The tendency to
associate is common to the aggrieved; and all men, even very good
natured men, being grumblers by nature, a considerable number beoome
members, or propose to become members, of some reforming society, in
the discharge, as they believe, of one duty of man; and that done,
they deem their political purpose in life completed, unless a dinner
has to be eaten periodically, and periodically a subscription to be
paid. The necessity of satisfying this tendency leads to the
formation of numerous associations, for very proper objects; and one
in a dozen, from the prevalence of "distressing circumstances” at
its birth, by the energy of its management, or the urgency of its
object, achieves success, becomes a mammy, and is placed in its
pyramid amid a cloud of perfume and a shower of roses.
The Scottish Rights Association was said to have been formed to
obtain justice to the Scottish lion in his contest with the English
beast. This respectable body desired to have "the right lion in the
right place.” They had also something to do with the unicorn, which
has commanded our sympathy since our first acquaintance with his
form and shape by the aid of engravings, published in certain cheap
works of Lumsden and Sons, prior to the comencement of the "Penny
Magazine” for the diffusion of useful knowledge, wherein it was set
forth that:
The lion and the
unicorn
Fighting for the crown,
The lion chased the unicorn
Round about the town.
The unicorn of these
days was out of all comparison the more civilised animal of the two
in appearance, and every way more amiable than his adversary.
Naturalists raised certain doubts regarding his existence at any
time, or in any quarter of the world; and wanted to substitute the
bulky and ugly rhinoceros in his place, but this scientific pretence
was an insult on the Scottish national arms, or insignia, which had
no other foundation than the ignorance of its perpetrators. It is
even part of the proof of "Our Hebrew Origin,” a very clever work,
and interesting that is, although amongst the evidences overlooked
by the author, that the horn of the unicorn is mentioned in a
position very likely to make it the symbol of the Ephraimites. This
passage wonld make nothing less nor more on the subject than the
existence of an animal of great strength, whose name was rendered
"the unicorn” by our translators. It might be that fearful
rhinoceros again. But we have an idea, very like a dream, that
somewhere, in the centre of Africa, doubtless, the unicorn still
exists—a strong, swift animal, fleeter than the horse, fiercer than
the lion in war, gentler than the gazelle in peace, an embodiment of
"Nemo me impune laeenet.” Mr. Gordon Cumming, or some other
travelling Nimrod, will yet explain the habits and haunts of our
national favourite, which they will not find with a hat on its horn.
That point must be conceded, and the hat sold.
The Scottish Rights Association had also something to do with the
shade of our lion’s skin; and the connexion of Scotland with the
unicorn is not more a mystery than the commencement of the red lion,
the sign over, in nearly every town, a noted house for convivial and
late nights, long remembered from hard drinking, and large spending
of money, strength, and time. The red lion will be more difficult to
discover than the unicorn.
These small affairs were turned against the association, which was
assailed as a subordinate college of heraldry, or a supplement to
the Antiquarians’ Museum; and its members were informed that they
were a little cracked, while Scotland itself was to be regarded as a
large Yorkshire. This was a blunder. Flags represent great thoughts,
and we cannot afford to put them down in this Malthusian, or
Benthamite, or utilitarian way. The bunting nailed to the mast has a
moral and a money value. The latter is little; the former saves a
ship and wins a victory. The regimental and the Queen’s colours are
not worth many pounds; yet many men have perished in their defence.
We are not all strong-minded men, clad in the dense armour of
cosmopolitanism; but the majority of us are creatures of weak minds,
fond of old ballads, learned in old feuds, proud of narrow
nationalities, and must be humoured when we are wanted. Before the
Russian war, the suppression of the bonnet, kilt, and plaid, was
warmly reoommended in London journals. The idea is never mentioned
now. Men are wanted; and hundreds who never wore bonnet, kilt, nor
plaid, adopt them on the principle that leads an Irishman to prefer
the shamrock to any flower of the field; and we admire his taste,
only because it evinces a strong nationality, often misdirected in
his own case; for very good feelings may be abused.
We do not quarrel with the Scottish Rights Association for taking
care of the pine apples and the strawberries of their case; but they
neglected everything else. Some conversation and correspondence
occurred respecting the appointment of a Scottish Secretary of
State; and the measure appears very reasonable. The Lord-Advocate of
the present year is a most accomplished and respectable lawyer,
evidently not in haste to be a judge; yet he is a man “of many
affairs" as all other Lord Advocates must be in the very nature of
things, and he cannot attend on all Scotch business with precision.
We are not prepared to name a better man at present, and therefore
we quarrel with the Lord-Advocate officially but not personally. No
gentleman could discharge all the duties of the office. England
cannot dispense with the Home Secretary, although assisted by an
Attorney-General and a Solicitor-General. The Secretary for Ireland
generally represents that section of the empire in Parliament,
although we have an Irish Attorney-General in the Commons, and a
distressing number of Irish barristers, all very clever in their own
business of speaking by the clock against time. The Home Secretary
is supposed to be capable of doing all the work of the three
kingdoms by a pretty fiction; for whenever a Scotch bill has to be
introduced, he leaves it to the harassed and oppressed
Lord-Advocate. The salary of this new official might be some object;
but it would be paid by subscription if the exchequer cannot afford
the outlay; and the people would still save very considerably by
this voluntary taxation.
The centralisation system formed another and a just ground of
complaint; for the consolidation of offices may have been carried
rather far in this oountry. We do not wish public business to be
starved down to the level of incapables; and a very large portion of
the public business in Scotland, notwithstanding the eastern
railways and the formation of telegraphs, may be better and more
cheaply performed in Edinburgh than elsewhere.
The grants from the Exchequer to national objects in England and
Ireland cause "innocent envy” to many persons in Scotland. They are
said to be much larger in proportion to the revenue from these
countries than the votes for Scottish purposes. The expenditure of
vast sums on the Royal residences of England contrasts unfavourably
with the dilapidation of similar edifices in Scotland. The outlay on
the London parks is gigantic, when compared with the economy shown
around Arthur’s Seat, incomparably the finest park in the Queen’s
dominions. The local police of the Scotch capital are paid by the
citizens, and that is not entirely the case either in Dublin or
London. Even the comparative state of the Poor-Laws is injurious to
Scotland. The Government have yet been unable to concede the means
of forming a harbour of refuge on the northern coasts, and all our
ports and shipping are defenceless. These allegations form part only
of a long list of grievances; and many of them are exaggerated by
parties who forget that large sums of public money have been
recently voted for Scotch objects; and that neither England nor
Ireland is a greedy or selfish partner in pecuniary affairs. They
have only to show a clear balance to gain a correction of any little
error in accounting. The details are reasons for the establishment
of a Home-office for Scotch business; but they need not be nursed
into separate examples of oppression; under which the country is
tolerably prosperous.
Scotland contributes undoubtedly a large revenue for which no direct
equivalent is afforded. The capitalists of Scotland do not directly
hold Consols, but the Banking and Life Assurance Companies are
creditors of the empire to a considerable extent; and through them
the Scotch may draw a fair share of the national dividends. The
active expenditure of the state chiefly occurs in England and
Ireland. The great naval depots are confined to England. The larger
proportion of military payments are made in Ireland. The official
payments are made principally in England. From these causes a large
part of the revenue collected in Scotland is drawn out of the
country, to return no more by any public channel. Men are told that
Lancashire and Yorkshire suffer the same operations that
Lincolnshire and Monmouthshire are exposed to the same drainage; but
these facts are inapplicable until we destroy the nationalities, and
uproot the history, poetry, and traditions of the two islands. The
legislation of the three kingdoms is distinct. Different acts are
passed even to accomplish the same object in the three divisions of
the home empire. The union of the three kingdoms has not destroyed
their individual characteristics, peculiarities, and privileges. We
desire the extension of this principle to the colonies, and seeking
the increase of the empire, therefore we seek the preservation of
all distinctions that are compatible with its solidity and strength.
The local grounds are not however so important as the Imperial
reasons for an alteration of our system. During peace, the Scotch
regiments collected their recruits through a few non-commissioned
officers, scattered over the country; but when the nation required
to double or treble the ordinary strength of these regiments, a
recruiting agency did not exist, and delays and difficulties
occurred.
The depots of the regiments were in England or Ireland. The military
spirit of the nation was not elicited by the pomp of war; yet if the
depots of all the Scotch regiments had been permanently stationed in
their own country, their roll would have been doubled in one-half of
the time already occupied by this operation, which is not even now
complete. A small sum may be saved during peace, by employing the
depot company and recruits of the Scottish regiments in English and
Irish cities; but the money is dearly earned, and the practice
should be abandoned now and for ever.
The marine building, engineering, and manufactures of Aberdeen and
Glasgow, have placed them in the first rank, some way in the van of
other ports, for quality in their respective departments of sailing
ships and steam vessels; while the Clyde is A1, for quality and
quantity both, of steamers. The east and west coasts present
admirable advantages for one or more naval stations. A naval arsenal
on the Frith of Forth, above Edinburgh, would be defended more
easily than any English depot, from Pembroke to Portsmouth and to
the Thames. The upper banks of this Frith present all the natural
advantages required for this purpose. And yet, the national
ship-building business is neither submitted to competition, nor is
any part of it removed to Sootland or Ireland, although it might be
better and cheaper done; while the Cove of Cork is our first harbour
for the Atlantic or the Mediterranean, almost equal to Lisbon. We
are exposed to the charge of supporting local interests by these
statements; but must Imperial objects suffer because those who
advocate them may possibly hear that they are tainted with local
prejudice? The more genera] distribution of the naval arsenals and
shipbuilding would obtain for the people’s service a greater number
of boys and seamen than are now found from the outports, and would
secure them upon better terms than those now paid, in an exigency;
for the service has various advantages not often realised in the
mercantile marine. After including the risk of battle, it is less
hazardous; for the ships are better found, and the men have better
clothes, food, lodging, and medical attendance than npon the average
of mercantile ships; while, if the discipline of some naval officers
be severe, that of mercantile officers is also often severe, and a
little over on the wrong side.
These local movements must not always be considered as narrow-minded
grumblings alter a share of fat things. They may be based upon the
opinion that our general business is more costly because it is
centralised, than it would be if it were more generally diffused;
while the same choice of men is not practicable in one locality that
could be procured in all the kingdoms three. This opinion is
natural. We believe it is sound; for it is supported by facts that
cannot be controverted. The greater arsenals will always exist in
England from a variety of causes; but are they not monopolised in
one quarter from those looal prejudices which are said to be the
cause of all the clamour in Ireland and Scotland, respecting equal
justice, and similar terms? Local objects may as readily actuate
those who receive as those who want; while ws believe that a sincere
regard for the best interests of the empire will thoroughly meet
every reasonable demand that the most intense looal ambition can
advance, and all that is unreasonable will sink under discussion
like stones in the ocean.
The Scottish Rights Association endeavoured to live on these
matters, and overlooked more important subjects. Scotland suffers
from political disabilities, which should be removed. As advocates
of an extended and rectified suffrage, we want a new reform bill for
England—and probably, also, for Ireland. As supporters of equal
representation, we have the same want in reference to both
countries. But Scotland has a more powerful claim than either of
them, because her representation is in arrear. The electors are
qualified by a fifty pound occupancy in county constituencies, a ten
pound occupancy in burghs, and a proprietary value of ten ponnds
annually in counties or burghs. The occupiers of premises renting
for ten ponnds yearly in the numerous small towns and villages that
are thrown into county constituencies average more intelligence,
moral respectability, and wealth, than the ten pound occupiers of
parliamentary burghs; because property in their localities is of
less pecuniary value than in large towns, and a smaller proportion
of a man’s profits or wages is expended upon his dwelling, or his
shop or warehouse. This circumstance is so well known that it was
overlooked only to conciliate the landed interest, who considered
the feuars and inhabitants of towns and villages in the light of
natural political enemies. The great landowners find these men
nearly as they make them; for in all non-essential points the
influence of a useful landowner is paramount in his district; and a
useful man will be also a sensible man, who will concede the right
of private opinion claimed by himself, for himself, to all his
neighbours. The feuds of classes are disappearing. The exertions of
many men, influential in land, to improve the intellectual and moral
welfare of the community, are superior to any exclusive privileges,
in protecting their prestige among the people. England and Scotland,
however, enjoy this grievance of which we complain in common; and
therefore Mr. Locke King’s bill may pass in the next session, and
make in the ten pound tenantry of counties a valuable addition to
the constituencies.
An indirect reason exists in Scotland for this reform, from the
activity displayed in uprooting the small tenantry of many counties.
The doom of the Highlands has become epidemical, and advances
rapidly to meet the practice of the Lothians. In the north-eastern
counties the coalition of farms is popular with many factors and
owners. After all the agricultural arguments on the topic, and all
the lectures and treatises on high farming, we do not believe yet
that very large farms produce a greater return of food than those
that are cultivated by families with the assistance of one or two
servants. We scarcely think that large food manufactories are
managed with greater assiduity and care than more limited
occupancies; and the application of capital to the soil has a limit
easily approached. The small farmers, we fear, are not extirpated
from economical reasons only, but because a landowner with one
thousand tenants, paying each forty-five pounds annually, would not
have a single voter amongst them. By good management he might have
nine hundred electors upon the same land, and beoome an influential
man at county meetings. This suspicion is not verified by the
combination of two or more farms paying a rental of over fifty
pounds each, into one, but that arrangement occurs less frequently
than the expulsion of industrious labourers, whose toil made out of
heath the land on which they lived.
Two principles may be, and one of the two always is, applied to
agriculture; which may be conducted with the view of supporting the
largest possible population, or of selling off the land the largest
possible amount of produce. The latter plan may consist with a
smaller return of food than the former; because it measures returns
by their bulk, after feeding all the persons necessary to procure
them. The former scheme may consist with an occasional dearth of
food; but the latter ensures a perpetual famine of men. Bell’s
reaping machine cannot be employed for the defence of the country in
danger. A county crowded with sheep is a burdensome and helpless
district. If we persist in manufacturing food on a large scale, the
more industrious and skilful farm labourers, seeing no means of
rising in the world at home, will emigrate, and leave our land to
its machines and less capable men, who, if not content with their
level, want energy to surmount the obstacles at its edge. The
extension of electoral rights to ten pound house or shopbolders in
counties would be an act of simple justice, and to farmers of ten
pounds an act of wise policy.
The Irish franchise is much wider than the Scotch, and the English
is diluted greatly by the forty shilling freeholders, who now form a
numerous section of many county constituencies. The great extension
of their number in recent years has been effected partly for
political objects. Many of the English investments within ten years
were denounced broadly by one party as unconstitutional; and many
were unprofitable. The party who were, however, so tremulous for the
constitution, thought better of the matter, and literally followed
their rivals into the fields, and cut them up in self-protection.
The Conservative Land Society makes more rapid progress, we believe,
than its senior neighbour,.the National Reform; and both are
accomplishing a greater social than political object. The avowedly
political land societies have also, probably, less business than the
aggregate of investing companies, formed with no object except to
confer on small capitalists an interest in the soil. We can see no
reason against transforming parts of the soil into a people’s saving
bank. If the landed interest of our islands have ever been beaten in
anything calculated to serve them, they must ascribe the defeat to
their numerical weakness. Tenants-at-will, and labourers without
hope, feel uncommonly small interest in the material on which they
toil. The yeomanry of the country were gradually bought up, and the
entailing system provided that great estates should never be sold
down. The application of the forty-shilling freehold, politically,
will not prevent the forties from being converted into sixties,
hundreds, or thousands; and we can see no obstacle in England to the
purchase of small estates by one or two hundred men who have saved a
little money, and who prefer the most solid investment.
The Scottish Rights Association, if they would discharge their duty,
and seek power and popularity, should deal with this subject. The
want of this forty-shilling freehold is more important than anything
associated with the lion, or even with the unicorn. It is a
substantial, and not a symbolic grievance. We sympathise with the
heraldic claims; but in comparison with the political, they rank no
higher than the restoration of an old palace when contrasted with
the sanatory reform of a great town. This "Rights” Association may
be composed of all political parties in the State; but none of them
will say that the Scotch population may not be entrusted with
privileges conceded to their English friends. They are entitled to
plead equality, and anything more is bad taste, anything less is
scant justice; and as all parties combine to carry out the
forty-shilling system in England, none of them can consistently,
from political causes, oppose its extension in Scotland. We suggest
to the members of this association the road to popularity and power.
This inequality is obvious. Its injustice is undeniable. Its removal
is a matter of right, every way worthy of the association to secure.
If the Scottish Rights’ friends will not throw their hearts and
purses into the business, they should stand aside and leave a dear
way to sterner and wiser patriots; but with the grievance before
them, a really good grievance, and considerable, we may reckon upon
their shoulders at the wheel until the Scottish franchise be lifted
out of this deep rut. Justice to Scotland, in this particular, will
find a host of warm friends in England.
We are not certain that the next job which we propose to the
Scottish Rights confederates, will meet equal favour from their
southern contemporaries. The share of Scotland in the Upper House is
very small; but as many Scotch noblemen sit as British peers, it may
be better to say little on a subject which is chiefly interesting to
the unfortunate peers of Scotland who are neither British nor
elected, and seem to occupy the forlorn state of outlaws, except for
two or three days at intervals of three or four years.
The Scotch representation in the Commons is more important, and
still more out of joint than the similar business of the Upper
House. The population of Scotland is perhaps three millions now, or
scarcely one-half of Ireland—probably, rather under one-sixth, of
England and Wales. These proportions may, however, be employed for
our practical purpose, to economise the printer’s figures, and our
own statistics. The number of members in the Commons is 658, of whom
Scotland sends 52, and England 500. The relative numbers would be
correct if England and Wales contained thirty millions, or Scotland
only eighteen hundred thousand; but as neither of these suppositions
is true, the representation is so far fictitioos. A new reform bill
should increase the Scotch members to 83, or reduce the English to
312. We dislike the idea of reduction; and yet, after expending
millions unutterable, with patience befitting sober men, we have no
house for the Commons capable of containing all the members; and an
increase of their number would necessitate tbe migration of the
legislature eastward to Exeter Hall, or some similar place. Mr.
Barry has designed—not a hall wherein the Commons may assemble, but
a satire upon their habits of business, which consist, on the part
of fifty per cent, of our elective knowledge and sagacity, in its
utter neglect. The house is too small on two or three evenings of
each session, and on all the others it has unoccupied sittings. He
may allege, therefore, that the chamber is equal to the average
attendance; but the excuse may be architectural, while it is
illogical. If the members are not in their places, they should be in
these places during their business hours, and they should have seats
to be upon. One man cannot plead another person’s blunder as an
excuse for his error. “England expects every man to do his duty,” no
doubt; but here, because three hundred representatives have hitherto
habitually neglected their duty, one architect renders its
performance by them impossible for the future. Very probably the
professional gentleman at whom so many jibes and sneers have been
flung, respecting the grand pile of buildings at Westminster, has an
excellent reason, tied up in red-tape, for every hole and corner,
niche and turret, carving and gilding in the panels, which, in the
meantime, it would be inconvenient for the public service to
produce. That publio service is perpetually in the way of any effort
for its own improvement or reform. But as the nation has offered so
magnificently for an edifice to be seen, perhaps fifty thousand
ponnds could be afforded for a house to be used; and the “additional
number” difficulty might be got over in that way.
We remember that London, with its population within half a million
of the whole of Scotland, is still worse represented; but scandals
care not each other by contrast. Scotland is not better because
London has worse than even its own starvation fare. The north gains
nothing by the wants of the metropolis. And while the metropolitan
representation needs enlargement, yet all the members of Parliament
dwell there for six. months in each year, while one-half of the
Commons and three-fourths of the Peers are permanent householders.
The local interests of London are not likely, therefore, to suffer
neglect; yet we not only admit, but specifically assert, its claim
for enlarged representation.
Cases less flagrant than that of London could be found in England,
and none more so anywhere; bat three-fourths of the English people
feel that the anomalies of the representation are not maintained for
their benefit, or out of consideration to their influence. In 1832,
the British public were eager for the bill. They were wound up to a
state of political intoxication, and they could not, or would not,
see the clever contrivances whereby rotten boroughs, subservient to
certain interests, were confirmed in the possession of privileges to
which they had no right, not for the good of ibeir citizens, but of
the proprietor; who, having always a given number of leases nearly
run ont, and influences equally urgent, returns the member, or the
couple, out of his own household, for these family seats.
We have placed hard, plain work before the members of this Scottish
Rights Association — good solid fare and substantial, which they may
take, survive, and even thrive upon, without overlooking the
unicorn, or even the red lion, at convenient seasons; but if they
will attempt to live upon the bride’s-cake and confectionary of
agitation, they will pass away in their confederate and official
capacity, as they have been passing for some time, from any place in
the world’s recollection.
These statements respecting a local application for reform, limited
in its character and purpose, interfere in no manner with the
necessity for a more general measure. If we are to have peace in the
East of Europe, the time has come for arranging this subject. If we
are to have war, still the time has come to infuse more spirit and
vigour into our institutions than the family parties display. In
either case, the duty is urgent of giving the Imperial interests to
the care of new men, or of placing a number of new men in a position
to spur the old, of bringing the Commons more into harmony and
sympathy with the stern spirit and strong will of the people than
its thorough slavery to the stereotyped leaders and "Upper Ten
Thousands” of the period has exhibited during the last two years. |