to trade unmolested. The wool trade was again interfered with ; all light taxes were abolished, and the ordinary English tax demanded. Moreover, 3s. was laid on every hogshead of wine, and I2d. on every pound-weight of goods except wool, which was already paying too heavy a tax. A change occurred after three years—the 12d. tax was abolished, and the burgesses were allowed to import, free of duty, 42 dozen of cloth, 6 hhds. and 7 pipes of wine, 60 saddles, 12 dozen of amber vases, 18 worsted cloths, 1 chest with barks and candles, 1 barrel with cups, and 2 barrels of various merchandise.

The castle and fortifications were still defective. A commission was appointed, in 1396, to inquire into their defects from the beginning of Richard's reign, and of all expenses laid out on the same. The castle in that year was very ruinous. The result of this commission is not known. No trace of the document has been found. The continued ruinous state of the walls is a mystery, in the face of the splendid building which the masons of that period could put together. Probably it was only the facing-stone that had been worn away either by water or by the strokes of battering-rams.

Bolingbroke came to the throne in 1399. He continued all the Berwick officials, and confirmed their appointments. The same regulations as in Richard's reign served to guide the Custom House officers in levying the taxes on wool. The three divisions were still the same: (1) Between the Tweed and Coket; (2) The English districts in Scotland; (3) The purely Scotch districts. Henry IV. had so much more difficult work on hand that the constant intermeddling with the trade ceased. In ordinary circumstances, the trade in wool ought now to have largely increased, but the military display and activity grew rapidly from century to century, and proved a powerful counteracting influence to the natural development of trade. The Northumberland family had for a lengthened period (since x333) held the Governorship of Berwick, and Wardenship of the East Marches. The Earl, in company with Neville, Earl of Westmoreland, headed the conspiracy against Richard II., and they set Henry IV. on the throne. For services rendered, Northumberland was suitably rewarded. Amongst other honours showered upon him, he was made Constable of England, Warden of the Western Marches, Sheriff of Northumberland, and continued in his office as Warden of the East Marches, while his son Hotspur was kept as Assistant-Governor of Berwick. But, ambitious, haughty, overbearing, these nobles could brook no opposition. A cause of quarrel soon arose with the King. Hotspur, among the reasons of discontent, asserted that he had not been fully satisfied of his wages as Governor of the Border town, nor his father as Warden of the Marches, He, in short, demanded £20,000 in redemption of the King's liabilities, a sum the King could not pay. The King knew himself to be a usurper on the throne, and dared not ask a subsidy, and he had no other means of gratifying Hotspur's intemperate demands. . Stirred by undercurrents of hatred against the very King they themselves had elevated to the throne, the Percys again raised the standard of rebellion, and proceeded immediately to open war. They likewise liberated Archibald, Earl of Douglas, who had been taken prisoner at the bloody field of Homildon, on condition that he would assist them in their rebellion, and in their attempt to put Mortimer upon the throne. Douglas was promised Berwick as a free gift in case of success. The battle-field of Shrewsbury shortly afterwards saw the complete overthrow of the scheme, the death of Hotspur, the captivity of Douglas, and the enforced flight of the Earl of Northumberland, who had been prevented by sickness from fighting with his son on that fatal field. Summoned to the King's presence, he thought it prudent to surrender. Putting on a bold face, he presented himself to the King at York, and meanly blamed his own son Hotspur for his rashness in fighting at Shrewsbury. The old Earl was pardoned and kept in custody till early next year, when he was liberated and received lenient treatment from Henry. The Castles of Berwick and Jedburgh were actually restored to his keeping in November of that year. But the spirit of revolt was unquenchable in the old man; he joined a new conspiracy to set the Earl of March upon the throne. His lands and possessions were once more confiscated, and he and his followers escaped north to Berwick. Thither the King followed with large forces, and demanded the surrender of the Earl's castles as he proceeded. On coming to Alnwick, he summoned it to surrender; but the Captain called out, 'Wynne Berwick ones, and you shall have your entent'. The King passed on to Berwick, which Sir Wm. Graystock attempted to hold; but the first shot from a cannon of large bore demolished part of a tower, and caused such consternation that the garrison immediately surrendered. The Earl, before this took place, had been asked by the King to deliver, or cause to be delivered to royal commissioners, the Castle of Berwick as well as the Percy Tower, the seal called Coket, and the annual rent of 500 marks, payable to him out of the customs of Berwick. But instead of obeying the order, he left the castle in charge of Graystock, and set out for Scotland, taking with him the infant son of Hotspur. This child was cared for at the Court of Scotland. When the young Scotch King, not long after this, March 30th, 1405, was going to France for his education, young Percy was on board as his companion. Both were taken prisoners by Henry, and kept for a time as captives. This King's successor, the brave and energetic Henry V. of England, took a liking to this young scion of a proud English earldom, and very soon restored him to his lands and honours. To return, the taking and re-taking of Berwick at this time seem simple enough, but we learn from the 'Rolls of the English Parliament,' that when the old Earl came forth from the Yorkshire conspiracy,

'That the said Henry Percy, with several of his accomplices, came into the town of Berwick-on-Tweed, and by force took the keys of the same town from the Mayor and burgesses, and delivered or caused them to be delivered to the Scots—enemies of our lord the King, and of his kingdom of England—which Scots, by comfort; favour, and counsel of Henry de Percy and his accomplices, robbed and pillaged the said town and the inhabitants of it, and afterwards set fire to the same town.

Holinshed adds that Berwick was sacked, and every house in it burned save the Friaries and the churches. This was done by the Scots when Northumberland aided them in getting possession of it. That this burning of Berwick was severe, there remains little doubt, for, in December, 1405, 1,000 marks were given by the King's order to the burgesses from the customs of the town for emendation and reparation of the houses and habitations destroyed by the rebels and enemies, f Northumberland's rebellions came shortly after this to a sorrowful end. Hiding for a time in Scotland, he was again drawn into active opposition, met the royal forces at Bramham Moor, and was there slain. Treated as a traitor, his body was quartered, and a portion of it suspended at Berwick, the scene of so much of his active life. It was soon afterwards removed by the Countess and reverently buried. The Percys had drawn others besides themselves into rebellion. The King had granted, in 1404, certain customs of the Water of Tweed, as well as the toll of the town, to one Alexander France, by the King's special grace and in recompence of past labours and services rendered, and of those to be rendered, to his royal master: 'We grant him the petty custom of the Water of Tweed, and the toll of the same town, with all conveniences and profits pertaining to said toll and custom, which may amount to £10 or more.' This grant was to continue as long as it should please the King. But France's loyalty had been of short duration. Assisting Northumberland in his rebellion, he was deprived of his profits in 1405 for disobedience, and their exits were now transferred to Lawrence Everard, a soldier under the King, a soldier wounded and no longer able for active duty. With all their warlike propensities there was a drop of the milk of human kindness in the blood of these old Angevin Kings. In 1340 Edward III. committed the custody of the gate of the Blessed Mary to a soldier, Richard Danseye, who had rendered great service in the Scots wars, and had received injury and loss from being taken prisoner by the enemy. Richard was not to be removed for any cause, until fault has been first proved against him in the King's presence.

The Percys, being now represented by a mere youth, could no longer hold in their own person the high offices on the Borders that had been so long established in their family; the King had, in short, as early as 1403, conferred the Wardenship of the Marches and the Governorship of Berwick upon his young son John, afterwards Duke of Bedford. He was only fourteen years of age when appointed, and in 1405, when he had served the office for two years, a grant of £1,000 was given him out of the tithes of York and Canterbury, for the safe keeping of Berwick and the East Marches. This liberal treatment did not last long, for we have from his pen, in 1409, a very strongly-worded letter to his father the King, urging payment of arrears and the propriety of putting the fortifications of the town into a proper state of repair. He says:

'If any power or ordnance of the Scots or other shall be directed to assail the town and Castle of Berwick, they cannot be safely guarded, because they are neither repaired, stored, nor victualled, nor in any manner defensible, more particularly on account of the ruinous state of the walls and weakness of the gates and bridges, insomuch so that no soldier or burgess can remain, unless better order be made for the repair and storing of the same ; and there is so much the greater doubt that any enterprise to take the same may suddenly be successful, because the famine will be extreme and would extend to many persons if such an event should happen, which God forbid; Therefore, for the love of God, and for the honour of the King, and for the surety and safeguard of the town, castle, and marches aforesaid, be pleased to provide a speedy convenient remedy for avoiding the perils and mischief which will certainly happen, and which cannot in any manner be avoided unless provision be made in all haste possible for the same; also be pleased to consider tenderly the suffering and distress which the soldiers of the Warden in the said town of Berwick have long suffered and endured, whereof it is piteous to hear so much ; as you already do well know that a great part of them are on the point of famishing. When they venture forth to obtain sustenance, they are attacked by the enemy and taken prisoners, to their final destruction, and all for want of payment of their wages. Also the writer himself in contriving to save the said town has oftentimes been, and still is, on the point of being left desolate ; and for the cherishing and refreshment of the soldiers has parted amongst them the substance of his revenues which he has for maintaining his own proper state, and hath also converted his own silver plate into money to distribute among them. He and his friends are in such deep debt that unless speedy payment be made, the damage and loss will be great, as well as loss of fame, honour, and confidence, and the final destruction of the garrison aforesaid. He appends a statement of debt: Due to Warden and soldiers to Candlemas last past (1409), £14,174 17s. 10½d besides £188 5s, due to him for fee for the defence of Castle of Berwick. He prays for relief of soldiers. It is a pity to hear their distress. The Warden has no certainty he can be longer than March 17th. So, for the love of God, let provision be made for avoiding this impending danger, and that the good fame and honour of the Warden may be protected and preserved.'

Later in the same year, the young Warden urged still more persistently the repairs of the town:

'Remedy this state of things, else relieve me of the Wardenship. Also give directions for repair of walls, and for repair of town and Castle of Berwick. The walls in two places are level with the ground, one place 60 rods and in another 40. And in the castle, at the entrance at the postern behind the hall, 7 rods and more, and the Constable's Tower and that quarter of the wall are thrown down with the King's cannon, which used to be placed there, so that no man can use them in the wall. Let all this be done before winter, for danger is greater then. Unless this is done the garrison cannot remain in town. Also let this town be supplied with cannon, ammunition, artillery, victuals, and other stores necessary and defensible, by order of the King, to resist the malice and invasion of the enemy if occasion should require, considering that at the time the town was burnt no article of defence was saved for the same. Soldiers have not been paid for one and a half years, and they have suffered great distress by reason of the burning aforesaid.'

The Wardens complained in this strain over and over again. No pay, starvation, necessity to pawn anything and everything. Probably the present Warden was worse treated than his fellows ; the King seems to have taken advantage of his son. The town was ruinous enough, as these letters show—walls broken down in several places, town and castle in great want. Stranger than all, it seems that little or no attention was paid to the urgency of the Warden: for five years later, in 1414, he again wrote:

'The walls of the town and castle are so ruinous, and in many places fallen to the ground, and the gates and drawbridges so weak that they are unfit for defence. Neither is there any other store of cannon, gunpowder, armour, artillery, nor victuals, proper for defence of the same. The whole was taken away at the late rebellion of the Earl of Northumberland, without any amendment or reparation made relative thereto. Thus are the town and castle, as it were, more desolate and daily in danger of being taken by the enemy at their pleasure, saving the grace of God and the order taken by the Warden for the safety of the same, at all times of necessity, at his insupportable expense. The town has remained long in this condition, the soldiers and burgesses suffering more than any other save in time of siege. For there is yet due to me and the soldiers, besides what has passed to me by ordinance, £13,099 9s. 6d., and thus has the Warden been obliged to sell and mortgage a great part of his estate, to coin a great quantity of his plate, or to pledge a great part of his poor jewels; the burgesses and soldiers to whom this money is due say that if not paid they will leave this town desolate. He prays speedy remedy. He has been Warden for ten years, and never received a penny reward; not like other keepers of the town, Percy and his friends, who received £1,000 a year and more for keeping it.'

This was not the first strong remonstrance to amend Berwick. Northumberland and his son Hotspur, in 1401, wrote thus to the King:

'They acquaint the King that the walls are faulty both of the town and Castle of Berwick. In several places three or four rods together are fallen down. The gates are old and can defend nothing, and the fosses are broken. All which faults have been shown to Robert Hatfield, your Controller. May it please you to amend these faults, and to send a reasonable sum of money due to your Chamberlain for this purpose.'

It is strange that this ruinous state of the town was allowed to continue, since their enemies, the Scots, were threatening them always so closely. The wars of the Borders not only harmed the town of Berwick, but the whole district. Two favourites of the King, William Thorp and Robert Tanfield, received a grant of two manors, Edrington and Lathame, and fisheries, on the English part of Scotland. The manors are described in the grant as now lying devastated and ruinous, and so they have lain as long as memory exists.

In 1412 the King began to soothe the burgesses by granting for ten years the right of buying and selling merchandise where they pleased, and by allowing them a general tax of 13s. 4d. on every sack of wool, every last of hides, and every 240 pelts. This grant was declared to be given because of the destruction of goods and chattels of the burgesses from day to day by the Scots, and the great devastation and weakening of the town, as well as for the increase of men dwelling in it. It was given, likewise, for the better continuance and increase of the King's custom. The young Warden had no longer to endure the poverty of his position, for Henry V. being now raised to the throne, John had the high office of Guardian of England conferred upon him, and Edward, Duke of York, was appointed successor in the minor offices of Warden of the Marches and Governor of Berwick. In 1414 there was a grand tournament in the town, which it may not be too much to suppose was held to celebrate the change of Governors. We have but scant information concerning it, for Wyntoun no longer accompanies us with his life-like descriptions. From the 'Scots Rolls' 15 October, 1414, we learn that a safe-conduct was given to William Douglas of Drumlanrig in Scotland, Knight, with six persons to be named by himself in his company, to come to Berwick and do feats of arms there with John Clifford, Knight, with other six persons of England to be named by him, with horses, armour, etc., and certain other persons to the number of eighty horsemen. Here is the making of a great and gay tournament; but no details are extant—the scene has passed away for ever. 1st March, 1417, by the Earl of Northumberland. This son of Hotspur had been taken prisoner along with the King of Scots. If this be true, and there is no good reason for calling it in question, he had returned to Scotland again; when, or how, or why, does not seem clear to any historian. But it is certain that, about this time, negotiations were entered upon with Albany for an exchange between£Murdoch, his son, who was a prisoner in England, and young Hotspur. These negotiations proceeded without any definite result until the end of the year 1415, when the arrangements were completed, and the exchange of prisoners actually took place on the Calf Hill, near Berwick. No sooner was the exchange effected than young Henry, who had previously been restored to his earldom, even when a prisoner in Scotland, was made Warden of the East Marches and Governor ofj Berwick. Albany's policy underwent a complete change on the return of his son Murdoch to Scotland. He kept friendly with the English King as long as his son was in the power of England, but now, when Henry V. was engaged in his French wars, he openly brought an army down upon Berwick and Roxburgh to besiege or at least threaten both; but an imposing army from the south under Bedford frightened Albany, who withdrew after accomplishing so little, either for glory or for profit, that the expedition got the popular name of the Foolish, or Fools' Raid. When Albany retired from the south of Scotland, a most destructive raid was made by the English, led by Sir Robert Umfraville, Lieutenant or Deputy-Governor of Berwick, throughout all that district. He seems to have burned Hawick, Selkirk, Jedburgh, Dunbar, Lauder, and Lauderdale, as well as the forests of Etryke, Jedburgh, and Teviotdale. The Earl of Northumberland now set about putting Berwick in order, to enable it to resist the Scots. Early in 1418, victuals and all necessaries were sent on to the town, and labourers for the castle were sent in the same year. It was likewise ordered that vehicles be seized for carrying torments, ballistic, and other engines of war to Berwick: Two strong and sufficient carts and so many horses to draw them as may suffice to carry cannons, ballistic, bows and arrows, and other artillery for fortifying our Castle of Berwick/ It was none too soon, for the Scots were determined to be troublesome. However, Hardyng says: 'There is no lord in Ingland that may defend you agayn Scotland so well as he, for they (the Percys) have the hertes of the people by north, and ever had ; and doubt it not the north part be your true liege-men.' In 1421, these northern and burdensome offices were conferred upon the Earl anew, and he was now to receive £5,000 per year in time of war, and the half of this sum in time of peace. Next year Henry V. died in France, and was succeeded by his son, a minor. The country was left to the government of a regency, when the Scots considered it a favourable time for once more assaulting Berwick. Murdoch, now the Regent of Scotland, approached Berwick and Roxburgh with considerable force, but made no impression on either of the towns or fortresses. The expedition ended much as the former had done, and was contemptuously called by the English the 'Dirtin Raid'. The Council of Regency in England was now favourable to the restoration of the Scottish King, and he was in March, 1423, accordingly delivered to the Scotch Commissioners at Durham, and is said to have come with a great train of English lords and ladies to Berwick, f He was liberated for a ransom of £40,000 of good English money, which was to be paid in equal parts in the next six years. Out of the first payment that was made the Earl of Northumberland, as Warden and Governor, received his salary, as well as the wages of the soldiers maintained by him for defence of Berwick and the East Marches. Money was not plentiful in England. The French wars had greatly wasted it; for again, in 1427, the Earl received £2,000 from the Treasurer of Calais for wages to himself and his men-at-arms. 1,000 marks from the same source were at this time paid to John Skipton, clerk of the works, to be laid out in repairs of castle and town. In the same year, Skipton was made overseer of the works, with power to employ workmen and to obtain all things necessary, viz., hewers, carpenters, masons, plumbers, tilers, and other workmen, also stones, timber, tiles, glass, iron, lead, and carts for freightage of the same. Robert of Ogle was at this time Deputy-Governor of Berwick, for, in the year preceding Skipton's appointment, he deputed his work to Henry Swinburn in these terms of indenture:

'Thys indenture, made the 4th of Appryll, the fourth yere of our lord Kyng Henry VI., beres wytnes that I, Robert of Ogle, Knight, have put the safgarde of the Castell of Berwyk to William of Swynburne, Knight, safely to kepe with the Percy Tour unto the fest of All Hallow next to come efter the date of the present, and the said Sir Robert Ogle sail paie or make to be paid to the said William Swynburne, or his attorne, for ever, ilk threttene wekys of the said terms fyfe and twenty ponde of Inglyse mone lawfull. In wytnes of the whilk to thys indenture the foresaid Robert and William thayre seals enterchaungeable to these indents same day and yere aforesaid.'

It would be a strange transaction nowadays to allow a deputy to depute his work without the avowed knowledge of his superior. It is seldom, indeed, at this period that we get even a glimpse into the trade of the town, or into any of its doings. This may fairly be described as the 'dark age' in respect to our knowledge of Berwick. In the fourteenth century our acquaintance with its trade and fortunes is sufficiently vivid to give us an understanding of the state of the burgh; but in the fifteenth our information is very meagre—only a stray light here and there penetrating the darkness. When we come to the sixteenth and onwards, there is a superabundance of materials to choose from, to enable us to illustrate the doings of our ancestors. Meanwhile we grasp at everything that occurred. The Berewicenses had, in 1429, considered they were to be entirely ruined by being forced to use Calais as their staple of exchange and trade. Here is an argument attempting to overthrow this false idea:

'For as moche as grete noyse renneth by men of ye Newcastell and Berwyk, yat if yai brought yair wolles to ye staple at Caleys yai shuld be undone and destroid of which ye contraire is soone and well proved for ye Maire of ye said staple and his feleship will geve yaim for ye quantite of yair wolles and felles like as has bene answered yere of oone yere with anothir of custum and subsidy as moch as yai have bene solde for in Flanders and in oyer place whair yai repaire to be paied at reasonable termes in gold and silver to be brought into yis Roiaume. Wherefore now all licenses to export anywhere shall be repealed. In consideration of ye effusion of alle ye roial bloode, and ye greete goode yat hathe bene spent upon ye conquest of ye said toun, which every trwe Englishman ought to have in full grete cherte and tendernesse.'

The argument to support Calais as the staple for Berwick wools must be weak when the writer had to appeal to the loyalty of the traders, and to the amount of royal blood shed in its conquest. The argument was not strengthened by the royal blood shed in its support; for the burgesses of Berwick got permission shortly afterwards to export whither they pleased, and to make the best bargain they could in any open port of Europe.

The English King now made a proposal to James of Scotland (1432) that, if adopted, would have changed the current of all the future history of the two nations ; but, like other proposals of a similar nature, it was rejected by the Scots Parliament with scorn. Henry VI. offered to deliver up the old Scotch counties of England —Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland—if the Scotch King would break with France, and join him in a league offensive and defensive. On the refusal of this offer it is said that the English ambassadors left Stirling without leave-taking, t And then Berwick and the Borders once again suffered from the outbreak of the war spirit of the two nations.

James, King of Scotland, sent about this time the Dragon Pursuivant to the King of England with this complaint:

'The Scots Sling, at the instance of the Earl of Mortaigne, had granted favors to the inhabitants of Berwick until the next Parliament, which favors he caused to be kept and performed. Yet the Marshall and soldiers of Berwick had come into his lands in form of war at divers times, and had foraged and burnt to the great destruction of his people, under the pretence, firstly, that they had orders to do so, notwithstanding the ordinance made by the commissioners; and, secondly, because certain cattle were taken from them by the Scots.....

'The King of Scots therefore requests the King of England to appoint persons to settle these disagreements and to cause the inhabitants of Berwick and Roxburgh to refrain from these mischiefs. For it was notorious they should so behave. While he was loading them with courtesies and favors, they were robbing, slaying, burning their lands.'

This is all very plain and fair, but let us hear Henry VI. on the other side:

'Instruccon geven by the King unto the Lord Fitzhugh and the King's Commissioners for the next day of March.

'Item: for as much as the inhabitants of Berwik and Rokesburgh hath bene robbit and despoiled of their bestes and godys, and grete and notable harings slaghters of men suffered within the boundys of Berwik and Roxburgh, the whiche boundys the King of Scottes disclamys, etc. Whedir the said inhabitaunts shall be compellit to mak reparacon of attemptats doon by them on the ground of Scotlande vpon los than [unless] the King's subjects of Scotland repair the attemptats doon by thaim within the boundes of Berwick and Roxburgh. In this article the King wills that the said inhabitants of Berwick and Roxburgh be not compellit to mak a reparacon to the party of Scotland for the causes aforesaid upon loss than the said party of Scotland make reparacon of attemptats doon by thaim, within the said boundes of Berwyk and Roxburgh as resoun demandeth and requireth.'

At the same time that this letter was written he instructed the soldiers of his town of Berwick—

'That he wol and praieth them that they kepe wache and warde in the said town, and do all her devoirs [duties] as to the kepyng and aaufgard of the same, lyk as they haue had in charge hereupon under his cousin the erle of Northumberland, the which erle laboured and laboureth daily for paiment of their wags of the which as sone as any money may growe to the paiement of the same the Kyng wol agrement be made, and therevpon in all goodly haste had that vpon reson then shal holde him content.'

The King of England, or at least his counsellors, would be very bold in the first of these notes, when, at a day of truce, they preferred their commands before the Commissioners; in the second, calm and cunning counsel is given that the inhabitants of Berwick hold themselves in readiness for all emergencies: the Scots, their enemies, are ready, and mean mischief. The whole of this correspondence arose out of the raid of the Scots of the 3rd July, 1433, when they assembled in great force before Berwick, and then preyed upon the country, and took away with them '60 horses and 600 nowt.' The Kings continued for a year or two to discuss the question of reparation, when at length, in 1438, a truce was agreed upon, and acted on, as far as the keepers of the Marches on both sides were concerned. It came into force after a threatening of Berwick by the King of Scots in 1436, and an appointment of commissioners to observe his movements, and restrain them, if possible. The commission consisted of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, Richard, Earl of Westmoreland, Thomas Clifford, Thomas Dacre, John Graystock, George Latymer, William Fitzhugh, Knights—sufficiently notable men to compel the Scots to quietness for a while. This truce, ratified on 1st May, 1438, lasted seven years, and was continued afterwards for stated periods. In this truce, for the first time, some attempts were made to define the limits within which the soldiers and others, residing in Berwick, in the King's name, should have grass and hay for their beasts, as well as fuel and other necessaries. There is no doubt that to this lack of proper definition much of the quarrelling between Scotch and English may be attributed. There was now a boundary-line laid down—the same Bound Road that is now so well known between the liberties of Berwick and Scotland. We immediately reach smooth water when the truce is made; and, for some years, affairs remain in a more than usually stable condition. In 1435 we notice that Alexander Lermouth succeeded Skipton in his offices at Berwick; and Lermouth was again followed, in 1448, by John Lematre, who received £400 to expend on Berwick's fortifications, on the inquisition of twelve honest and legal men of Northumberland. The truce lasted till this year, when it was again broken by the fierceness and turbulence of the nobles. In the war that ensued Berwick fortunately escaped, while Alnwick was burned.

The Earl of Northumberland, who as a young man charmed Henry, continued to be a royal favourite. He was engaged in many important Government appointments, and was frequently absent from his northern Wardship of the Marches and of Berwick. Hence we have frequent deputies during his tenure of office. In 1441 his son, Henry Percy, Lord of Poynings, as he was called, was appointed Warden of the Marches, and Keeper of Berwick Castle, at a salary of £5,000 in time of war, £2,500 in time of peace; and his son was appointed Keeper of the Town, at a charge of 200 marks in time of war, and 100 in time of peace. These terms and appointments continued till 1452, when the agreement with Percy was renewed; but his salary was to be a stable one of £2,566 13s. 4d., whether in peace or war. This amount could evidently no longer be levied on the Customs of Berwick; for it was now ordered to be gathered in handfuls all over England. From Southampton and Winchester to Carlisle and Berwick were £100 and £50, and various other sums, to be collected from the ferms of these towns. From Berwick there was placed to the account £37 12s. 5d. per year of the ferm of all burgesses, tenements, mills, lands, of places inhabited as well as waste, and one parcel of land called the Mawdelyn Feld, and the toll called the halfpenny toll, and Custom of Ship, Segage, Mesurage, Bollage, Stallage of Market, and Custom of Salmon Barells, and £20 per annum from certain Customs and Subsidies of the King in the Port of Berwick, and in all the ports and places adjacent to that port. In the next year there was a new ordination for the payment of wages to Henry Percy and his son. All this concerning Berwick is left out, and £12 only inserted, as derived from this part of the country, viz., the annual ferm-rent of the fisheries Hexstell, Hoxstell, See, Cademan, and Starte, in water of Tweed, in the March of Scotland. In other respects the order is a repetition of the sessment on many towns over the whole of England,

The Northumberland family was now thoroughly loyal to the reigning house in England. In 1455, Henry VI., in a letter, thanked the Earl 'for the effectual devoir, diligence, labour, and payn yat ye have put you in, aswel in vitailling oure towne and castell of Berwyk, as resisting the malice of our enemies/J This Earl was killed in the same year in the first Battle of St. Albans. His successor continued to be Warden of the Marches and Governor of Berwick till 1461, when he, too, fell fighting in the Wars of the Roses.

William Douglas, at this period the most powerful Earl in Scotland, was less loyal to his master. He revolted to the King of England, and fought against his own country. For fear that this Earl, after joining issue with the English, should come against Scotland with great force, the Borders were more than usually cared for. The Scotch Parliament instituted for the first time the telegraphic system of 'Lighting the Beacons'. Thus:

'Item: it is sene spedfull that thar be cost maide at ye est passage betwix Roxburghe and berwik, and that it be waukyt [watched] at certane furds the quhilk gtf myster be sail mak takynis be balys birnyng and fyre. In the first a baill to be maide be the waukars of ye furds quhar it may be sene at hvme [Hume Castle]. And als at ye samyn waukers may cume to hvme in propir persoun. And thar ye bals to be maidc on this maner. A baile [one bale] is warnyng of ther camyng quhat power whatever thai be of. Twa bailes togedder at anis thai cuming in deide. Four balis ilk ane besyde vther and all at anys as four candills sal be suthfast knawlege that thai ar of gret power and menys. Als far as hadingtownc, dunbar, dalkeithe, or thar by. Thir samyn takynis to be watchyt and maide at Eggerhope Castell ande mak takyn in lik maner. And than may all lothiane be warnyt, and in especiall the Castell of Edinburgh. And thai four fyris to be maide in lyk maner that thai in fyf and fra strivelling est, and the est part of louthiane and to dunbar, all may se thaim and come to the defence of the lande. And thai will not be sleuthfull thairin to be warnyt of thir fyris thai sail wit thar cumyng over Tweide. And than considering thar fer passage we sail, God willing, be als sone redy as thai. And all pcpill drawe that are in the west half of Edinburgh thereto. And all fra Edinburgh est to hadingtonc. And all merchaundys of Burowys to presentlie hoiste quhar it passes. And at Dunpendcrlawe and North Berwyklawe balys to be brynt for warnyng of the cost syde of ye sec in forme befor writyn'.

Thus was instituted that system of flashing the news all over the Borders, and south and middle Scotland, to warn of a coming enemy—a system that held sway till the time of the Napoleonic wars of this century. The lighting of the beacons at this latter period is still remembered by some of our oldest inhabitants, James, the Scottish King, was the first to make an advance to the Borders. In the year 1455 he threatened Berwick, and must have advanced within easy reach of the town. This order stands on record. John Stanhope, Sheriff of Notts and Derby, petitioned, 10th December, 1455, the King to be allowed expenses,

'Also in assembling persons, in vertue of letters of prive seal to him direct for rescovery of youre towne of berwik, the wheche personez youre saide servant brought to the towne of Doncastre to him gret costez and chargez where youre saide servant had word of with draght of your adversariez fro youre towne of Berwick.'

He was allowed £80. James, with his host, had withdrawn upon show of opposition to Roxburgh, where he actually entered upon the siege of that castle.

At this time civil war was raging in England between the Yorkist and Lancaster factions, and James II. made a secret treaty with Henry VI., who was to give the Northern King Northumberland and Berwick, if he would assist him in his cause against the Yorkists. Consequently, we have raids into England by James, continued till Henry was obliged to ask him to desist. Then the Battle of Towton was fought on March 29th, 1461, at which the hopes of the Lancastrians were entirely crushed. After this defeat the King departed incontinently with his wife and son to Berwick, and leaving the Duke of Somerset there, he went to Scotland and asked aid of the King. The young King of Scots comforted him, and assigned him a competent place to live in during his abode there. Henry VI., in return for this kindness and friendship, delivered to the King of Scots the town of Berwick, whereof he had possession. Soon afterwards Henry VI. sent Margaret his wife and son to France, to Duke Rene, her father. Margaret was anxious to gain back power to the Lancastrians. She passed over to France in the following spring, and sought help from Louis VI. But all she gained was a loan of 20,000 livres and 2,000 men, of whom Sir Peter de Breze, Marshal of Normandy, the best warrior of all that time, took command. She sailed October, 1462, and landed at Tynemouth, or at Bamborough. She re-embarked, was caught in a storm, and with difficulty escaped in a coracle to Berwick; her other vessels were cast ashore at Bamborough. The soldiers set fire to the ships, and sought refuge in Holy Island; but they were assailed by the bastard Ogle and an esquire called John Manners, with other of the King's retinue. Many were slain in the struggle, and three hundred were taken prisoners. Breze, with a few others, escaped to Berwick in a fisher's boat.' After this, Margaret left her son in Berwick, fought along with her army, laid siege to Alnwick Castle, gained some advantage, but was eventually forced to withdraw. It has been said that Henry VI. gave up Berwick to Scotland. Why he did so, is not quite clear. Several accounts are given of it. Here is one, much of the same import as Hearne's account:

'King James, being but a childe, after he had heard who were 6ent, was, by the advise of his saide nobilitie, so far from neglecting the request and fortune of King Henry as that by and by he went himselfe to meete him and brought him into his palace, whom, after much consolation that he shoulde with a willing and patient mind beare the event of this late discomfiture, he interteyned with all courtesie, and used both liberally and also honorably ail the while he was in Scotlande. King Henry being bounden by this great courtesie, to the intent he might also eyther binde unto him by some benefite the King, upon whose ayde he did presently much leane and trust, eyther els myght diminish the force of his enemyes, delivered up to him, to have and holde for ever, the towne of Barwicke. Yet there is a saying that King Henry did not that willingly, but against his will, constrained thereunto in this extreme miserye, that he might therefore remaine in Scotlande. But, howsoever the matter was lapped up, it is apparent that King James, having receaved the towne, promised King Henry all the favor and furtherance that he could doo any maner of way which he performed after with diligence.'

Hardyng, in his 'Chronicle,' says, 'The King gave the towne and castell to the Scottes by simple assent of his whole counsaill.' However the transference took place, the town now remained in the hands of the Scots for twenty-one years, memorable as being the last term that Scotland had possession of Berwick. The editor of the 'Exchequer Rolls of Scotland' says, 'There is apparently no extant account of the exact date or particulars of the surrender of Berwick.' In one of the Paston letters, written in May, 1461, Berwick is said to be full of Scots, and a battle with them considered imminent.

The Haddington customs account, rendered in July, 1462, and going back to March, 1461, contains an entry that may perhaps be connected with the handing over of Berwick to the Scots—an item of £3 8s. 2d. as paid to the Keeper of the Privy Seal and other household servants of the King and Queen at Haddington, when they rode to Coldingham to confer with certain Englishmen, supposed to be commissioners empowered to deliver Berwick over to the Scots. The same accountants credited themselves at the same time with various outlays expended on Berwick Castle at the time of its recovery, viz., the purchase and direct carriage of a quantity of salt, and the carriage of oatmeal, bombards and artillery, also destined for Berwick, to the Port of Belhaven, whence the goods were shipped to Berwick. In the contemporary accounts of the Earldom of March occurs a charge of£6 5s. for bringing the Queen's bombard to Berwick from Trinity College; and in the following year a further sum is mentioned of £16 5s. due to him for carriages to Berwick at the time of its recovery.

From the same source we learn much concerning Berwick in those years in which it was in Scotch hands. The castle was at once put into the charge of Robert Lauder, of Edrington, an important official and soldier in Scotland at that time. He was paid for his work 200 marks per annum, which contrasts rather strangely with the £2,566 13s. 1d. that was paid to Percy in 1452, and onwards. Lauder kept his position uninterruptedly till 1474, for thirteen years at least, when he was succeeded by David, Earl Crawford, one of the most influential servants of the Scottish King. He retained his office for two or three years, and during his tenure he had 300 marks, evidently to maintain the dignity of his higher rank. Again, in 1477, George Ker, of Samaliston, and George Hwme, of Wethirburn, were appointed Keepers of the Castle, after whom, on the 3rd February following, Robert Lauder, of the Bass, was appointed at a salary of £2 50. Lauder continued till the last year of Scottish occupation, when Patrick Hepburn, of Hailes, had possession of the fortress. From the time that the Scots got possession of the town till 1476, the Keeper of the Castle had held the office of Chief Customer. His wages were paid, as when the town was in English possession, out of the customs of the town, as far as these would answer the amount. The Keeper had a deputy to collect the customs and do all necessary work connected therewith. David Guthrie was the first of these deputies, and was paid at the rate of 10s. 5d. per annum. The deputy must have had some other means of livelihood than this. It suggests a system of corruption and bribery. Guthrie was succeeded in his ill-paid work by David Menzies, and, after several years, John Bannyrman obtained the position, but on no more lucrative terms. Bannyrman was succeeded by two individuals, citizens of Edinburgh, Walter Bartraham and Thomas Yare. These gentlemen were now appointed Customers in Chief, displacing the Keeper of the Castle, who had formerly held the office and had received the burghal ferms and other^ ferms belonging to our Lord the King, and the fisheries belonging to the King and the Keeper of the Castle. These citizens of Edinburgh were displaced shortly afterwards by Robert Inglis, of Lochend, and John Bog, citizen of Berwick, who were called Chamberlains and Bailies of Berwick.

While Berwick was Scotch we have curious instances of disobedience on the part of one of its bailies. It must be given as it stands in the original, for it loses its charm by translation or curtailment.

'The lords decreete and delivers that for ye great lych-lying and contempacioun [contempt] done to ye King's hienes be Robert Manderston, John Bannerman, and John Bog, balzies of Berwick and one execution of their office, anent certain letters direct to them for John Holland, and also for the withhaldin of the King's lettres, and also for thair inobedience becaus they comperit nocht now nor before; thai beand divers times sumoned. That therefore lettres be writin to the sherif of berwic and his deputs, charging him to comand and charge ye said bailzeis of berwic to enter thair persons in warde in ye castell of blaknes within xv dayis next to cum; these to remain on thair ivn expenses quhill ye said John Holland ye partie bee content and quhill thai be fred be the King vnder the pain of rebellion and putting of thaim to ye King's horn.'

This took place in 1473, and, in three years afterwards, two other bailies again came under the King's wrath. This time, 'Archibald of Manderston and Alexander King, Balles of Berwic,' were guilty of taking out of irons two persons who had been so punished in presence of the sheriff. They were condemned by the 'lord auditours' to be put in ward in the Castle of 'Blaknes/ and to remain there during the King's pleasure. The next delinquent was of higher rank. Alexander Lindsay, son and heir of David, Earl of Crawford, in 1479, along with some accomplices, was convicted of taking and holding two monks of Cupar, while the packing of their horses was robbed and the servants of the monks were chased from the scene. Lindsay was sentenced to imprisonment in ' Blaknes' during the King's pleasure; George Dempstar, one of his accomplices, to imprisonment in the Castle of Berwick; and John Dempstar to the like in Dumbarton Castle. These parties were ordered to pay two marks for the expenses of the two witnesses who proved the case, and the abbot paid one mark to the two persons who came, but bore no witness. Alexander Hume was imprisoned in Blackness in the same year for disturbing Patrick Hepburn, Sheriff of Berwick, in the execution of his duty. Lastly, in 1480,

'The lordes decrete and declares that Ewmond of Nesbyt sail gife and deliver to Peter of March sa meikle broone or grene gude Inglis claith as wil be to him a lang gowne, or the price of sa meikle claith, because the said Ewmond promisit it to said Peter, in name of the town and comonalty of Berwick, for labour and servise rendered.'

These are cases of Scotch Courts judged in their peculiar fashion, and determined according to their law. We now pass from such peaceful, if not pleasant, matters to those of a more stirring character.

The English were, again, about to try and recover their old fortress. Edward of York was now King of England, and at his Court were two renegade Scots, Albany and Douglas, plotting against their country, and urging on the English to recover Berwick. James, the Scottish King, had evidently given grounds for retaliation. He had made raids into the Northern counties, and had forced the hand of his English neighbour. Afraid of losing Berwick, the Scotch Parliament eagerly seconded the King in putting the town and castle into order. A tax of 1,000 marks was cordially granted to victual it. Warlike engines were made for defensive operations; the walls had been repaired, and a great portion newly built :f so that when the English laid siege to it in 1481, the defence was so vigorously conducted by the Scots that the enemy was obliged to withdraw. Next year affairs in Scotland became so complicated that there was no longer any possibility of withstanding the forces brought against the town. The King of Scotland had been rendered powerless by the conspiracy completed at Lauder, when Archibald Douglas undertook to 'bell the cat' when James's favourites were mercilessly hanged over Lauder Bridge, and when the army had dispersed which had gathered for Berwick's defence. An English force of 22,500 men, commanded by the Duke of Gloucester, came against the town. While the Earl of Northumberland led the van, other notable leaders, the Lords Neville, Stanley and Fitzhugh, along with the rebel Albany, took a share in this enterprise. 'The army marched forthwith and came suddenly by the waterside of the town of Berwick, and what with force and what with fear of so great an army, took and entered the town, but the Captain of the Castle would in no wise deliver it. The captains decided to go on to Edinburgh with the main army, and left 4,000 to keep up the siege against the castle.' Lord Hailes, who kept the castle in this soldier-like fashion, evidently expected help from Scotland. In this he was disappointed, and eventually withdrew, after surrendering the fortress to the English, August 25th, 1482. It is probable that he did this in terms of the Treaty of Edinburgh, which not only included its surrender, but also that Albany should be reinstated and pardoned for his treasons. There are no details of this recapture of Berwick that can be depended upon. It is questionable if the action of the English army ever amounted to a siege. The castle may have been threatened in 1482, when Lord Hailes held it; but further than this we may dismiss all idea of sieges at that time, especially since the army of the Scots was so demoralized that action with it was impossible. Thus Berwick passed for ever from under Scotch rule into English possession and government.

The amount of foreign trade in this Scot period was surprisingly small. Berwick had now begun to feel the effects of its importance as a stronghold and a contested point between the nations. A very different tale have the Customs now to tell than in the time of the Alexanders, when the payment of a bill of £2,000 could be secured upon them. The largest amount taken in any one of these twenty years did not reach £200. In some years nothing equivalent even to that sum was obtained. Its staple was entirely gone. A gradual increase of the trade in salmon kept the flickering flame from being quite extinguished. This condition of things explains the piteous cry of the burgesses now sent to the King about the poverty of the town:

Petition of the Burgesses of Berwick to the English Parliament in the early part of 1483: 'Humbly shewn to your highness youre true lieges, the burges and inhabitauntes of Berwick, which is at this tyme so pore and desolate that the inhabitauntez of the same toun, there may not long abide onlesse your ample grace to theym and other intendyng thedir to resort and there to abide be shewed.

'Pleseth your habundante grace tenderly to consider the premysses of the same toune and marches thereof to have the same toun inhabited with grete nomber of your trew liege pepill which wold then in tyme habunde and increase by repair of merchants and merchandises, and the exercise of the same. Therefore to ordeyn, establish and enacte, by the advyse and assent of the Lords spirituall and tcmporall, and others in this present Parliament assembled, and by authority of the same, that from the feast of midsummer next coming all merchants bringing eny merchandise oute of Scotland or lies of the same into this your realm of England, or into Ireland, or Wales, shall first bring the same merchandise unto your seid toun of Berwick ; and that noon of your lieges ne eny other person under your obeisance afore the same merchandise be bought, solde, or customed at your seid toun of Berwick, except to your city of Carleol and the ports and creyks perteyning to the West March ; and that no maner merchant, no denizyn, ne estraunger under your obeisance carie or conveye to sell eny maner merchandise leying within England, Irelond, or Wales, into Scotland or lies of the same that beene not under your obesaunce. And that non under your seid legauncez or observauncez sell eny maner of merchandise of England, Irelond, or Wales, to eny of the inhabitauntes of Scotland or lies of the same in eny place, or in England, Irelond, or Wales, savying only at your seid toun of Berwyk or Carlel forsaid. And no maner merchandise be shipped or unshipped in eny creyk ne other place betwix Tynmouth and the seid toun of Berwick, but only with the haven of the seid toun of Berwick. And that no maner person or persones except the Burges and enfranchised men of your seid toun of Berwick make eny salt salmon to sell of eny salmons that shall be taken in the Water of Twede; and that if eny person or persons offend or do with any maner merchandise aforesaid contrarie to eny of the seid ordeignauncez the same person or persons to forfett all the merchandise. And that it be lefull to eny of your lieges to sease all such merchandise so forfett or elles sue in his own name an action of dett ageynes the same person or persons that shall so forfett concerning the sum of the value of the seid goodes, and in the same action to have like process, jugement and exccusons as is in other actions of dett used by the cours of the Lawes. And that non of the same suytes or actions any protection or esson of your services be allowed, ne eny defendant amytted to do his lawe, and your highnes to have oon half of all such merchandise forfett and seased as the oon half of all such sumes of money as shall be recovered by action in fourme abovesaid to be sued for the value of eny such goods so forfett and that person or persons that shall serve or sue in fourme abovesaid to have the other half. And that by the seid authoritie it be ordeyned and enacted that your merchants or enfraunchised men of your seid toun may of your good grace have to ferme all your waters and Fyshing places without your seid toun of Berwick and Lordschipp of the same paying therefore yerly as moche as eny other person will doo, and that the same merchaundez and fraunchesed men and everych of them may from hensfort^ have and occupie to them their heirs and successours for ever all liberties, franchises, and customs which a long tyme affore belonged unto your seid toun. And that they may ship all maner of goodes and merchandises there, and carie it to what Port or Portes that they wyll. And then discharge the same and lode their shippes with corn or eny other vitaill or merchaundis, and the same to bryng into your seid toun of Berwick for vitellyng thereof, and this shall we pray ever for your, etc.'

The King answers, ' Le Roy de vult ovesque Pexception contennez in la Cedule a cest Bille annexe.'

'Provided alway that this acte ne any other acte in this Present Parliament made or to be made extend nor ne in any wise be preduciall unto William, Bisshop of Durham, nor to his successours, nor for any maner thyng to hym perteyning or en eny maner wise belonging.'

This was surely a most extraordinary attempt to bolster up the trade of the Port of Berwick. It did not answer its purpose. It was a terrible hardship when it was put into force; and it was evaded in every possible way. How, indeed, could it be carried into effect? A vessel from the Humber to Aberdeen could easily pass Berwick unsighted, and who could discover the default? There was a complaint immediately of a vessel passing to Scotland without transhipping its goods in Berwick harbour.

Apart from the salmon trade, the townspeople were chiefly engaged in supplying with the necessaries of life the large garrison that was required as long as Berwick was of political importance. After Gloucester succeeded in obtaining the town and castle, provisions were hastily forwarded to it. Thomas Ilderton, 'lardarie Hospitii Nostri' received orders to send to Berwick 5,000 qrs. of wheat, 500 of malt, 500 of barley, 300 of peas and beans, 20 loads of onions, 40 weys of cheese for victualling our town and castle of Berwick.'f

Before the reign of Edward IV. closed, he confirmed the charter of Edward III. to Berwick, and all previous charters. Edward V. nominally succeeded his father, but he was entirely ruled and controlled by the Duke of Gloucester, under whose directions the Earl of Northumberland was again appointed Warden of the East Marches and Keeper of Berwick town and castle. The terms of his appointment give us considerable information as to the garrison kept at that time. The Indenture bears date 20th May, 1483, and 'is maid betwix our said sovereign lord King Edward V. and the right trusty and well-beloved cousyn Henry erle of Northumberland: arraied, of whom 300 at least shall be archers. Five hundred of them shall be for defence of the town and one hundred for the castell. Two sufficient gentlemen arc to act as lieutenants, one for the town and one for the castell. The said erle for keping these safely shall have a reward, £438 10s. 11d.; £420 of this sum shall be for the pay of 600 souldeours, each of them having 6d. per day; £10 5s. 1d. for the two lieutenants, to be paid after the rate of 100 marks yearly; 20s. 6d. is to be paid the Marshall ; 6s. 8d. the treasurer; 15s. 4d. the Master Porter of said Town, at the rate of £10 by the year; the petty Capiteigns to get 66s. 8d. by the yere; and the Capiteigne of the Swicchcners 4d. per day above his wages; the Baner-berer, the Wevelert and Taboret of said Swiccheners to have 6d. a day above their wages. ... If the town is likely to be besieged the erle may then put in 1,200 soldiers for the surety of the town. He shall then endeavour to the "Utterest" of his power to help or cause to be kept the said town and castell, as long as these moneys arc regularly paid, but if the money should cease at any time then he holds himself blameless, and he shall be utterly discharged of any longer keping of said places, this indenture notwithstanding.

This company of the garrison remained very much the same as above set forth, save in times of special war or danger, until the dismissal of the garrison altogether after James VI. became King of England. Another small grant was made to an officer in Berwick during Edward V.'s short reign. It is interesting in one particular, that it was granted by the advice of Richard, Duke of Gloucester, uncle of the King—the uncle that caused his death shortly after the young lad was made to say, "our derest oncle the Due of Gloucester."

'Edward, etc. To our well-beloved Geo. Porter Maister Carpenter of our Workes in oure Toun and Castell of Berwic, greeting. We wolle and by thadvise of our derest oncle the Due of Gloucester, protectour and defensour of this our royalme during our yong age charge you that with all possible diligence after the sight of these, ye adrcsse you unto such places in our Countie of Essex and unto other places whereon ye shal thinke is best tymbre, and then that ye do chese and mark out as moche of the same tymbre as ye shall seme convenient and necessarie for such bildings as we entende to make at our said towne and castell, commanding in our name al maner our officers, liegemen and subjettes that vnto you ar executing as well of this our auctorite and commandment as in taking of workmen and cartes, and vessailes necessarie for the conveiance of the same tymbre unto the said town and castell they be at all seasons aiding, strengthening and assisting in every behalve as apperteneth, as they and every of thaim entende to do us pleasure, and to eschewe the contrarie. Geven under our Signet, etc., 25 May, in our first year.'

The grant is interesting, but it is tantalizing as well, for no account remains of the 'bilding' that was intended. Probably the revolution that was at hand stopped all operations ; for Richard III., during his reign, had quite enough to think of, without troubling himself about Berwick and its buildings.

Richard Draper was appointed Clerk of the Works during the King's pleasure. Alexander Lye was made Supervisor of the Works here. Lye was King's Chaplain, and was called Master Alexander Lye in the royal order. This term was reserved for those who had taken a degree at the University. During the reign of this King few events took place around our town. We get glimpses into its history to show us that the stream was flowing on in its usual course— that clerks and supervisors, carpenters, masons, and other artificers were still at work. When we proceed to the reign of Henry VII., the chief interest in or around Berwick was centred in the making of truces between England and Scotland, in which for the first time Berwick had a clause all to itself, which clause has been seriously misunderstood. On its strength it has been again and again asserted that Berwick was now formed into an independent town, independent of both countries. But there is no such idea contained in the truces of that time. Here is the clause as it stands in the Treaty of London, the first of the series of truces confirmed in Henry's reign:

'Moreover it is agreed upon that, during the present truce for three years, or only one year, that the town and castell of Berwick shall stand and remain along with the inhabitants and dwellers of the same, in abstinence of wars and in truces of wars all the time of aforesaid truces, so that neither the most serene King of Scots for himself, nor any of his liege subjects or vassals, shall make war or attack or besiege the place. Nor shall the most serene King of England for himself, or any of his inhabitants of town or castell, in any way whatever make war, assault, or siege upon the said most serene King of Scotland, his lieges or vassals, in any way during the remaining time of these truces. The Party who does attack, or do any harm during these truces, shall be punished by the King to whom he belongs.'

This treaty was ratified in the parish church of Berwick. Next year the same matter was again referred to in the treaties of marriage proposed to take place between (1) James, Earl of Ross, and Katerine, third daughter of the late King Edward IV.; and (2) James, King of Scotland, and one of the said King's daughters; so that by these marriages,

'By the grace of God to be completed sail folowe the final appeasing and cesing all sic debates betwix the Kings of the seid realmes for the time being movit and attempit. Of the quhilk castell and toun of Berwick, the said King of Scottis desiris alwaies deleverance at the final appeasing of the said marriages or any of them. These to be confirmed at Edinburgh, on the 24th of Jany, 1488 ; and then to be concluded, in the moneth of May, these marriage treaties, along with the appeasing of said matter of Berwick, as is aforesaid. The truces to be carefully kipt meanwhile, the said Town and Castell, with the limits of the same, to stand in sic special assurance trewis and abstinence of were as is comprisit in the indenture of the said trewis taken at London.'

James, on his part, did agree, and would have carried out these treaties of marriage and truces, for he was very anxious indeed to repossess himself of the town of Berwick. Henry, on his part, drew back, and no such marriages ever took place. It shows the extreme anxiety of James to recover Berwick, when he actually agreed to marry a woman considerably older than himself; and it shows the high estimate that Henry VII. put on Berwick, when all that hindered his fulfilment of the treaties was the demand of James that, before he would treat, Berwick must be given up to his charge. Still, in all this there is no word of rendering it independent of both countries, and these are the very words that occur in every treaty made about this time. All treaties being laid aside for the present, Henry set Berwick in order, and made a number of new appointments. In 1488 Richard Chomeley was appointed Chamberlain, the duties of which office could be performed by deputy. Robert Lancastre became Head Gate-Keeper for a term of seven years, with £20 a year for salary and a body-guard of 16 soldiers personally able for war, to be paid out of the Royal Exchequer. Rowland Stafford was made Marshal, at a salary of £33 6s. 8d. per annum, and to have 24 soldiers paid by the King. The office of Head Carpenter was continued upon George Porter, with wages of is. per day, and 6d. per day to be allowed his workmen. The Keeping of the Marches and the Guardianship of the Town was confirmed in the person of Henry, Earl of Northumberland, John Cutt, Master of the Mare Hobart of Hull, and Alex Careswell, merchant of Hull, were commissioned to forward all manner of provision, the finest wheat, malt, barley, oats, etc., for victualling Berwick. In the same year, by Act of Parliament, provision was made for paying the garrison of the town, as the Customs of the Port were inadequate, and so an elaborate scheme was propounded for the purpose:

'Forasmoche as the King our Sovereign Lord conceiveth well that the sure keping of the Towne and Castell of Berwik is a grete difFence ayenst the Scotts and a grete wele suerte and ease unto all his realme and especiall to the northe partes of the same. Therefor for the good and sure keping of the seid Towne and Castell be it enacted by the King and parliament that the person whom the King shall appoint to be approver or surveyor of the Castells or Lordships of Sheref Houton, Middlam, Richemond, Barnard, Cotyngham, Sandal, Hatfeld, Conesborough, and Wakefield, with all their belongings, and also all the Royal maners and lordships, londes and tenements which lately belonged to Richard Duke of York in the Counte of York—viz., Raskell, Suton, Elvyngton, Esingwolde, and Huby, with their belongings, as well as the fishing toll and ferm of the Town and Marches of Berwik, shall hawe full authority to disposses all officers and accountants and appoint new officers ther. These new officers of the above premises shall pay out of the issues of these Castells and Manors to the receiver at Berwik the sum of £1,833 6s. 8d. "at the festes of Michelmes and Ester" by equal portions. The collectors of the custom and subsidy at Newcastell shall pay the same receiver at Berwick the sum of £225 at the same terms as above. The receiver of these moneys at Berwick must account for the same before the Barons of the King's Exchequer or before such auditors as the King shall appoint.'

Thus the garrison was to be provisioned and paid, in part, at least, out of these revenues.

Truces were made and continued in force, during the remainder of the century. A peace of great importance was negotiated by a Spanish priest named Peter d'Ayala, who was the Ambassador from Spain at Henry's Court. Perkin Warbeck was, at the Scottish Court, maintained and feasted by James IV. Henry was busy arranging the Spanish marriage for his eldest son Arthur. But as long as a usurper was being treated like a king in Scotland, it was vain to think that this marriage could be carried into effect. D'Ayala had a delicate and difficult duty to perform; nevertheless, it was speedily crowned with success. Warbeck was dismissed from the Scottish Court, his career very soon afterwards came to a melancholy close, and the Spanish marriage was agreed upon. Some notice of Berwick occurs at this juncture in an Italian relation of England. The date is about 1500, and references to this truce are found in it:

'But to counterbalance this the English possess beyond the eastern arm of the sea : named Tivide [Tweed], in the kingdom of Scotland, the singular fortress of Berwick, which, after having belonged for a considerable time to each kingdom alternately and at length had fallen into the hands of the Scotch, was made over to King Edward the Fourth by the Duke of Albany, who was at war with his brother, James III., King of Scotland. And now King Henry VII. has built a magnificent bridge across the aforesaid arm of the sea, and as he has the command of all the eastern coast he can throw as many troops as he pleases into the town, which is a very strong place both by nature and art. And as this Berwick has caused the death of many thousand men in former times, so it might do so again, were it not for the peace consolidated by the wise Don Peter de Ayala.'

This writer continues:

'There are always about 800 chosen men, including horse and foot, on guard at Calais, as your magnificence has seen ; and I do not believe that the Castle of St. Peter at Rhodes is more strictly guarded against the Turks than Calais is against the French. It is the same case with Berwick in Scotland ; and this is from ancient natural instinct.'

'There is also another duty upon the Wools which are taken to Calais and from thence sent out into Europe by land. This duty is called by these people the staple. But all the proceeds of the said Wool-staple are assigned to the maintenance of the guard at Calais and at Berwick, and are, therefore, not included in the revenue.'

There is one remark of the Italian which will not stand criticism—Henry VII's magnificent bridge was a product of his imagination. He may have made an old bridge passable, but no more. Throughout the sixteenth century this bridge cost no end of money to keep it in such a state of repair as to carry all the traffic of that busy time.

The policy of Henry VII. was directed towards reducing the power of the nobility, and this led to a decided change in the government of the town. Since 1333, when Berwick may be said to have come into English power, some one of the great English lords had been Warden of the Marches and Governor of the Town. But, in 1491, Henry appointed his eldest son Arthur, Prince of Wales, when a mere boy, to these important offices. In 1495 the same duties were conferred upon his second son Henry, Duke of York, who ultimately became Henry VIII. of England. While these were in office, and even before this, deputy-governors were really the ruling powers in the town. Sir William Tyler, in 1488, was locum tenens, and continued in office for some years. The Earl of Surrey became Sub-Custos for the Prince of Wales, and Sir Thomas Darcy was appointed Captain of the Town and locum tenens for the Castle in the Wardenry of the Duke of York. The town reaped no advantage from these appointments. They rather militated against its success by the deputy's continual cry for more money, and by their sometimes resorting to false practices to obtain it.

We pass now to an interesting episode in our story. James IV. had been promised the daughter of Edward IV. for a wife ; but he was tempted by a richer dowry. Negotiations, long protracted, were now begun with the view of a marriage between the Scotch King and Margaret, daughter of Henry VII. The marriage treaty was drawn up, and eventually signed in 1501. Margaret was young, and this caused delay. In fact, she was only thirteen years of age when, in 1502, she was sent into Scotland. The account of her journey to the north shows it to have been very interesting. It has been often related. We shall content ourselves with that part of it which immediately refers to our town. Her progress was written by Young, the herald. It is quoted in Leland's 'Collectanea' and again by Sykes in his 'Local Records,' from which we take the following:

'The xxix day of the sayd monneth (July, 1502), the said Quene departed from Alnewyk for to go to Barrwyk, and at haff of the way, viz., Belleford, she bayted. For Syr Thomas d'Arcy, Capittayne of the said Barrwyk, had maid rady her dynner at the said place very well and honnestly. For that the said Henry Grays abouffe named is Scheryffe of Ellaundshyre and Northumberlaund-shyre, he bore his rod before the said Quene sens the entrynge of the said lordschyps to Barrwyk.

'Betwyx Alnewyk and Barrwyk cam to the Quene Maistor Rawf Wodrynton, having in hys company many gentylmen well apoynted. His folks arayed in livcray, well horsed, to the nombre of an hundreth horsys.

'At the comyng ny to Barrwyk was shot ordonnounce the wiche was fayr for to here. And ny to the sayd place, the Quene drest hyr. And ichon in fayr aray, went the on after the other in fayr order. At the entrynge to the bryge was the said Capittayne well apoynted, and in hys company hys gentlymen and men of armes who receyved the said Quene into the said place.

'At the tother end of the bryge, toward the gatt, was the Maister Marshall compayned of hys company, ichon bearing a staffe in his haund.

'After him was the college revested with the crosse, the wiche was gyffen hyr to kysse by the archbischop as before.

'At the gatt of the said towne was the maistor porter, with the gard and soyars of the said place in a row well apoynted. Ichon of those had an hallebarde or other staffe in his haund as the others. And upon the said gatt war the mynstraylls of the sayd Capittayne pleynge of their instruments.

'In the midds of the said towne was the Maister Chamberlayn and the Mayre accompanyed of the bourges and habitaunts of the said place in fayr ordre and well apoynted.'

The Queen was then taken to the castle, where she was received by Lady Darcy. The next two days were spent in Berwick, when the Captain treated her to good cheer and such amusements as the times afforded. Courses of chase within the town, bear-baiting and other gentlemanly sports passed the days pleasantly away. Then, on the 1st of August, she departed to Lamberton Kirke, where the Scotch Commissioners received her from her English companions. She was accompanied so far by the Earl of Northumberland, Lord Dacre, Lord Scroop, Lord Grey, Lord Latimer, the Lord Chamberlain, Maister Polle, and many others—two thousand in all, going three abreast. After resting at Lamberton, the Scotch Commissioners accompanied the princess and her maidens by Fast Castle and Haddington to Dalkeith, where she first met her future husband. Lady Surrey and her daughter were with the princess. After spending two nights at Dalkeith, she was taken to Edinburgh, near which the King met her, and took her on the pillion of his saddle, and so rode through the streets of Edinburgh to Holyrood Palace, where they were married after the fashion of kings.

This marriage is certainly very foreign to our story in one sense, but in another it pertains very closely to it. One hundred years after its celebration it led to the elevation of- James VI. to the throne of England, which event united the two countries and put a stop to the almost continual bloodshed that had prevailed so long upon the Borders, and of which Berwick now became more than ever the very centre.

The peace made at this time was to be perpetual. Berwick was guarded in the marriage-treaty in the same manner as in the Treaty of London; but included in it were 'Letters of Reprisal' so that the inhabitants of one country could demand from the inhabitants of the other compensation for injuries inflicted without involving their respective countries in war. This was a most disgraceful addition to the former treaties; for it led to the most cruel of all raids upon the Borders, in which Berwick soldiers took no small part. And thus, while the peace-loving Henry VII. ruled, matters continued in the same interrupted state.

Before passing on, we may note the officials in the town: Lord Darcy was Captain as well as Treasurer and Chamberlain; Christopher Clapham, as successor to Robert Carr, had become Janitor-in-chief; Thomas Garth succeeded Rowland Stafford as Marshal, the latter having been pensioned off.*

On Henry VIII. having ascended the throne, a general pardon was granted; but, excepted from it, in Berwick, was Christopher Clapham, the Janitor, who must have been guilty of some very heinous offence to be so singled out.f Immediately afterwards we have a record of the changes usually made in the official staff on the accession of a new king. Darcy was reappointed to all his offices, and in addition was made Warden-General of the East Marches. William Lee was made Receiver-General of the moneys derivable from the manors lately mentioned in the Act of Parliament for maintaining the garrison here. A new item was imported into this account. £280 was now to be given in addition out of the Customs of Hull, and £235 from Newcastle. Lee, after a few years in office, was succeeded by Thomas Burgh, Squire of the King's body. In another year, Burgh was again succeeded by William Pawne, Chief-clerk of the King's army. Burgh himself was promoted to be Marshal of the Town, in room of Lord Darcy, who was promoted to be Admiral of the Fleet, to proceed against the Moors in aid of Ferdinand of Aragon.

In the same year a commission in Latin was granted to Sir John Cutt and Richard Gough for the surveying of the town, by which they were to examine the defences of Berwick and Border places—the strength of the armies in all the towns on the Border.§ In this MS. no actual survey of Berwick is given; but, from other sources, one has been obtained, which will be referred to in the Appendix.

During these years a considerable amount of piracy was carried on in the German Ocean between Scotch and English ships. Lord Dacre, in 1512, in a letter to the King, proposed to call upon the Scotch Warden to restore the goods taken by the pirates Pe la Mote, Robyn Beeton, David Fawconer, and others, because the Warden had required of him to restore the goods taken in a Flemish bottom and carried to Berwick. The King, on receipt of this, wrote to West, Dean of Windsor, that he understood the King of Scots would keep the peace if he might have safe passage for merchandise without disturbance from the English army, and a safe-conduct for his ambassadors to England. The offer is good, the King adds, but West must beware lest this be a pretext for passing their great ships and their navy to France without hazard from England. As for redress of grievances (the old story), England has sustained three times as much damage as Scotland, and ought to have the larger recompense; so that our Warden and Commissioners have sufficient ground to satisfy the Scots. If they will return Banaster's ship, England will return the ship taken at Berwick.' This was the beginning of the strained relations between the two countries which ended in the disastrous Battle of Flodden. James, to increase the irritation, asked for the jewels which he expected with the Princess, and which had not been delivered. He was now gathering an army in Scotland, and needed money. Foreman, the Romish priest, was employed both at the English and French Courts, and fomented the disturbance by prevailing upon France to send a letter to James urging a raid into England, and 15,000 crowns to help him to carry the advice into effect, f James, as is well known, raised this army, and fought the Battle of Flodden with fatal effects to himself. He was slain in the thickest of the fight. His body was next day brought to Berwick by Lord Dacre, the Captain of the Town, who says he keeps good watch, and the Scots like him worse than any man in England, by reason that I found the body of the slain King of Scots on the field, and therefore advertised my Lord of Norfolk in writing, and thereupon I brought the corpse to Berwick and delivered it to the said lord.' It was taken from Berwick to Newcastle, then to the Monastery of Sheen or Richmond, where, after the dissolution of the monastery, the body, wrapped in lead, and lying in a room full of rubbish, was shown to Stow the chronicler.

The ordnance taken from the Scots was first brought to Etall, and thence to Berwick, by William Bawme and the men of Bamboroughshire and Islandshire. It was said to be the finest ever seen. There were seven culverins of brass called the 'Seven Sisters' Lord Dacre got peremptory orders to bring the Scotch ordnance at once to Newcastle, to avoid the danger of a sea-passage. Dacre immediately got together 100 horses, with oxen, for the purpose ; but, on representing this to the Council at Berwick, they refused to allow the ordnance to be carried over Berwick Bridge without special command from the King, saying that my lord of Norfolk had so ordered, because certain jewels were sore accra[zed] in the bringing of it to your said town. If the King is resolved, he should direct "ferefull" letters of command to the persons named in the "Cedule." The King did not direct the tearful letters, for we hear no more till, eight years afterwards, we find payment was made to labourers and workmen employed from Monday, 25th April, to Saturday, 7th June, 1522, besides the work of drawing the Scotch pieces of ordnance from the storehouse on the Walls Green to the Maison Dew to the ships.' The smith at the same time made a crane to ship the ordnance, It was sent to the Tower of London. Evidently the King was no longer afraid of its being interrupted by sea, for the French had bought the Scotch navy and the large vessel Michael, that was the terror of Henry VIII. All these transactions with the ordnance show it to have been of very large dimensions—larger than field ordnance at that time was generally supposed to have been.

Notwithstanding the victory at Flodden, the thirst for vengeance on Scotland was as keen as ever. Dacre was commanded by Henry to make three raids into Scotland—one on the West Marches, one on the Middle, and one (with the people of the Bishopric of Durham) on the East Marches. Dacre suggested that Darcy had better perform the third, as he had taken in Berwick a new crew of 250 soldiers, besides the 500 he had before. These raids were faithfully made, but as the details are not further connected with Berwick, we pass on.

The next year was all stir and activity in the town, for the Scots were threatening it. The King heard of all these preparations, and thus wrote Darcy:

'By the letters of the 7th (March, 1514), he learns the news of the preparation made by the Scots against Berwick, and the desire of the town for aid. It shall be sent instantly. Howbeit we be credibly informed that in the complete forniture of the ordynary of souldeours for the defence of the town there be great defaulte, inasmoche as they be not resident there, ne yet the nombre of guners, which shuld be 50, be not complete. But as we hyre there be not five good guners, which is a great defaulk ffor other souldeours, which he newe putte in the liew or place of theym for lucre or wags, and if that nombre had be furnysshed ye shuld not nede to haue sent for so many to vs at this tyme. Nevertheless for the more spedie fournyture of oure said toune we shall provyde everything necessary forthwith.'

He then intimated to Darcy that he must accompany him this * somer' to France with 500 soldiers, and take Sir Rauf Evers to be his deputy in Berwick, for he * is mete and hable to these duties in your absence.'

'As touching the lack of victailles, none being at our said toun, the defaulk thereof resteth not ;n vs, but in our porter there, Strangewisshe [Strangeways] to whome we have advanced the some of Eve hundreth Pounds, which some, as we be informed, he employeth dailly in Merchandise to his grete profite and advauntage, and leveth our said toun vnporveyed to the grete daunger thereof like as we nowe have written vnto hym, more at large charging hym in moost straitest maner as he wol aunswere vnto us at his uttermost peril to see the said toun fournysshed of victaills accordingly, besides other prevision as we have caused to be made of oon thousand quarter of whete and as raanye of malt.'

Darcy immediately answered this letter to the following effect:

'Has received the lettre of the 10th of March, in which the King declared his pleasure for fortifying Berwick Castle. There is no lack of ordinary soldiers, except such as are absent on furlough. All is in accordance with his indentures of the last 18 years. As to the complaint that the Ring pays for 50 gunners, and there are not more than 6, Darcy acknowledges there are not more than 20. But W. Pawne is master of the ordnance, and has in his retinue 54 gunners, and cannot obtain more, as all are gone to the wars. But he has offered to instruct such soldiers in the garrison " as were lusty to learn," with the King's consent. To save powder Darcy would not allow them to shoot Hopes whatever gunners are employed they will be Englishmen, and not strangers. Trusts that reports will not be easily credited against him, considering how well he served the King's father. There is no truth in the statement made by the Mayor and Corporation of the town,t that when a siege was expected they ran away*

"He has had great difficulty to make them take set order and accord among themselves." My lord of Winchester knows them and their acts full well. In consequence of their discord "every of them improwde upon other his fcrme of fishing." They pay £60 more rent than when Darcy was first Captain of Berwick, and are too impoverished to find provisions for soldiers. On Friday, 10th March, the Scots burned 5 towns on the East Marches. On Saturday they came within two miles of Berwick. They were lying fore against u foorthes," when my lord Dacres sent a chaplain of his to the council of Berwick desiring the Scots ordnance to be conveyed to Belford. The Scots are ready to lay siege to Berwick, and only wait for Albany's coming with the French and the Danes. It is impossible for him to comply with the King's demand to furnish Berwick with 500 men and, in company with his cousin, Sir Ralph Eure, attend the King in his journey over sea, not leaving his son in his absence. His son shall leave in all convenient haste. In the short time he has been there he has done more to "annoy" the Scots than has been done on all the 3 marches. Sir Ralph Eure has received the King's letter to take the deputyship of Berwick, and begs to decline as he cannot have health there, because of the cold weather and the sea air. He would gladly serve the King in any other part of the World.'

This correspondence tells its own tale—the desire to keep Berwick in good defence, and the difficulty of doing this, and the danger it was continually in from the presence of the Scots in its neighbourhood This son of Darcy was worthy of his father. Here are some of the annoyances referred to in the letter:

'Date 30 January, 1515. Feats done by the soldiers of Berwick at the commandment of the deputy and of the council there, sithen the 1* of November last :

'8 November. 60 Scots riding into Berwick were chased to Ayton Bridge: 4 slain, 6 taken. Raid to Reston and Andencrawe, which were burnt: 5 persons and cattle taken. Houses burnt at Sprouston, Aymouth, Paxston, etc. 19 December. Whikwood destroyed : 80 head of cattle, 10 persons, and 10 horses taken. 29 December. Ay ton and all the corn burnt. 30 January. Pren-dergast burned and the White Reige: sum of the cattle taken, besides sheep, and prisoners 900.

Such is a specimen of what was done on the Borders all this century.

A few appointments were made: William Pawne became Master of the Ordnance, and George Lawson, Master Mason. A more important and enduring appointment was now confirmed. Sir Anthony Ughtred was made Captain of Berwick, with the patronage of the offices of Marshal, Porter, Master of the Ordnance, Comptroller, with the fees which Thomas Lord Darcy or Sir William Tyler had enjoyed. This Captain continued for several years in office, and affords us considerable information of his doings. William Lee continued Receiver-General of the funds from the manors, etc., for the sustenance of the garrison of Berwick. He received in 1509 £2,868 18s. 7½d. He paid out—

Lord Dairy's wages ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 100 marks.
A Constable, Chaplain, Cook, two Doorwards, and Thirty-two Soldiers ... 10 marks each.
Twenty-four men in their retinue ... ... ... ... ... 10 marks each.
Christopher Clapham and Thos. Strangwisshe Master Doorwards ... ... £20 each.
Eight men at 10 marks and eight others at 8 marks each ... ... ... 144 marks.
Twenty gunners : twelve at 6d. a day, eight at 10 marks each ... ... 245 marks.
Four clerks keeping watch, forty-seven mounted archers: five at 10 marks each,
and the rest at 106s. 8d. 100 men at arms at £6 each ... ... £879 13s. 4d
John Shotten, Mayor ... ... ... ... ... ... £10 per year.
Four constables at £10 and four at £8 ... ... ... ... ... £72
Wm. Langton, Collector of Customs, received ... ... ... ... £10
Thos. Atcliffe and W. Evers controllers ... ... ... ... ... £5 each.
Humphrey, chief Carpenter, got 12d. a day for himself, and £6 2od. for a reward
 to a yeoman under him ... ... ... ... ... £24 6s. 8d.
Repairs of Walls of Berwick cost ... ... ... ... ... £26 13s. 4d.
Total payments ... ... ... ... £2,801 20d.

For the next few years, from 1510 to 1514, the receipts are generally over £3,000, and payments above £2,000. Of course these sums do not include payment of the floating garrison, nor the payment of soldiers on the march. The permanent officials of Berwick alone absorb large sums of money. The garrison payments at this time are still larger than the income. Lord Darcy has forty persons in his retinue who cost £436 13s. 4d. William Pawne pays for garrison proper, £8,134 9s.; for wages for 200 men at Norham, 100 at 8d., 100 at 6d. a day, £1,143 6s. 8d.; and for the wages of crews at Berwick and Norham, £1,290 15s. 10d.; and the wages of 50 gunners, £230 15s. 10d.: altogether, £11,236. The sum, though large, was not quite so much as it was twenty years previous to this time.

Albany was still keeping the inhabitants of Berwick in a state of excitement; and the Captain in continual perplexity. Ughtred, now Captain, writes thus to Cardinal Wolsey, on August 25th, 1515: 'Has received your letter of the 19th. Could do no less than take a crew for the defence of Berwick; notwithstanding that the King and Council think the danger was not imminent, as advertised in his last letter, wherein he stated that Albany had raised a power against the Chamberlain of Scotland, but really against Berwick. But, 'right valiantly' he adds, that 'he will keep "Barwhck" though Albany come with all the power of Scotland/ Albany retired without further trouble, and left as his deputy on the Marches, Sieur Antoine d'Arces de la Bastie, one of the most distinguished men of the day for bravery and skill in the lists, and for every kind of knightly and courtly accomplishment, It will be remembered that Lord Home and his brother had been beheaded in Edinburgh shortly before Albany left for France. De la Bastie, a foreigner, having been appointed Warden of the Marches, thus became a fit prey for the retainers of the murdered Homes, whose official duties he had been appointed to perform. The Frenchman was very soon lured to his destruction. A family quarrel, he was informed, about the possession of the Tower of Langton had caused a gathering of forces. He went with a small company, expecting to scatter the clans without trouble: but he was mistaken. From certain threatenings he thought it prudent to fly, but, not knowing the country sufficiently, he was caught floundering in a swamp and killed, Home, the Laird of Wedderburn, it is said, bearing the dead man's head at his saddle-bow. Scotland now fitted out an expedition against the Homes, and forced them to flee across the Borders^ for refuge. These were rough and fearfully unsettled times. Allegiance as well as patriotism seemed flung to the winds; for, immediately after this, we find the Homes in the pay of the Berwick Captain, and doing what they can to annoy their own countrymen. Dacre wrote to Wolsey in 1517: 'The Homes lying in the Caw Mills (Edrington) are doing great harm to Scotland, but cannot continue without aid of money, seeing what garrisons are laid up against them in Wedderburn, Blackatter, Coldingham, and other places in the Merse; has furnished them with some of his own ordnance. The house [Caw Mills] stands within 3,000 feet of the bounds of Berwick, and cannot be won without ordnance, which could only come through these parts [Berwick]. Acknowledges £100 sent by Wolsey for relief of the Homes, to be delivered as from himself and not from the King/ It must not be mentioned that the King gave it. It might involve the two countries in open war, while this guerilla warfare was more profitable to Henry VIII.; and the Cardinal hesitated not a moment at the deception. Thus the Homes, for a time bitter enemies to their country, when they found the supplies from England cease, returned, after submission, to their allegiance and their homesteads.