It is unfortunate that so
little has been written about the Highlands by natives of the country,
who being acquainted with the state of society and manners, would be
able to give an intelligent and unbiassed account of the social
condition of the country in the past, and not left us dependent upon
what has been written by strangers, many of whom were prejudiced, and
who, even though they would have been incline to treat us fairly, could
hardly have done so from their want of knowledge of the language,
customs, and institutions of the people. That there were many
Highlanders even at a remote period who could have done so, there is not
any doubt, for, though there were no schools of learning in the country
previous to the Reformation, many of the Highland youth of good families
got a fair education in Edinburgh and Aberdeen, and some went abroad,
even to France and Italy. Martin, who wrote an account of his tour to
the ‘Western Isles about the end of the seventeenth century, says that
he was not only the first native, but the first who travelled in these
islands, to write a description of them. He makes a complaint which
might very well be repeated at the present day, “That the modern itch
after knowledge of foreign places is so prevalent, that the generality
of mankind bestow little thought or time upon the place of their own
nativity.” and adds, “It is become customary in those of quality to
travel young, into foreign countries, while they are absolute strangers
at home.”
This has left us with
very little knowledge of the social life of the Highland people during a
very interesting part in their history.
During those years
between the Reformation and the “45,” the Highlanders occupied a veiy
prominent part in Scottish History, and it is their misfortune to have
their deeds recorded by historians who showed no disposition to do them
justice. While their bravery and military prowess could not be
denied,—as in disparaging their bravery that of their opponents would be
still further degraded,—the meanest and most mercenary of motives were
attributed to them. The chiefs were represented as being actuated not by
sympathy or principle, but from their inherent love for rapine and
disorder, while their followers were supposed to have no choice in the
matter, but to blindly follow their chiefs without questioning the
object or cause.
We are not so much
concerned in the meantime as to the part the Highlanders took in the
events of those stirring times. Many of the facts are recorded in
history, and their bitterest enemies cannot deny them the credit which
is their due, and we may hope some day to see a History of Scotland that
will do them the justice their conduct deserves. Our purpose at present
is to give so far as we have been able to gather from the limited
sources at our command, an account of the social life in the Highlands
during the last century, and the early part of the present, before the
great changes consequent on the introduction of the sheep-farming system
took place.
Life in the Highlands in
those times was very different indeed from what it is at the present
day.
In a purely pastoral
country like the Highlands, nearly the whole population was necessarily
occupied in one way or another about the land, and everyone must
consequently have more or less land, according to his station, for the
maintenance of his stock, which constituted the wealth of the country.
The land was divided in the first instance in large tacks among the
chieftains or head men, who occupied what was termed “so many peighinnor
penny-lands, and for which they paid a certain tribute annually, partly
in kind and partly in money, in support of the dignity of the chief.
These men again let out portions of the land to the common men of the
tribe, for which they received payment in kind and also in services,
such as cutting and stacking peats, tilling the ground, and securing the
crops, &c.
These services were
rendered according to a regular system, so many days at peat cutting, at
spring work, or harvest, &c. When the services were rendered for land
held direct of the chief, they were termed Morlanachil or Borlanachcl.
When for lands held of the tacksmen, they were termed Cariste. So long
as the patriarchal system prevailed, these services were neither so
severe nor so degrading as they became in later years, when the chiefs
lost all interest in their people. When the strong arms and loyal hearts
of his clansmen formed his only wealth, the chief was very careful of
the comfort of his people, and the tacksman were bound to treat them
justly, as the chief could not depend upon the loyalty of an unhappy
people. When, however, with altered circumstances, after the passing of
the “Hereditary Jurisdiction Act,” they lost the power they formerly
held, of combining together for the purpose of warfare, their love for
their people ceased; farms were let to the highest bidder, and in most
instances, south-country shepherds and stock raisers, took the place of
the Highland gentlemen tacksmen. Then the position of those who were
left as sub-tenants, became uncomfortable in the extreme. The former
tacksmen, from their kindly nature and clannish sympathies, would
naturally treat them kindly, but the new-comers, whose only interest was
the making of money, considered them only as lumber in the way of their
sheep and cattle, and services which formerly were rendered as an
indirect way of maintaining the dignity of their chief, soon became
degrading in their eyes, and very grevious to be borne.
The land held by the
members of the clan under the old system, was divided into townships,
usually leth-pheighinn, or half-penny land to the townships. Penny-lands
were of different sizes, probably according to their value, or custom of
the district.
Skene says, that the
average township in the Mid Highlands consisted of 90 acres within the
head dyke, of which 20 acres were infield, 15 acres were outfield, 10
acres meadow, 35 acres green pasture, and 10 acres woody waste, and the
moorland behind the dyke 250 acres.
The arable land was
usually held on the runrig system, a third of the land being divided by
lot every three years, while each had a stated amount of stock on the
hill pasture. Besides the regular rent charge, each member of the clan
contributed according to his means on great occasions, such as the
marriage of a son or daughter of the chief. These contributions, in the
aggregate, frequently amounted to a good deal. It was customary, even on
the occasion of the marriage of an ordinary clansman, for the neighbours
to make a contribution of useful articles so as to put the young couple
in a good way of house keeping.
The rent book of a
Highland chief in the olden time would be a very interesting study to
day, with its payments in kind. In the old “Statistical Account’’ of
Scotland, Dr. Smith, of Campbeltown, gives a most interesting statement
of the rental of the district of Kintyre and Islay in 1542, then in the
possession of the Lord of the Isles—
At the time of which we
write there were no slated houses in the Highlands, with the exception
of the castle of the chief and chieftain. The common houses were built
upon the same plan as many of the crofters’ houses of the present day,
with the fire on the middle of the floor. Many of them had the cattle in
the one end of the building, with only a wattle partition plastered with
clay, dividing them from the part occupied by the family. Many more had
barns and stables apart from the dwelling, but were irregularly placed.
From the ruins of hamlets still easily traceable on every hill side, it
can be seen that the habitations of the tenants of former days were
built more substantial, and with more ideas to comfort than the huts of
their successors the crofters.
One cannot, on examining
the ruins of the many castles in the Highlands, but be struck with the
extraordinary strength of the buildings, and it is difficult to imagine
that they could have been the work of the barbarians our ancestors are
supposed to have been, if we believe all we are told by the historians.
In order to give them strength they were built on the ledges of rocks,
or on the most inaccessible promontories, which would make it a very
difficult undertaking, even with all the machinery of the present day.
What it must have been in those days it is difficult to imagine. These
buildings took such a time to put up, and cost so much labour, that it
is not astonishing that the minor gentry contented themselves with
houses of a less pretentious kind.
In foretelling the many
changes that were to come over the country, Coinnecich Odhar, mentions
among other things, that there would be a “Tigh geal air gach cnoc,” a
white house on each hillock, which has been verified in some districts
at least. It is a source of astonishment to strangers visiting the
Western Isles, that the people are content to live in such houses, as
many of them inhabit. From a careful study of the Highland question, I
have become convinced that it is more the misfortune than the
inclination of the people, which causes such an apparent want of desire
to improve their surroundings. I am satisfied that notwithstanding the
insecurity of tenure in the past, they would not content themselves in
such houses were it not the great difficulty of procuring timber, there
being very little growing timber in the islands. This is easily seen, as
in those districts in the Highlands where wood is easily procurable, the
houses are of a superior class, and even in the islands, whenever a
crofter made a little money, his first care was to improve his dwelling,
though frequently at the risk of an increase of rent.
The rearing and dealing
in cattle was by far the most important industry in the country, and
even the principal gentry were engaged in it. They collected all the
cattle, which they bought up usually in the month of September, and
drove them to the Southern markets. The transporting of a drove of
cattle in those days, was a laborious work, as well as a very risky one.
In many cases they had to pay tribute for permission to pass through the
land of a clan with whom the owner did not happen to be on good of
terms. They often ran the risk of encountering some of the Ceathctrnachs,
or broken men who infested the mountain passes on the road, and losing
some of the droves, unless the drovers were strong enough to hold their
own.
In many cases the drovers
did not pay for their herd till their return, and then they went round
their customers, and paid them with scrupulous honesty. Most of them
being gentlemen of honour and position in their respective districts,
the people considered the transaction safe. When occasionally they were
disappointed, the unfortunate thing was that they had no redress—there
was no petitioning for cessio in those days. Rob Donn, the bard, who was
frequently employed as a drover in the interest of his chief, Lord Reay,
and others, composed a very scathing elegy on the death of one of these
characters, who died at Perth, on his way home from the South.
From the want of roads,
cattle was the only commodity that could make its own way to the market,
the small Highland breed of sheep which was reared in the country at
that time, was not usually sent to the Southern markets—this breed of
sheep which is now nearly extinct, with the exception of some few still
reared by the crofters in the Island of Uist, is a hardy little animal,
the wool of which is very fine, and the mutton exceedingly sweet and
tender. I have seen some rams of this breed, with as many as four, or
six horns.
The honourable profession
of “cattle lifting” was not classcd as a common theft—far from it. Many
a Highlander is still proud of his “cattle lifting” ancestors. It was
customary for a young chieftain before being considered capable of
taking part in the affairs of his clan, to make a raid upon some other
clan with whom they were at feud, or into the low country, whence they
considered every man had a right to drive a prey. Some clans obtained a
greater notoriety than others as cattle lifters. The MacFarlans were
such adepts at the work, that the sound of their gathering tune “Togciil
nam bo” was enough to scare the Lowland bodachs of Dumbartonshire. The
MacGregors, again, had a world wide reputation in the profession, while
the MacDonalds of Glencoe and Keppoch, and the Camerons in the Mid
Highlands, were not far behind them in excellence, and my own clan in
the North rejoiced in the flattering patronymic of “Claim Aoidh nan
Creach.” It so happened that those clans who bordered on Lowland
districts, were more given to pay their neighbours those friendly
visitations. In several districts there are corries pointed out where
the cattle used to be hid ; as a rule they are inaccessible, but from
one narrow opening, which could easily be defended against any rescuing
party. It is peculiar that a very high code of honour obtained among
even the most inveterate reivers. A Highland reiver would never stoop to
anything less than a cow from a rich man; the property of the poor was
always safe from them. Private robbery. murder, and petty thefts were
hardly known. It may be said there was nothing to steal, but there was
comparative wealth and poverty as elsewhere, and the poorer the people
were, the stronger the temptation to steal, and the stronger the
principle must have been which enabled them to resist it.
This scrupulous honesty
was not confined to the property of their own kinsfolk, the effects of
strangers who might happen to be among them were equally safe. They were
most scrupulous in paying their debts, and such a thing as granting a
receipt or a bond for money lent, would be considered an insult—Dh
’fhalbh an latha sin!
There was an old custom
of dealing with people who did not pay their debts. The neighbours were
convened and formed into a circle with the debtor in the centre. He was
there compelled to give a public account of his dealings, and if the
judge considered that he had not done fairly, a punishment called “Thin
chruaiclh ” was administered to him. He was caught by two strong men by
the arms and legs, and his back struck three times against a stone.
The instruments of
husbandry in those days were of the rudest description. With the smaller
tenant the greater part of the tillage was done with the ccis-chrom,
same as now used by the crofters in many districts. The plough then in
use was entirely of wood, with perhaps an iron sock, and was drawn by
four, and often by six horses. The horses were yoked abreast, and were
led by a man walking backwards, another man held the plough, and a third
followed with a spade to turn any sods which might not happen to be
turned properly. The whole arrangement was of the most primitive
description, and would look very amusing at the present day.
The harrows had wooden
teeth, and sometimes brushwood in the place of the last row, which
helped to smooth the ground. There being no roads in many districts,
carts could not be used, so that goods had to be carried on horse back,
in two creels, hung upon a wooden saddle with a thick rug made of
twisted rushes neatly woven together. The burden had to be divided, so
as to balance on the animal’s back—if this could not be done it was put
on one side, and stones put to balance it on the other. There was also a
form of sledge used for carrying any heavy article; it was shod with
iron, and dragged after the horses like a harrow; another form had trams
like a cart. The first was called Losgunn, the latter Carn-slaocl. These
are still used in districts where there are no roads.
Such a thing as a gig or
carriage was, of course, out of the question in those clays; indeed,
there are people living, who remember when the first spring conveyance
came to Skye. The remains of this ancient luxury are still to the fore.
It has hail an eventful history, first in the honored services of the
laird, when it carried thereof the island, and was the admired of all
beholders. Then it became the bearer of the laird’s factor; from that it
came down the hill to the service of a tacksman, and finally settled
with a small country innkeeper, where it ended its busy days.
Before the erection of
meal mills, the corn was all ground with the quern, two flat stones
fixed, the one upon the other, the upper having a handle to turn it
round, and a hole in the centre by which the corn was put in; this was
very laborious work. I have seen the quern even yet at work when the
quantity of corn was so small, as not to be worth while sending to the
mill. It is astonishing the quickness with which a smart person could
with this appliance prepare a quantity of meal. A friend of mine on one
occasion had a good example of this. Visiting an old woman in the
heights of Assynt, she was pressed to wait and get something to eat,
whereupon the old matron went out to the barn, took in a sheaf of corn,
and in a minute whipped the oats off with her hand, winnowed it with a
fan at the end of the house, then placed it on the fire in a pot to dry;
after that it was ready to be ground, and then, being put through a
sieve, was ready to bake. The whole thing was done within an hour, from
the time she took in the sheaf of corn, till the cakes were on the
table, and my friend says she “ never tasted better.”
The diet of former days
was very simple, and no doubt accounts for the immunity of our ancestors
from many of the forms of sickness, with which their more degenerate
posterity are troubled. They were at that time, of course, necessarily
restricted to the resources of our own country, which were much better
suited to build up a healthy constitution, than the foreign luxuries of
the present day.
Martin, whom I have
already mentioned, gives the following account of the diet of the people
of Skye, about 200 years ago:—
“The diet generally used
by the natives consists of fresh food, for they seldom taste anything
that is salted, except butter; the generality eat but little flesh, and
only persons of distinction eat it every day and make three meals. All
the rest eat only two, and they eat more boiled than roasted. Their
ordinary diet is butter, cheese, milk, potatoes, colworts, brochan i.e.,
oatmeal boiled with water. The latter, taken with some bread, is the
constant food of several thousands of both sexes in this and other
islands during the winter and spring, yet they undergo many fatigues
both by sea and land, and are very healthful. This verifies what the
poet saith—Popvlis sat est Lymphaque Ceresque: Nature is satisfied with
bread and water.”
As far back as the year
1744, in order to discourage the use of foreign luxuries, at a meeting
of the Skye Chiefs, Sir Alexander MacDonald of MacDonald, Norman MacLeod
of MacLeod, John MacKinnon of MacKinnon, and Malcolm MacLeod of Raasay,
held in Portree, it was agreed to discontinue and diseountenance the use
of brandy, tobacco, and tea.
Though they could not be
said to be addicted to drink, the Highlanders of that period used a
considerable quantity of liquor, but more as a daily beverage than in
drams, as at the present day. Martin relates some curious drinking
customs. When a party retired to any house to transact business and had
a refreshment, it was usual to place a wand across the doorway, and it
would be considered the utmost rudeness for anyone to intrude, while it
remained there.
Ale formed a great part
of the beverages of those days, and houses for the sale of ale were
numerous, even in Tiree. It was not till the latter end of last century
that whisky was sold in these houses.
Drinking at marriages and
funerals was frequently carried to excess, particularly the latter. At
marriages the dancing and other amusements helped to evaporate some of
the exuberance, but at funerals, they drank to keep down their grief,
and as they had often to carry the bier a long distance, they took
frequent refreshments by the way, and more after the burial, with the
result that very unseemly conduct often took place. The Highlanders are
not more blameworthy in this respect than others, for the same was
practised in all parts of Scotland at that period. These barbarous
customs are happily gone, which we have no reason to regret.
The marriage feasts were
great affairs. They lasted usually for four days—dancing, feasting, and
singing songs, being kept up the whole time. The dancing usually took
place in a barn, which in some districts, was a building of considerable
dimensions, and the friends coming from a distance, for whom room could
not be found in the house, were put to sleep in outhouses on
shake-downs, or billeted in the neighbouring houses.
It was on the occasion of
a wedding of this description, that Rob Dunn composed the well known
song, “Briogais Mhic Ruairiilh.”
In the olden times the
pipe and the song were frequently heard in every Highland clachan, and
the youths of the country could enjoy themselves in a rational manner.
Shinty, putting the stone, tossing the caber, and other manly exercises,
were freely engaged in, the different districts and parishes vying with
each other in friendly rivalry, but the Calvanistic doctrines of the
Highland clergy preached all the manliness out of the people, and I
don’t think that even they will be bold enough to assert that they have
preached anything better into them.
As Rob Donn so very
graphically says of them—
Join their clubs and
society
You’ll find most of the pack of them
Fit for pedlars and sailor?,
Fit for drovers or factors,
Fit for active shrewd farmers,
Fit for stewards, not wasteful,
Their sworn calling excepted,
Fit for everything excellent.
It is wonderful after all
how tenacious our old mother tongue has been of its life. It seems the
insane policy of denaturalizing the Highlanders, in order to civilize
them, has not been an idea of modern years. As far back as 1795, an Act
of Parliament was passed beginning thus—<l Our Sovereign Lord,
considering that several of the inhabitants of the Highlands are very
refractory in paying to the chamberlains and factors, the rents of the
Bishopric of Argyle and the Isles, which now His Majesty has. been
graciously pleased to bestow upon erecting of English Schools for the
rooting out of the Irish Language (Gaelic) and other uses.”
Strange that after two
hundred years of this denaturalizing process, the Gaelic language is
spoken by more people now than it was then, and looks quite robust
enough to stand two hundred years yet.
As might be expected from
the rude implements of husbandry in use, the ignorance of the best modes
of agriculture, as well as the want of roads and communication with the
southern markets, there were occasionally seasons of severity owing to
bad harvests, and in such times, the poor people were reduced to sore
straits, and were it not for the kindly feeling which existed among the
different classes of society, serious consequences might have happened,
but in those times those that had, shared with those who had not.
In seasons of severity,
many had recourse to a very barbarous means of increasing their store of
provisions, by bleeding the cattle and mixing the blood with meal, which
was said to make a very nourishing diet.
Besides the usual butter
and cheese, they made many preparations of milk, such as “crowdy ”—that
is, the curdled milk well pressed, and cured with a little salt and
butter. “Onaich” or frothed whey. This was done with a stick having a
cross on the end, over which was placed a cord made of the hair of a
cow’s tail. This instrument was worked round in the whey swiftly between
the two hands, which quickly worked it into a thick froth.
Another more simple
preparation was the. “Stajjag,” made of cream, with a little oatmeal
stirred into it. After the introduction of the potato, there was no
famine in the Highlands till the unfortunate failure of that crop in the
year 1846-7, and owing to the changes which had taken place by divorcing
the people from the soil; that famine is counted the severest that is
known to have visited the country. Of course, it must be understood that
the Highlands was not the only part of the country that had these
periodic visitations of famine; such were quite common in these times in
the most fertile districts of England, before the principles of
agriculture were so well understood. It is, however, melancholy to
reflect that while other districts of the country have been making great
strides forward in social progress, and that while in every other place
“two blades of grass grow where only one grew before,” in the Highlands,
the reverse is the case. Where corn and barley waved a hundred years
ago, heather and rushes grow luxuriantly to-day —a sad comment on our
civilization and progress !
For a picture of the
Social State of the Country about the end of last century, the following
extract from the old “Statistical Account of Scotland,” 1792, referring
to the parish of Assynt, by the Rev. William Mackenzie, minister of the
parish, is perhaps the best estimate we could have of the condition of
the Highlands at that period—“Properly speaking, though many here are
poor, they cannot be represented as a burden on the parish. The natives
are all connected by alliance. When any one becomes old and feeble, the
nearest relations build a little comfortable house close to their own
residence; and even there the distaff and spindle are well managed.
These old matrons nurse the children of their relations; the songs and
airs of Fingal and ancient heroes are sung in the Gaelic tongue, to
which the little children dance. Old men are prudently engaged in
domestic affairs, such as repairing the houses of the neighbours, &c. In
short, they share with their relatives all the viands of the family. At
this period the poorest stranger, even though he be unacquainted, finds
charity and safe shelter; but there is a very great distance (and now no
places as of old) in this wilderness betwixt this parish and the inn at
Brae of Strath o’ Kill. Such being the condition of the poor in Assynt
Parish, there are no public funds. The little trifle of money that is
collected every Sabbath day after divine worship is served, is yearly
distributed amongst the most friendless and deserving poor.”
SECOND PAPER
He knows but little, I
think, of Highland history who does not admit and deplore the absence in
our day of some of those splendid elements of character, the kindly
feelings of mutual confidence that bound the people to each other and
all to their chiefs, the conditions of life and surroundings under which
the people lived, so favourable as these were to the strengthening of
those ties and the development of those traits of character for which
our ancestors were distinguished. Contrast those times with the present,
and look upon the almost distracted condition of the
Highlands—agricultural and almost every other industry on the verge of
ruin ; and instead of the old feelings of mutual confidence and
attachment to their chiefs, you have almost everywhere a discontented
people, in some districts at open variance with their proprietors, the
natural successors of those to whom in a former age they were so firmly
attached. Look at the wilderness aspect of those straths and glens,
which even in times and under circumstances less favourable to
agriculture and stock-rearing in the Highlands, supported thriving
contented communities. Look at the uncomfortable condition of the
landless masses, who either struggle on patches of unsuitable soil or
form the unproductive populations of the towns and sea-coast villages ;
and I think it must be admitted that whatever difference of opinion may
exist as to the causes and remedies, there can be no difference of
opinion as to the fact that the social condition of the Highlands is not
satisfactory, and contrasts unfavourably with the past, in days not long
gone by.
It is sometimes said that
the mere rehearsal of grievances and wrongs, which, to say the least,
originated in a past age, and for which a past and departed generation
is mainly responsible, is neither fair nor of much practical effect
towards having those grievances remedied. To this it may be replied that
could there now be traced on the part of the Highland landowners, or
that section of the public press which supports their past policy,
symptoms of a generous acknowledgment of those wrongs, and a desire to
trace the present agitated state of the Highlands to something like the
natural causes, then, I say, we might be expected to (and readily would)
draw a veil over much of what is regretable and even discreditable in
the past treatment of the Highlanders. We might then be asked from
henceforth to say nothing more about the clearing of the straths and
glens, or that purely commercial policy which, to make room for sheep
and deer, drove the best of the people into exile, or to the morally as
well as physically unhealthy atmosphere of the towns.
Where, however, in all
the public utterances of landlords and that section of the press just
referred to, do we find a trace of such an acknowledgment On the
contrary, is not the present unfortunate social condition of the
Highlands attempted to be traced to almost every cause and influence
except those which will by-and-bye be found the real ones
In illustration of this,
perhaps I may be allowed to refer to that excellent and sympathetic
address recently delivered to this Society by our late chief, Lochiel.
It may be taken as representing the views of the best and most
sympathetic among our Highland lairds. In the efforts that must soon be
made to heal the breach that apparently in the Highlands is widening
between the owners and occupiers of the soil, Lochiel’s expressed
opinions must always deservedly exert a most important influence. In
dealing, in that address, with the present agitation in the Highlands,
he, however, as I humbly think, falls into two common errors. He
under-estimates its importance and traces its origin to circumstances
and incidents by far too recent and local in their character. He says—
“The history of the
agitation in the North is short. It began not a very long time ago. It
was insinuated by the quasi famine, owing to the bad harvest of 1882,
and was brought into more prominence by debates in the House of Commons,
and it finally received more notoriety by the appointment of the Royal
Com mission.”
This short and ready
explanation of the present condition of the Highlands is not
satisfactory to many who have given the subject some earnest impartial
attention. Many—and their number is increasing—believe that the present
agitation originated not two years or twenty years ago, but that it
originated many years ago along with, or rather out of, that policy of
the depopulation of the rural districts which so much altered and
disturbed the social life of the Highlands. Every small holding
extinguished so as to increase the size of the big sheep farm, every
acre of ground thrown out of cultivation to increase the dimensions of
deer forests —these, and not a recent bad harvest, were the incidents
that helped to develop it; and what more than the appointment of the
Royal Commissioners gave this agitation its recent activity and
notoriety, is the development of Mr Winans’ deer forest, which, not
content by the swallowing of thousands of acres of good laud stretching
from the East to the West Coast of Scotland, threatens to clear off the
land of their ancestors the entire community of crofters and cottars,
not even tolerating the bleat of Murdo Macrae’s pet lamb on the fringe
of tins huge forest. These matters surely had, and have, something to do
with the present condition of the North; and yet in Lochiel’s excellent
speech they found not a single reference.
There is, however,
another class of speakers and writers who, when dealing with the present
state of the Highlands, not only ignore the primary causes of the
present trouble, but assume a tone and give expression to sentiments
that certainly are not calculated to soothe the irritations that
unhappily exist. I refer to those who profess to see in this movement an
agitation originated and fostered by external influences only. By such
critics those who venture to condemn the depopulating of the past, or
demand the redress of present grievances, are branded as outside
agitators, actuated by selfish and unworthy motives. Now, although the
history of this movement warranted this tone and these insinuations in a
greater measure than it does, I think it is an exceedingly ill-advised
method of dealing with such a social agitation, especially among
Highlanders. To attempt to suppress a constitutional agitation for the
remedy of recognised and well-defined grievances by mere bullying ; to
drag the names of respectable and loyal citizens who express sympathy
with the people through the press in columns of sarcasm and ridicule, is
as foolish as it is unfair. Such treatment has a two-fold pernicious
effect on this or any similar movement; it deprives the agitation of the
advice and influence of many who, while quite in sympathy, are too
sensitive to face the sneers and sarcasms to which connection with such
a movement exposes them. But this is not all, for just in proportion as
the more sensitive (not unfrequently the more real) people are
alienated, in the same ratio does the control and guidance of the
agitation fall into the hands of those whose personal feelings are not
so sensitive, and who on that very account will, in the final
adjustment, show less regard to the feelings and interests of the other
party in the conflict.
I do not know that there
are many lessons that the modern history of Europe teaches more forcibly
than this, or an error more frequently repeated in dealing with
agitations for the redress of social and political wrongs.
After references to the
case of France and of Ireland, the speaker proceeded :—
It is to be hoped,
indeed, from the past history and character of the Highland people, we
may say it is absolutely certain, that this Highland movement will never
show any trace of similarity to that of France or Ireland. At the same
time, I hesitate not to say that should this agitation in the future
develop a more objectionable tendency, the responsibility will rest on
the apathy of those who are now appealed to for reasonable remedies. To
any one who has given the least attention to the past history of the
Highlands, the theory that the present agitation and the unfortunate
relationships existing in some places between proprietors and people is
the mere outcome of outside influences and agitators, is as unlikely as
it is absurd.
The present agitation
would never have originated, far less assumed its present importance,
did there not exist in the conditions and surroundings of the people
abundance of that material on which such agitations flourish. The
feelings and sentiments of a people, especially the Highland people,
towards their superiors and landlords could never have undergone such a
manifest change at the bidding of any outsider, however influential, or
under the promise of rewards, however tempting. A little less than a
century and a half ago the powerful influence and threats of the English
Government was brought to bear on the Highlanders to induce or compel
them to turn their backs on their chiefs and the cause they supported.
What a strange contrast does the conduct of the people of that time
present to the present. Then neither the threats, the promises, nor the
dazzling reward of £30,000 offered by the Government, would induce the
men and women of Skye to forsake their chiefs or the prince whom they
believed to be their sovereign. Now the scene is changed, and the
Central Government has to send the military to Skye to enforce those
obligations which, in a former age, no pressure or reward would induce
the people to violate. Such a change as this indicates in the temper and
relationship of proprietor and people affords surely food for
reflection, not only to the proprietors, but to the nation as well. When
troubles surround our wide-spread interests abroad, and when even still
more alarming dangers manifest themselves in our large towns at home, it
is surely not a time to alienate the affections of a people always the
most loyal and law-abiding—a people who have more than once proved the
country’s protection in the hour of need.
In the face of the abuse
heaped on those who now venture to sympathise with the present
grievances, and condemn the policy which has so depopulated the rural
districts in the Highlands, it may not be out of place to notice that,
if they err, it is in the company of many with whom it is no small
honour to have any association whatever.
That the Highland people
have got but scant justice has been quite as earnestly expressed in the
past as it is in the present day; and that by men and women with whom,
in point of culture, patriotism, and sound sense, the modern critics
will bear no comparison. Nearly a century ago, and just when in the new
departure in the Highlands sheep and deer were replacing men, that lady
of culture, Mrs Grant of Laggan, in some of those splendid “ Letters
from the Mountains,” took occasion to denounce the clearances, and
express her sympathy with the people. General Stewart of Garth, who
thoroughly appreciated the character of the Highlanders and their
military value to the nation, reiterated the same opinions. Hugh Miller,
whose deep philosophical mind and scientific mode of thinking and
writing would surely place him above suspicion as a mere agitator, saw
the wrongs inflicted on the people, and denounced them in the severest
language. The Macleods of Morven wept and sung melancholy dirges over
the desolations that surrounded their once populous parishes. And what
shall I say of that brave and gallant youth who, to the grief of his
countrymen, recently lost his life in that struggle that has now cast
such a halo of melancholy interest over the Soudan. In John A. Cameron,
of the Standard, the Highlanders lost their latest and best friend. His
life, short as it has been, was far too real to allow vague theories and
sentiments have for him any attraction, and yet his chivalrous nature
responded to some of the grievances of his native Highlands. During the
earlier troubles in Skye his stirring letters to the Standard newspaper
gave the social condition of the North an interest to the higher circles
of English society that it never had before, and from the publicity thus
obtained good will follow. Some of his latest literary work before
leaving for the Nile were, I think, papers in some of the magazines
bearing on Highland subjects. In one of these he drew public attention
to the degenerating composition of the Highland regiments, deploring
that some of these were fast becoming Highland in name only, by the
necessity of filling the ranks from the large towns. Another, a paper
entitled “Storm Clouds in the Highlands,” is full of melancholy
interest, giving ample promise that had he lived the best interests of
his native Highlands would have in him an earnest advocate. If it were
really necessary to say more to vindicate the justice of the claims made
on behalf of the Highlands by referring at greater length to the
character of those who in the past as well as the present recognised and
advocated those claims, I might furnish you with a list long enough of
Scotchmen and Englishmen whose very names and association with this
movement should protect it from the harsh criticism we are so accustomed
to hear. When the critics and newspapers who ridicule the efforts of
those who in the present day advocate land law reform in the Highlands
shall be forgotten, a future age will set its proper value on the
services rendered by such men as Professor Blackie, Mackay of Hereford,
and the ever-increasing band who are at present fighting the people’s
battle. I would not refer to this matter so much for the mere object of
indicating the character and motives of the Highlanders and their public
friends, even if this were necessary, as it is not, but I avail myself
of this opportunity of protesting against harsh and unfair insinuations
on public grounds, and in the interest of law and order throughout the
Highlands, and as such criticism has a tendency to irritate and rouse
feelings once awakened not so easily calmed down.
It is hardly necessary
for me here to say that the greatest obstacle in the way of social
reform in the Highlands at present is the conduct of those of the people
who, in their efforts to obtain redress, do not strictly adhere to
constitutional and peaceable means, and who, while able to do so, refuse
to discharge obligations which honour and morality demand. Highlanders
should at this time in particular remember that every act of
lawlessness, as well as every unreasonable demand, throws discredit on
their movement, and frustrates the best efforts of their friends.
Let me now assume that
what I have so far been pointing out is to a certain extent at least
correct; let me take for granted that you admit that there are in the
circumstances and surroundings of the people grievances that call for
remedies; let the characters and motives of those who advocate those
remedies be at least respected; let landlords and factors, county
officials, and a section of the press, for a time at least, sheathe
those weapons of cold indifference and active irritation which have
hitherto marked their attitude towards this movement; and then, and not
till then, I venture to say a foundation lias been obtained on which
good will and mutual co-operation may yet build a future of peace and
prosperity for the Highlands.
I say mutual
co-operation, for if the present condition of the Highlands is to be
improved, three parties must co-operate, each fulfilling their
respective obligations—the Legislature, the proprietors, and the people.
Speaking generally, this combined action must tend in the immediate
direction of gradually reversing the policy which has for so long
influenced land legislation, estate management, and the system of
agriculture in the North.
The unnatural exodus of
the people from the rural districts into the large towns and villages
must be stopped : not by any arbitrary or artificial means, but by
creating in the rural districts conditions of life and surroundings more
attractive than at present exist. This process of clearing the people
from the rural districts, and the natural effect of rapidly increasing
the population of the towns, is unhealthy and dangerous. The whole
tendency of the present land laws and systems of estate management
encourages this process. What of the land that is not idle and
unproductive is year by year passing into fewer hands ; there is thus
less labour needed and less food produced. A first step in the right
direction would, I think, be the immediate alteration of those laws of
entail and primogeniture that at present bind up so much land in the
nominal hands of those who have neither the power or the means to
develop its resources. A veto must at the same time be put on the
further increase of deer forests, or such other arrangements as
withdraws the land from its proper use, and limits the quantity.
Without the active
interference of the Legislature, I think that from the present state of
agriculture in this country, and the evident collapse of the past system
of large farms, the good practical sense of the proprietors will
encourage an immediate increase in the number and size of small
holdings. Legislation must, however, give the tenant a tangible security
of tenure, and an undoubted claim to whatever improvements he makes or
additional value he adds to his holding, with a perfect right to dispose
of his interest in the same to the best advantage. In connection with
this, it is often said that security of tenure with or without leases
already exists on most estates in the Highlands. In reply to this, it
need only be said that that security of tenure a man holds dependent on
the goodwill of his proprietor or the customs of the estate, is by far
too unsatisfactory aud precarious, compared with that security
established by law. A change of proprietorship, a mere dispute with one
of the estate officials, may disturb the former, while the latter is
dependent only on his proper performance of his lawful obligations, and
is much more conducive to independence and a greater incentive to
industry. Placed in a satisfactory position in his tenure and in his
rights to his improvements, I do not know that it would be desirable to
fix rents by legal processes such as the proposed land courts. This, I
fear, would tend to create new difficulties, and lead to frequent and
expensive litigation, adding to the objectionable extent to which our
social and business arrangements are already in lawyers’ hands. An
agricultural holding, like other places of business, must always be more
or less affected by other circumstances than the position and nature of
the soil, such as the amount of industry and intelligence brought to
bear upon it; and no land court, however impartial, can on the whole so
surely and safely determine the value of such holdings as the healthy
action of the natural law of supply and demand.
Here, however, we are at
once confronted with the great difficulty in the Highlands, the limited
quantity of land available for the multiplication of small holdings. At
present the tenant looking out for such is placed at an enormous
disadvantage ; he has to make terms for a commodity the value of which
is naturally increased, and the supply of which is restricted by the
long operation of unhealthy influences. This, however, is surely a
difficulty that the wisdom of Parliament and the proprietors ought to be
competent to deal with. The unprofitable history of large farms for the
past few years, and the greater success attending the smaller holdings,
clearly indicate that even in the interest of the rent-roll the increase
in the number of the latter is advisable. The alternative of deer
foresting large farms falling vacant, so much acted on of late, is one
not in favour with popular opinion—in fact, it is not only in the rural
districts but in the large towns becoming regarded as a social evil,
limiting the food-producing capacity of the country. Any one who studies
the signs of the times can see that “ the coming democracy” has its eye
on this and similar alienation of land, and if these matters once become
the subjects of practical legislation, we may depend upon it that the
reforms effected will be much more drastic than the reasonable
concessions that are now demanded.
But let me now suppose
that the difficulty of the present limited area of land available for
small holdings be got over by the voluntary breaking up of the large
farms and the compulsory curtailment of deer forests, we are again
confronted with the next difficulty, the want of means on the part of
the great body of the people to stock such holdings. Now, every one
admits that in the present condition of the Highlands this is a
difficulty, but I cannot help thinking that it is a difficulty to some
extent exaggerated, and a difficulty very much occasioned by the policy
of the past, for which the people are less responsible than is usually
admitted. On this account, the inability of the people to stock the land
ought to be referred to in a more kindly and considerate manner than is
sometimes done. If many of our Highland people have not the means to
stock the land with, we must not forget that they once had means, and
stock too, but in many instances by the sudden evictions from their
holdings, they were compelled to part with stock at little value, and
the want of subsequent employment soon dissipated the little means that
the expenses of removal left.
In their present
condition, however, the difficulty of want of capital is surely not
insurmountable. Once let the Highland crofter have security in his
tenure, and a legal right to whatever increase of value he gives his
holding in the form of stocks or other improvements, and I am bound to
say that the necessary aid will be forthcoming when required.
To the merchant, the
banker, and capitalist there is no safer investment than the
requirements of the holders of moderately sized holdings on such secure
footing as 1 have indicated. The scale of their operations does not
expose them to the risks and expenses attending a more extensive system.
The circumstances are better known to themselves and more readily
ascertained by those who have dealings with them. Money invested on the
security of industrious Highland small farmers and crofters, and thus
employed in developing the resources of the Highlands, is surely as safe
and well employed as in those foreign securities that have within recent
years swallowed up so much of even Highland capital. I am told on
reliable authority that within a few years back considerably over a
quarter of a million of money has been lost to Inverness and
neighbourhood in investments of this class—surely a strong argument for
seeking safer and more creditable investments at home.
For the investment of
such capital, the Highlands at this moment offer a wide, profitable, and
patriotic field. The food-producing powers of this couutry are being
neglected, so that year by year we are becoming more and more
dangerously dependent on foreign supplies. Not only in the towns, but in
country villages and rural districts, the people almost live entirely on
foreign food, and not only those commodities for the production of which
our soil and climate are unsuitable, but those articles which could be
grown and produced in this country better than in almost any other.
Every shilling’s worth of such food imported is so much added to the
wealth of the nation we buy from, and is equally so much reduction in
the wealth of our own. With, I suppose, about 35,000,000 of people in
this country to provide food for, the British agriculturist has a wide
field for the sale of his produce. If, as I have said before, we make a
large allowance for such articles for the production of which our
climate and circumstances may not be suitable, and in the position to
compete with the foreign farmer, there is still a wide field in other
articles in the production of which the British farmer, and particularly
the Highland crofter, might profitably compete.
In a magazine the other
day I came across some statistics of foreign food importations that in
the present condition of this country generally, and in the Highlands
particularly, were almost staggering. This writer, quoting reliable
Board of Trade statistics, says that we import annually, apart from
wheat and other kinds of grain, over £38,000,000 in articles that could
easily and profitably be produced at home. I shall only mention a few of
these, and in round numbers :—
Pork, cured and fresh ...
... ... £8,000,000
Butter ... ... ... ... ... 11,400,000
Cheese ... ... ... ... ... 4,700,000
Eggs ............... 2,400,000
Lard ............... 1,800,000
Onions ... ... ... ... ... 1,000,000
Potatoes ... ... ... ... ... 130,000
And ten other articles of
a similar class. Now, if we have in this country, and in the Highlands
particularly, the two great factors in food production, the land and the
people, is it too much to say that if not in the interests of the people
themselves, then in the wider interests of the nation, these two should
be brought together.
We must not forget,
however, that other remedies are proposed for the improvement of the
social condition of the Highlands, and to one of these in particular I
wish to draw your special attention. It is, you are aware, proposed that
it would be better for us to buy our food from abroad than produce it at
home, and the people are asked to improve their condition by emigrating
to other lands. I shall not take up your time at present by refer-ing to
the fallacy of the former remedy, but I have a word to say as to the
latter. I am not going to disparage emigration as a powerful and often
successful means in improving the condition of the people ; and when
carried out under such favourable circumstances and generosity of spirit
as seem to be the case on the estates of Lady Gordon Cathcart, I think
such a remedy is deserving of praise. I confess, however, that I look
with grave suspicion on many of the emigratory proposals now made to the
Highlands. We have seen over and over throughout the Highlands that
emigration, on however large a scale from a given district, does not
improve the condition of those who are left, as the land thus vacated is
not appropriated to them. In cases like these, emigration, as a remedy,
is only a mockery. Districts might be named where the present population
is only a percentage of what it once was ; and yet the condition of the
remnant left is worse than in the days of alleged congestion. This
indiscriminate emigration from the Highlands may be one of the causes of
the present poverty. From an industrial point of view the best portion
of the population are driven away—the young, the active, and the more
intelligent —leaving behind those less able to do for themselves. The
former, to become our keenest competitors in the productive industries
of other lands ; while the latter become year by year the unproductive
classes at home. Looking at the matter broadly, and in the light of much
of what has come under my own observation, I am not sure that the
glowing prospects of the successful career of the Highland emigrant is
too often realised, at least in the measure expected. Of course there
are many instances of emigrants getting on well in the land of their
adoption; but, at the same time, I suspect that there are many cases of
emigrants suffering privations, hardships, and ultimate failure,
intensified by the absence of the soothing influences of home and
kindred; and I suspect that the history of Highland emigration furnishes
as many sad tales of this sort as throws a shade of gloom over the
bright side of the picture. Last year a remarkable instance of the
uncertainties and hardships attending emigration came under our notice
here. I understand that the facts are still under investigation, and may
yet attract some attention. Shortly after the troubles that made the “
Braes ” famous, a body of Skye people (including some of those who were
conspicuous in that trial) were induced to emigrate to North Carolina.
According to the apparently-truthful story of two of the men who came
back to collect as much as would bring home their families, their fares
to the port of shipping, as well as their passage to North Carolina,
were paid, they knew not by whom. The prospect of plenty work and good
wages was held out to them on arrival, with other brighter prospects for
the future. On their arrival, however, they discovered to their bitter
disappointment that both promises and prospects were a delusion. Where
work was obtained, the only wages given was the bare food, and the
houses provided were the small one-roomed huts (as one of the men
remarked) once occupied by slaves. The 70 emigrants, scattered over the
country at long distances from each other, struggled on in the hope of
better treatment so long as the means they brought with them lasted.
Their condition, however, getting worse instead of better, and the food
and the climate telling injuriously on their health, those who could do
so left the place. The poor men who told this story in Inverness and
other places had no means left to bring back their families. By the kind
assistance of some friends and countrymen they have, I trust, by this
time been enabled to rescue the remaining members of their families from
the desperate condition into which they consider themselves to have been
misled. The melancholy tale of the hardships and disappointment
experienced by this small band of Skye emigrants is, I suspect, if all
were known, not unfrequent in the history of emigration from the
Highlands. The sufferings experienced by the earlier emigrants to the
North American colonies are matters of history, and when one ponders
over such records as these, one is forced to ask the question, is
emigration really the only alternative 1 Can no other means be found to
relieve the congestion of population in certain districts in the
Highlands by presenting opportunities for migration to other districts
where the presence of an industrious people would be a mutual benefit to
themselves and the proprietor. What has already been done in this
direction gives ample encouragement to do more. Let me give you one
instance. Between 30 and 40 years ago a large number of the inhabitants
of a Highland glen I know of had to leave owing to the new estate
arrangements of large farms characteristic of those times. I suppose
that the large majority of those people shared the common fate usually
attending such changes, either emigrating or finding shelter in the
Lowlands. By what seems to have been a chance more than anything else,
however, some IS or 20 families got a settlement on a piece of not very
promising land on the southern side of Knockfarrel, in the neighbourhood
of Strathpeffer. Here those families and their descendants formed what I
consider a model Highland township. Generously treated as they have been
by their noble proprietrix, even in the absence of much early
agricultural training, they have, by sheer hard work and industry,
converted that patch of comparative moorland into one of the best
cultivated and attractive clusters of small holdings to be found in the
Highlands. The area of land under cultivation does not, I think, much
exceed 150 acres ; yet on this limited area has existed for so long
almost as large a population as is to be found (holding land at least)
in the extensive glen from which they migrated. Perhaps you will allow
me to quote the complimentary reference made to this community by their
factor, Mr Gunn, Strathpeffer, in his evidence before the Royal
Commission :—“It happened that a colony of crofters who were removed
from another estate, to the number of eighteen families, applied for
this new land, and the Duchess of Sutherland, then Marchioness of
Stafford, yielded to their importunities and gave them possession,
granting them leases and materials with which to biiild houses. It is
due to these people to say that, with scarcely one exception, they have
proved to be excellent tenants in every respect. They are industrious,
and farm systematically and well, and of this we have the best evidence
in the fact that they pay their rents regularly, and that within the
last few years most of them have substantially improved their houses,
four of which have lately been slated.” To this testimony it may be
added, without fear of contradiction, that in their characters, social
arrangements, and the discharge of all outside obligations, this little
township is a credit to themselves and to the Highlands. Living
compactly together, and having common experiences, they have retained
among them many of those kindly feelings and mutual interest in each
other so characteristic of the Highland people of the past. The old
people among them, now almost passed away, were with few exceptions
carried back to their native glen, wishing with true Highland instinct
to mix their dust with those of their kindred. I have just referred to
this case to show that if such comparative success has attended
migration of an almost accidental character, what could, and may still,
be done under systematic efforts and greater encouragements. This
continual cry about the glories of emigration, with its glowing
prospects of wealth and fortunes, and entirely ignoring the
possibilities of industrious welldoing at home, has a demoralising
effect on the minds of the rising youth of the Highlands. Between the
squalid misery so often pictured to us on the estates of Skye, and the
ideal wealth of the emigrant, there is a wide field still unoccupied at
home, however much that field may be despised by the false teachings of
modern political economy. The maximum of happiness is not always found
in the effort to amass a fortune any more than in extricating oneself
from the toils and privations of poverty; possibly it is more to be
found in the medium condition of constant industry reasonably rewarded.
A complete reversal of the present agricultural system in the Highlands
would bring the people nearer this condition than anything else I can
think of. In agricultural and rural occupations perhaps, oftener than in
any other, is realised the ideal life of the poet—
“Toiling, rejoicing,
sorrowing,
Onward through life he goes,
Each morning sees some task begun,
Each evening sees it close :
Something attempted, something done,
Has earned a night’s repose.”
And as another of our own
poets has beautifully expressed it, there may be more real pleasure and
profit in constant industry than in the accumulation of wealth—
“’Tis the battle, not the
prize,
That fills the hero’s heart with joy,
And industry that bliss supplies
Which mere possession might destroy.”
When legislation will
give the Highland people a firmer footing on the land, and place more of
it at their disposal; when the present agitation ceases, because its
objects shall have been gained ; then will arrive a testing time in the
history of the Highlands as trying as any through which they have yet
passed. If the people are to preserve not only their own reputations,
but that of their ancestors, they will face the new and improved
condition in a manner that will command respect. When present grievances
are remedied there should be no desire to create new or imaginary ones,
and there should be an earnest effort made to revive those feelings of
goodwill and confidence—feelings between proprietors and people so
happily expressed in the good old motto:—“Claim nan Gaidhcal an
guaillibh a elieile.” Then shall our western isles, our straths and
glens, romantic in scenery as well as in history, become once again the
home of a people who, while they brook no injustice, will readily
acknowledge with gratitude such improvements in their social condition
as wise legislation and the prudence of the proprietors may bring about. |