General Remarks.
Some time ago I had
occasion, in searching for a bit of historical information that I
rightly supposed to be contained therein, to overhaul one of the
nineteen published volumes of the Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, which are
in the Inverness Public Library. I found so much of other interesting
information m the said volume that I had a good look over the whole
series. I found all the volumes, except the first one, and the indices
of two or three of the other ones, uncut, as they came from the binder’s
hands. This neglect by the reading public is accounted for, mainly if
not wholly, by the fact that the Exchequer Rolls and other documents are
in mediaeval Latin. There are a few short pieces, however, in early
Scotch-English, which, owing to the ever-shifting spelling and obsolete
words, are far more difficult to understand than the Latin text. The
latter indeed, so far as it was written by the chief clerks of the
realm, is very intelligible and ingenious. Feudal and other terms, of
which the Romans knew nothin, are phrased with amusing cleverness; and
as for the body of the work, its style is above the average level. But
in the “Rentalia Domini Regis,” or “Rents of the Lord King,” the Latin
of the no doubt much puzzled clerks of the Commissioners sent forth to
“set” or let the King’s lands, becomes often ungrammatical, and not
infrequently a jargon of confused languages. Besides the "Rentals,” the
“Libri Responsionum,” or Responde Books, contain a record of sasines,
and take their name from the responsibility of Sheriffs for the payment
of fees, fines, and reliefs by the people who received “enfeoffment.”
The first volume begins
with 1266. The documents belonging to the reign of Alexander III. are
very fragmentary, but valuable. They suffice to show that in settled
order, commerce, and general progress, Scotland at the death of the
Third Alexander was not behind but rather ahead of England. Truly this
state of advancement was astonishing in most things pertaining to what
we call civilisation. On Alexander’s death the period of long troubles
commenced. After Bannockburn, Bruce set himself, with organising skill
and energy, to repair the damages of war, rapine, and devastation. He
did much in a few years to restore Scotland to its flourishing condition
under the last of the Alexanders. The administrative forms were the same
as before; but Bruce had to reward his old companions in arms by large
portions of what had been of old Crown land—the Swordlands—of both Picts
and Scots. The Brucian records are also fragmentary, for what the father
won and restored the son nearly lost, and what he left to his successor
was a dilapidated Scotland, financially as well as otherwise. David
Bruce’s only redeeming qualities were personal courage and a jovial
disposition. He could keep the future Wolf of Badenoch and his unruly
brothers under control and clap them in prison. His successor and
nephew, who was older than himself, Robert II., the first of the
Stuarts, was unable to rule well his own family, not to say his kingdom.
His libertinism in youth was retrieved by warrior courage and conduct.
On ascending the throne it was soon discovered that he had exhausted his
better qualities, and that his evil habits still dung to him. He was
soon glad to devolve the cares of State on his capable second son by his
first marriage, Robert, Duke of Albany, and to hide himself in his
country and island castles and manors with his “beloved Maura” or
“dearest Mariota de Gardney.” He sowed dragon s teeth for his dynasty
and for his kingdom by his double families and broods of illegitimates.
The Third Robert, his son and successor, was a well meaning man, but an
incapable ruler. He was fortunate in having got a good wife, and in
being the father of the greatest of the Stuart kings.
The Duke of Albany
possessed the ruling gifts which his father and his elder brother
lacked. The Rolls, like all the other remaining public documents of the
forty years between 1380 and 1420, when he died, bear a good deal of
silent testimony in favour of Albany. It is true that Earl Douglas and
other nobles, who deserved to be forfeited and executed as traitors,
were too strong for Albany, and that he had to compromise with them; and
that after Harlaw, too, he could not adequately punish or bring the Lord
of the Isles to obedience, although he made a son of his own Earl of
Ross, and fortified the Castle of Dingwall. But as far as legal writs
ran, the Duke of Albany was a good ruler, and the protector of the poor
from the oppression of the proud and powerful. On his death misrule
crept in. Duke Murdach of Albany could not rule his own family, far less
the Kingdom of Scotland.
The Five Jameses.
So the right heir of the
Crown, James the First, was brought home from his long captivity in
England, and placed on the throne. James introduced some English forms
and principles into Scotch jurisprudence and Scotch administration. No
one can justly blame him for his strenuous endeavours to extend the
authority of the King and laws to every part of the country. The Albany
family deserved punishment, perhaps, but scarcely the exterminating
severity with which they were treated. Who would ever think of
displacing King James to put the incapable Duke Murdach or his rowdy son
Walter on the throne of Scotland? As for the execution and forfeiture of
the Earl of Lennox, Duke Murdach’s father-in-law, mo documents throw
light on them, but some Perthshire traditions indicate that during the
Albany rule the Earl of Lennox took possession of the Crown lands in
Discher and Toyer (Breadalbane), Glenlyon, and Strathtay, and dealt with
them as if they had been his own legal possesions. The forfeitures of
the Earl of Lennox and the Albany family not only enriched the Crown,
repairing the loss of the thanages bestowed by Bruce on companions in
arms, but they also enhanced the historical and antiquarian value of the
Exchequer Rolls, by detailed accounts of the farms and rents of farms on
the forfeited estates. King James, statesman, poet, and accomplished
gentleman, became the victim of a dynastic conspiracy of murderers, at
the head of which was his aged uncle, Walter, Earl of Atholl, whom he
had never suspected of treasonable designs, on whom he had heaped
benefits, and who countenanced, if he had not instigated, the
destruction of the Albany family. As a man and as a king, James the
First was the best of his race, and one of the very greatest rulers
Scotland ever had. He certainly struck hard, on behalf of King and
Commons, at the haughty nobles who set themselves above the law, and had
his life been spared twenty years longer, they would probably have been
all brought under obedience, or disposed of by the executioner. He never
suspected Atholl as a rival claimant for the Crown; and what is stranger
still, notwithstanding Harlaw, he restored Boss to Alexander of the
Isles, and trusted him as a cousin and faithful subject much more than,
as later events proved, Alexander should have been trusted.
In the Exchequer Bolls
there is far less evidence of trouble and confusion during the minority
of James II. than should have been expected. But at a later stage there
is abundant evidence of vigorous rule when the young King took the helm
in his own hand. The great stain on the second James's shield is that,
in a fit of youthful passion, he slew the treacherous, overbearing Earl
of Douglas when he went to his Court at Stirling under a letter of
safe-conduct. The Earl of Douglas was at the time steeped to the lips in
treason to king and country; but “tho’ the loon was wee! awa’, the deed
was foully done.” This foul deed was the Second James's only
dishonourable act. The contemporary historians of this period were
almost all foreigners, who paid small attention to Scotch affairs. The
few native chroniclers recorded very confusedly only the chief events of
this and of the early part of the next reign. The publication of the
Exchequer Rolls and other State documents, Scotch and English, correct
the errors of Boece, Pitscottie, and Buchanan, and throw steady light on
the obscurest of Stuart reigns. “James with the fiery face” gains
immensely by the revelation of his motives and actions which these
documents supply. He was every inch a king, and if not quite such a
model in private life as his father, nor such a far-seeing statesman, he
was not a whit less vigorous in asserting the authority of the law, and
in striking at leagued treason, the existence of which he had plenty of
reason to be convinced of, although the full proofs were not brought to
light until centuries after his premature death. In Mary of Gueldres he
had a splendid wife. It is rather a singular fact that the Stuarts were
generally fortunate in marrying noble women, although the first was the
only one of the five successive Jameses, without a break, who was a most
faithful husband.
The next reign was an
unhappy one. It began well under the guidance of the widowed Queen and
Bishop Kennedy. They both died too soon for Scotland and its boy-king.
Perhaps James the Third would have been a wd king of his kind in a
settled, highly-civilised country. He was devoted to architecture,
music, and the fine arts. He kept the haughty nobility at a distance,
and surrounded himself with favourites, or persons skilled in the arts
to which he was devoted. There is, strange to say, not a single mention
of Cochrane, the master mason or architect, who was hanged with
others—but not with the tailor, who lived long afterwards—over Lauder
Bridge. There is no proof whatever in the Rolls that Cochrane was ever
actually invested in the Earldom of Mar. If he was the architect of the
splendid buildings of this reign, the King might well be excused for
preferring his company to that of the rude, blustering nobles who could
not write their names. He could not, however, be excused, for neglecting
his duties as a king. The mailed fist was needed for the government of
Scotland, and James only wore velvet gloves. The Rolls show changes in
regard to the letting of Crown lands, which leave no doubt as to the
prevalence of both favouritism and neglect. But the accounts of revenue
and expenditure were duly kept in regular form, and a good deal of what
was taking place in the political state of the country, and what was
going on at Court, can be gathered from their contents. It may be
noticed that from the beginning, down as far as the published series
extends, all the accounts are kept in Roman numerals. It was a terribly
clumsy system. Old Scotchmen were evidently good mental arithmeticians,
but their Roman numeral system compelled them to stop short of decimal
fractions. They did not go further than a fourth, a half, and a third,
say, of a penny or other small coin. James the Third perished ignobly.
His excellent Queen, Margaret of Denmark, who brought as her tocher, or
rather as the pledges for her tocher, the Orkney and Shetland Islands to
Scotland, died before him. Had she lived, perhaps, the conspiracy would
never have come to a head At least her influence should have sufficed to
save her son from revolting against his father.
James IV. was a sad
libertine, and withal a splendid king. Under him grants to mistresses
and appointments to illegitimate children became again as rank as they
were in the time of the first of the Stuart kings. As a king, however,
he was popular as well as masterful. He was also an accomplished knight,
scholar,
and linguist. He is
certified to have spoken Gaelic, as well as Latin, French, and English.
He had much to do with the settling of the Highlands and Islands, after
the final suppression of the Lord of the Isles, who, by the way, was not
sixty years of age when he died in the monastery of Paisley after all
his varied career. James, when he had no other more useful adventure by
sea and land in hand, made a pilgrimage either to Tain or some other
shrine. He was always moving about, and resumed the habit of the early
kings in taking a personal part at the Justiciary Courts. Justice was
administered impartially under the watchful eyes of a king who, although
no saint, was essentially a just and upright man. He was temperate in a
very intemperate age in the matter of drink, but was, at the same time,
a splendid host and a charming guest when sojourning in His castles of
his nobles. Altogether, he must be placed next, as a ruler, to the First
James, and, of the two, he was by far the more popular. His marriage
with Margaret Tudor ultimately led to the union of Scotland and England,
and yet the matrimonial connection and his common sense did not prevent
him from rushing into an unreasonable war with England, conducting that
war foolishly, and meeting his fate at Flodden. As a statesman he was
infinitely inferior to his great ancestor, yet his final folly
notwithstanding, he did much for Scotland, and well deserved popularity
in life and mourning in death.
His son’s reign began in
shadows and ended in shadows. Upon the whole, it is as gloomy as the
reign of the Third James. But "the King of the Commons,” while much
inferior to his father, was not a feeble ruler like his grandfather. The
tyranny of the Douglases probably warped his natural disposition. At
anyrate, while he got on well with the Commons, and made himself a hero
of ballad and legend stories, he showed suspicion and vindictiveness
towards the nobility, and, under bad guidance, misunderstood the signs
of the time in respect to ecclesiastical and political affairs. His
sensual excesses are supposed to have clouded his mind and shortened his
days. He lived, indeed, but what seemed to be half his span. Not one of
the five Jameses died what could be called a natural death.
How Kings and People
Fared.
The Kings of Scotland had
never any great command of money, tout they did not lack the means of
maintaining royal pomp of State, when it suited them, and from having
generously hospitable homes. They had manors, lands, and forests of
their own in all parts of the country; and so, by moving about with
their Court attendants, they could enjoy many changes of domicile, and
consume the rent in kind, wheat, barley, oats, marts, mutton, poultry,
pigs, herrings, salmon, etc., where they were payable, along with money
rents, and use the other services of tenants. As they began to be more
stationary in their habits, and took to staying, except in the hunting
season, chiefly in Edinburgh,, Linlithgow, .Stirling, Perth, and
Falkland, the rents in kind of distant possessions were commuted for
money, but the old distinction between money and produce was still
retained down to a very late period. The household accounts show that
our kings and their courtiers lived generously, and even luxuriously.
They had, as far back as the records go, French, Spanish, Rhenish, and
even Greek wines. They were fond of spices of all kinds. Pepper is often
the quit rent of blench holdings. Honey and sugar they had in abundance.
They consumed great quantities of home-brewn ale, and had beer imported
from Germany and the Netherlands. I have not noticed in the first
sixteen volumes a single mention of whisky or “aqua vitae.* But that is
not at all strange, as, until last century, whisky was not generally
used as a drink at all. It was, however, used as medicine more than a
thousand years ago. According to the ancient poems of Wales, there were
distillers in Galloway in the days of the Romans and King Arthur, and
the monks afterwards continued to distil what they called “strong
waters.” Ale was made both from barley and from , oats—the former being
much preferred, but the latter being not despised. A middle class of ale
was brewed from mixing barley malt and oat malt together. Honey and wax
were apparently plentiful. Wax was in great request for church, palace,
and castle lights. Honey was used for a hundred purposes of cooking and
brewing, besides being eaten from the comb or from the jar into which it
had been melted, along with bread and meat. Grapes and raisins, like
spices, were imported. The home orchards produced apples, pears, and
plums. The Scotch kings of the later era had good gardens at Edinburgh,
Linlithgow, Falkland, Perth, Stirling, etc. We may conclude that their
predecessors had gardens also, which, if not so good, were still more
numerous, because they roved more, about to eat the produce of their
possessions where it was grown. The accounts of cooks or clerks of the
kitchen, in the time of the five Jameses, record a huge consumption of
salad herbs and of endives, leeks, and onions. Kale of all kinds was
largely grown and used all the year round America had still to be
discovered, and it was not Jill a century after the discovery of America
that Sir Walter Raleigh introduced that prince of vegetables, the
potato. What were the substitutes that did duty for the potato in the
olden times? Parsnips and cabbages chiefly, which were both pitted at
the beginning of winter, and so kept good till new ones grew. 1 have not
come across any mention ot turnips. The parsnip was not a garden but a
field crop. Its Gaelic name is " curran, and it has affixed its name to
many Highland places, like “Tom-a-cliurrain,” “Lub-a-churrain,' and so
forth. Of course the clerks in the kitchen took no notice in their
accounts of the smaller fruits and vegetables which were mere
garaishings, and grew in all the king s gardens. Some of the queens had
gardens and gardeners of their own, and we get a hint of flower
gardening here and there without anything more It is different with
medicinal plants. A monk near Stirling was paid handsomely for medicinal
herbs from his garden, which were given to the horses of the king. Roses
were apparently favourite flowers, for red roses are among the quit
rents of very ancient charters, along with such other curious reddendoes
as falcons, hounds, broad arrows, small arrows, scarlet cloaks, etc. The
broad arrows were shot from a catapult sort of machine, and the small
arrows by archers.
All ranks of the Scotch
people, from the king on the throne o the lowest of his subjects, ate
mostly through the winter months of the year salt beef and
mutton—including goats’ flesh in the second category. The “ marts ” and
sheep and goats were killed at Martinmas, salted in barrels, and
afterwards smoked and thoroughly cured for spring and early summer use.
Salmon and herrings were treated in almost the same way, and so was the
venison, which was not consumed when freshly killed. In the accounts, “
birds,” that is game birds as distinct from poultry, figure more rarely
than might be expected; but that is no doubt because they are only
mentioned when bought, which would only happen when the king did not
live near his own land. He had many foresters and huntsmen, and Crown
tenants reared and trained dogs of the chase for him. Under the Jameses
it appears that at Falkland and other places the royal table was
supplied by fresh meat in winter—animals being fattened for the purpose,
and poultry being, of course, always available. But from Martinmas to
well on in summer the salted and smoked stores of butcher meat, fish,
and venison had to serve the people in general for the animal part of
their food. The Lowlands had pigs in fair abundance—the millers
especially—and herds of porkers consumed the beech mast and acorns in
the woods of the .king and the nobility. Geese and ducks were also
numerous in the Lowlands. In the Highlands pigs were seemingly few. The
three mills of Balquhidder, instead of pigs, had to give annually to the
king eight well-fed calves. The Scotch people needed much the aid of
antiscorbutic vegetables to modify the heating effect of their winter
diet—salt meat and oatmeal. But they had always plenty of milk. They
milked goats and sheep as well as cows. They made great quantities of
cheese and butter, much of which was exported to foreign lands. The
principal exports for many centuries were wool, woolens of three
descriptions, hides, skins, tanned leather, furs, smoked fish and
herrings, and salmon salted down in barrels. Probably the whole
population did not amount to seven hundred thousand. They had,
therefore, plenty of elbow-room, and very often “grassings' were
“waste,” that is without tenants, besides all the wide stretches which
were always forests. The accounts of cities and burghs show the trades
of the urban population and the ups and downs of the national commerce,
which was, indeed, in a more flourishing condition in 1285 than it was
at any time during the next three centuries, although it made a
wonderful upward start under the rule of the Fourth James; but all that
or more was lost in the next two reigns. James the Fourth kept thousands
of sheep in his forest of Ettrick, and had herds of horses and cattle in
the old royal forests of the southern Highlands, Strongartnay,
Grlenfinlas, Mamlome, the greatest and best of them all, Strathbrand,
etc. Glen-Urquhart and Glenmoriston had been forests in the previous
reigns, with which the Lord of the Isles had “intromittit” at first, and
of which, with Urquhart Castle, he subsequently got a lease, and so held
them legally until his next rebellion. The amount of wool exported in
this king’s time proves that there must have been a larger number of
sheep in Scotland than has hitherto been supposed. But they were chiefly
kept in the Lowlands or places bordering thereupon. The Highlands needed
most of the wool grown in them for clothing their own inhabitants. But
with hides and cattle they also exported some cloth, yam, and many furs.
Upon the whole, when internal and external peace prevailed, under such a
ruler as James the Fourth, who most usefully expended his energy and
employed his love of adventure in settling the islands and northern
mainland after the final collapse of the power of the Lord of the Isles,
the state of the Scottish kingdom was far from unhappy. The people had
plenty of elbow-room, and the means of subsistence sufficed for their
wants. The tragedy of Flodden for nearly a century stopped and even
reversed the current of progress which was in full flow from 1490 till
1512.
The essential features of
national and court life revealed by the Exchequer Bolls are, from first
to last, astonishingly modem. From the beginning of anything that can be
called continuous record history—say from 1130 to the beginning of the
present century—the social and industrial organisations of Scotland
remained much the same. But, of course, with the removal of the Court to
England a break occurred at the social apex, and the Reformation made a
thorough change in the form and guiding principles of the national
religion. James V., who was a libertine like his father, threatened
bishops, priests, abbots, and monks with pains and penalties if they did
not amend their lives, but he never went beyond threats. Mis
great-great-grandfather, James I., would have made a better reformer had
his life not been cut short. He was painfully aware of the
ecclesiastical scandals— which afterwards became worse—and not only had
the mind of a reformer, but the pure and noble personal character which
gave him a right to reform a demoralised Church, and made him an example
to its clergy, some of whom were as anxious for the repression of abuses
as he was himself. Harpers, bards, jesters or fools, yea, and companies
of seemingly regular playactors, appear in the household accounts back
as far as they go. But one is somewhat surprised to learn that King
David Bruce had pipers. He was not content, like the Queen, with one
piper. So there were pipers in Scotland two centuries before the battle
of Pinkie, the date usually assigned to the first historically recorded
appearance of the piper on the battlefield, and who knows how long they
might have been in popular use before David Bruce had his pipers? As to
the early use of the word “Clachan” for the Church-place both in
Highlands and Lowlands, the Rolls put an end to controversy. The word
was in use from immemorial times, instead of having been introduced, as
some contended, about the period of the Reformation. “ Clachan,” or the
stone circles, were the churches of the Druids, and the first Christian
missionaries established their places of worship at or near them,
partly, perhaps, as a sign that the heathen religion was superseded by a
better one, and partly, we may be sure, because they could not find more
convenient places than those at which the people had been accustomed to
assemble for many generations.
Valuation Roll
Information.
The Exchequer Rolls are
rich quarries for genealogists and those who search after place-names.
It so happens that the associations, that is to say, the settings or
lettings of the King’s land on leases, give in many instances detailed,
or what may be called Valuation Roll, accounts of the people, places,
rents, and services. Forfeitures and wardships brought, at different
times, wide domains which were not Crown lands under the survey of
chamberlains, sheriffs, and bailies. In the Highlands, the forfeiture
and execution of Duncan, Earl of Lennox, placed under such a survey, in
the reign of James I., the county of Lennox, which extended beyond the
bounds of the present Dumbartonshire. The Earldoms of Stratheam and
Monteith fell, for other reasons, into the possession of the Crown.
Discher and Toyar, or the north and south sides of Loch Tay, with
Glendochait and Glenlochay, were, like the Lordship of Doune, Glenlyon,
Rannoch, and Apnadall, original Crown lands, which, after having been
partly granted away and partly taken away, without a legal title, by
Duncan, Earl of Lennox, and his son-in-law, Duke Murdach of Albany, were
all recovered by James I., and kept by his successors until most of them
were granted on feu-ferme conditions by James IV. to particular owners.
Balquhidder was also King’s land, and part of the dowry of Queen
Margaret Tudor. The word “Breadalbane” is never before 1550 used in the
Rolls. Its lands are always described as the Lordships of Discher and
Toyer— Deasair agus Tuair, sun side and shade side—and of Glendochart
and Glenlochay. Across the heads of Glenlochay, Glenlyon, and Rannoch
stretched the Forest of Mamlorae, or old Caledonian Forest, which it
seems, however, although it remained a forest always, was never placed
under strict forest laws until the reign of James II. We have no
detailed account of the Earldom of Atholl, when it was forfeited by Earl
Walter's share in the murder of James I. But about 1520 the then
boy-earl of the Lome Stuart descent was a ward of the Crown, and his
possessions are summarised, while the dowry lands of his mother,
Countess Janet Campbell, are, by way of exception, given in detail. In
1450 a rental of the Earldom of Atholl was given in by Robert, the son
of Duncan, then chamberlain or bailie. This is the rough, loyal,
fighting Robert of Struan, from whom the Clan Donnachaidh, or Robertsons,
took their second surname. Lochaber, the Earldom of Ross, the Lordship
of Ardmanach, Cantire, Knapdale, Islay, Mull, and other places, fell
under survey after the final collapse of the Lord of the Isles, the
death of his son, Angus, and the defeat of Alexander of Lochalsh.
Apparently Glen-Urquhart and Glenmoriston had always been King’s lands
till the Lords of the Isles, who were Earls of Ross, got for some time a
partly forcible and a partly legal hold of them. The Earldom of Moray
came several times under survey by default of heirs. While the Lovats
had good stretches, like Abertarff, of purely Highland lands, their
possessions about the Beauly Firth—or Loch Whennor—were somewhat
limited, until the Reformation helped them to get hold of the Priory
lands and fishings. Beaufort and Kiltarlity belonged to the King, and
the King’s lands there were extended at the end of the sixteenth
century, or beginning of the next, by an exchange. Janet Fentone and her
husband got the Mains of Kincleven, in Perthshire, in exchange for
Bunchrew, Phopachy, and other lands in the Airds. In all the cases we
have mentioned, and in others similar to them, there are more or less
detailed accounts of holdings, while the summer grazings attached to
them go as parts of them without being mentioned, except when there are
changes that make specific mention necessary. But they are never
forgotten in the rents and entry or renewal duties. The Commissioners of
Assedatiun, who were periodically sent forth to set or let tlie
permanent Crown lands, had clerks that were much inferior in their
Latinity to the chief clerks who wrote the charters and the Exchequer
Rolls. But if their Latin halted badly, they gave the place names and
the names and surnames of the tenants, down to the man who paid a few
pence for a hut and allotment, with more phonetic accuracy than their
superiors. The assedation reports are very full, and in regard to
topography and ethnology, exceedingly interesting. The very best of them
are those concerning the King’s lands in the Lordship of Doune,
Breadalbane, and Strathgartney, that is the Loch Vennacher, Loch
Katerine, and Glenfinlas districts. The next best are those concerning
the Macdonald forfeited lands in Cantire and Knap-dale. King’s tenants
were, as a rule, better protected from external assaults and raiders
than the tenants of the Abbots and Bishops. Turbulent nobles and other
leaders of lawless men feared to ravage the King’s lands, at least in
the more settled districts. But in other respects the King’s tenants
suffered under disadvantages. They had to give, for instance, more
hunting and hosting or military services than other men’s tenants. For
any sudden emergencies the King’s tenants were called out as the army
readiest to hand. But as for the hunting services, there were so many
royal forests that the pressure of them was only felt occasionally, and
when the pressure came it had its compensations. The tenants enjoyed the
sport as well as the King and his nobles, and they further enjoyed the
venison which was so freely distributed among them. In the places where
the King had lands and no forests to visit, the system of letting or
setting a whole thanage or barony to a middleman, for a term of years,
can be traced back in the records to the usurpation of Edward of
England, if not further. Edward let the Scotch Crown lands, as far as he
got hold of them, for the rents and duties—valued in money—which were
paid to Alexander III. The big tacksman, or middleman, or undertaker
could squeeze as much as he liked those who had previously been kindly
tenants of the Scotch Kings, generation after generation, for anything
the English usurper cared, since, as a class, the kindly tenants of the
Scotch Crown were most inimical to his pretensions. This bad system of
middlemen never afterwards wholly came to an end, although it was much
modified in favour of the tenants. The more ancient plan was to raise
the King's rents by a chamberlain, steward, or bailie, or mair, who was
simply an officer of the Crown, and could easily be removed on proof of
attempting oppression. Crown tenants, about the forests which the kings
were in the habit of frequently visiting, had ready access with their
complaints and grievances to their sovereign lord, and, if they made
good their case, pity then the officer or middleman who abused his
position. In certain cases, however, power was given to middlemen to
sublet to other tenants than those who had been on the land before. This
happened when the old tenants had been harbouring outlaws or traitors,
or had themselves been breaking the laws. James IV. granted out to
individuals considerable portions of outlying Crown lands on a feu-ferme
tenure, which was a modification of the old feudal system, and by which
the revenues of the Crown gained, excepting in cases of favouritism.
Anent the Castle of
Inverness.
In the seventh century
King Brude had a fortified place— which almost certainly was Craig
Phatrick—overlooking the River Ness. It needed a miracle on the part of
St Columba to burst open its strong gates, and so to get an entrance for
himself and the Christian faith within its defences. In the reign of
Malcolm Ceann-Mor the old circular or oval strongholds of the Celtic
races began to give place to strong and frowning stone and lime castles.
If Inverness had not such a castle in Malcolm's time, it had assuredly
one of the kind when his son, King David, made it one of the eight
justiciary places of Alba, or Scotland north of the Firths of Forth and
Clyde. As what Cromwell left of the Abbey of Kinloss testifies to this
day, King David’s monastic erections were built, so to speak, to last
for ever. It is, therefore, reasonable to assume that his castles were
equally solid. But in 1411, that is to say, about 260 years after King
David’s death, the Lord of the Isles—Donald of Harlaw—found little or no
difficulty in taking possession of Inverness. Through neglect, King
David’s Castle may by that time have fallen, partially at least, into
ruins. In 1412 the Duke of Albany began to build or rebuild the Castle
of Dingwall, and Donald of Harlaw’s antagonist, Alexander, Earl of Mar,
the best of the Wolf of Badenoch’s many illegitimate sons, rebuilt,
under the Council’s orders, the Castle of Inverness. The Rolls record
the cost of large quantities of materials, lime, timber, stones, used
for the building, and also the wages of master masons and others. The
new castle was a towered structure. The Earl of Mar likewise made two “
turn-spikes ” for it; that is to say, two winding stairs in circular
towers. He must have had some difficulty, perhaps of a temporary kind,
until lead or slates could be procured, in roofing it; for the people of
Inverness are allowed a remission of duties for having covered some of
the towers of Mar’s Castle with “duvates,” or turf. A “Scotch house,” or
timber building, was part of the structure. The Second James spent money
on building “ a palace ” at Inverness, which probably means that he
added a royal residence to Mar’s Castle. We hear nothing more after 1460
of castle or palace, until Inverness, town and castle, are captured by
Farquhar Mackintosh, on behalf of the Lord of the Isles, near the end of
the century. It seems that on that occasion both town and castle were
burned. In consequence of the devastation the town’s payment of rent and
duties to the King was for a time remitted. Soon afterwards the Earl of
Huntly was appointed keeper of the Castle, and the office became
hereditary in the family. Farquhar Mackintosh was the son of Duncan
Mackintosh, the first “Captain” of the Clan Chattan named in the
records. It was the settled policy of James IV. to break the power of
the Lord of the Isles forever more, by inducing his vassals to take
Crown Charters of their lands. Duncan Mackintosh, the “Captain” of the
Clan Chattan, who held his lands in Lochaber of the Lord of the Isles,
was one of the first to accept a Crown Charter His son Farquhar was not
as true as his father to the new feudal allegiance, and he suffered
accordingly. He had to deal with a King who was not to be trifled with.
Farquhar was sent to prison about the year 1495, and he is found nearly
eighteen years later still a prisoner in Dunbar Castle, with a pretty
liberal allowance for his maintenance there. Perhaps Flodden set him
free. In the course of his long imprisonment he found it necessary to
cancel all his “fealls,” or alliance and manrent bonds, because his
former allies and his relations and friends were making a bad use of
them. It was scarcely fair to former vassals of the Lords of the Isles,
who received Crown Charters, to find themselves afterwards placed under
new feudal superiors, as was the case in Lochaber when Huntly received
the lordship thereof. In Cantire, Knapdale, and the Southern Isles,
Argyll was very much what Huntly was in the east side of the country. As
lone as James IV. lived these lieutenants of his helped greatly in
carrying out his policy, and no doubt aggrandized themselves at the same
time. Argyll died witn James at Flodden, and his successor was ten years
later accused of oppression and deprived of his lieutenancy. The Crown,
however, was still too weak to act directly on the old vassals of the
Isles with sufficient effect, and, with a few exceptions, such as
Maclain of Ardnamurchan, each newly-made King's man liked to be a law to
himself. The previous method of exercising authority through Huntly and
Argyll had consequently to be resorted to again.
Clan and Clan Surnames.
Before 1400 very few
Highland clan surnames are found in charters and public records. Little
more than a century later, when King James and the flower of the Scotch
nobility, gentry, and commons perished at Flodden, nearly all the clan
surnames we have to-day were flourishing and rapidly superseding
patronymics in charters and records. Somerled’s descendants, whether
children of Donald, Dugall, or any other chieftain, were from first to
last record people. In other cases, leading families in whom chiefship
or chieftainship, or captainship, of surnames vested afterwards, can be
traced up to the reigns of the Second and Third Alexanders, and, in rare
instances, to that of William the Lion. The Clan Duff or Macduffs have a
fair right to say that, as a sumamed lineage, they go back to Macbeth’s
time. They certainly have the honour of being the first named as a clan
with an ancient privilege, confirmatory of their legend, in a State
document. But while no doubt the distinct lineages with clan instincts
and customs always existed among the Celts of Scotland, the fifteenth
century is the great century for the evolution of most of the clan
surnames we have to-day. In the islands and in large parts of -the
mainland, the fall of the nearly independent principality of the Lords
of the Isles liberated Macleods, Macleans, Mackenzies, and many others
from record obscurity. In o^her places various causes operated in favour
of giving prominence to clan surnames and alliances—one of which was
bonds of manrent and of mutual aid and protection. On the Border, like
causes, as in the Highlands, produced like effects. Clannishness
prevailed in ancient Galloway and in southern Ayrshire, in Bruce’s
Earldom of Carrick particularly. Many of the Gaelic surnames, whether
saintly or tribal, of the people of that region were record-marked
before the greater number of the Highland clan surnames advanced to
record recognition. Imitation, and no doubt necessities of existence,
extended the clannish organisation, natural to the Border Celts, to
their non-Celtic neighbours of the Middle and Eastern Marches. On the
other hand, feudal organisation superseded the Celtic one in Fife.
The Clan Mackenzie.
If the enlightened policy
and personal influence of James IV., who several times visited the Isles
and West Coast, raised by Crown charters the former vassals of the Lords
of the Isles to the status of feudal barons in the eye of the law, they
forthwith further raised themselves in their own eyes as chiefs of
tribes bearing their surnames and claiming common descent; which claim
was usually well founded, although there were probably many cases of
adoption. On the mainland of Ross-shire the rise of the Clan Mackenzie
to leading position was astonishingly sudden. Before Harlaw we have seen
no mention at all of the Mackenzie surname in the records of the kingdom
of Scotland, although it cannot be doubted that in Kin tail the family
from which the future chiefs and clan sprung must have for a long time
previously been important local vassals of the Earls of Ross, and
afterwards held a similar position under Donald of Harlaw and his two
successors. A century later the Mackenzies had expanded into a great
clan with large territorial possessions. Then came the Reformation,
which gave them new and greater chances of expansion and acquisition, of
which they took full advantage, having in the then disturbed state of
the country no fear of occasionally breaking the law. Before 1600 they
had made themselves the ruling dan of Ross-shire, and had extended their
possessions from Kintail to the Black Isle. As a clan of one lineage
they could not have been numerically very strong during this period of
astonishing conquests. No part of their territories was indeed ever
solidly planted by Mackenzie tenants. But they knew how to amalgamate
clannish with feudal organisation, and consequently succeeded in
acquiring and retaining large stretches of the mainland of Ross, and
later of adding thereto the Island of Lewis. The chiefs of Kintail
planted out Mackenzies as vassals of their own in all new possessions,
and the Mackenzies so planted out, while true to their chiefs and their
clan, condliated, or, when needed, coerced, the old native tenants so as
to make them good Mackenzie subjects and soldiers.
The Clan Gregor.
Their lawless and
criminal proceedings in the sixteenth century, their cruel oppression in
consequence thereof, the long proscription of their surname, their
indestructible vitality, and remarkable bravery, made the Macgregors the
most romantic of all the Highland clans. But further back than Black
John, who abducted and forcibly married Helen Campbell, daughter of Sir
Colin Campbell of Glenorchay, and a young widow, at the beginning of the
sixteenth century, it is difficult to trace their authentic history.
Their legendary history finds no corroboration from records or from the
early chroniclers. Yet it may contain many grains of truth, if they only
could be winniwed from the fictions. The Macgregor surname belongs to
the era of the five Jameses. The Rolls do not throw much light on its
origin. The Dean oo Lismore, his brother Duncan, “daor oglach” or
servitor, and the Dean's curate at Fortingall, supply to some extent by
obituary notices an outline of the history of their clan, from the death
of John “Gregorius” of Glenorchay, in 1390, to 1579. Even in the hands
of these three Macgregors the clan surname only became fixed after the
death of Gregor, son of one-eyed John, who died in 1415. By whatever
patronymic or surname they were known, they must have been a pretty
numerous, if, perchance, a scattered kindred before Gregor of 1415, and
John Gregorius of 1390. The many death notices in the “Chronicle of
Fortingall” between Gregor’s death and the end of the century prove that
beyond dispute. But with the exception of Glenstrae, held of a subject
superior, where were their land possessions? In the “Libri Responsionum”
there is no Macgregor sasine recorded. But in 1468, or 1470, “ Duncan
Beg,” or Duncan the Little, was King’s tenant for four years of ten
merklands in Glenlyon, that is to say of the “Toiseachd” of Roro. He
succeeded Alan Stewart, whose lease was not renewed because he had not
paid his rent. Duncan died seven years later, but his descendants
continued as tenants or tacksmen of the King, and afterwards of the
Menzieses of Weem, for many o'enerations. About 1430 the slaughter of a
man and the despoliation of his lands by Macgregors in Stratheara is
recorded in the Rolls. Payments are made to two Macgregor priests in the
succeeding reigns, one of whom was chaplain of Dumbarton Castle. Towards
the end of the fifteenth century a Macgregor is mair of Crieff. With the
exception of the slaughter of the Stratheam man, there is no sign of the
lawlessness which characterised Clan Gregor proceedings during the next
century. The said proceedings were not due to a double dose of original
sin, but to a sense of injury. If we may venture on such slight
foundation as Duncan Beg’s lease of Boro, and the man of Crieff’s
official position, to assume that the ancestors of the Clan Gregor had
for centuries been kindly tenants of the King’s lands, foresters, local
officials, and tacksmen, in later times, of thanages, that supposition
would account for the claim of descent from Kenneth MacAlpin, and for
the vengeful resentnj/ent aroused by the feu-ferme charters of James IV.
and his successors to individual owners. The process to which kindly
tenants and local officials of the Crown would be subjected by the
feuing charters to individual proprietors would be the opposite of that
by which the gentry of the Isles were raised from Macdonald vassalage to
the independence of free barons. The Clan Gregor, moreover, in the
sixteenth century, began, although they did not end there, the
slaughters and depredations for which they were subsequently prosecuted;
and cruelly persecuted in the Lennox and Perthshire districts, which had
been Crown lands from the dim ages of antiquity. The forests of
Strathgartney, Mamlome, Benmore, etc., which still belonged to the King,
were their places of refuge, and in Breadalbane they took to squatting
on the Church lands of the Abbots of Scone, and the Perth Carthusians,
to whom the First James had given Ardtalnaig, and his son the barony of
Glendochart with the exception of Macnab’s “Eilan Ryne,” and the
property of Charles Campbell in Glenfalloch.
The hereditary tendency
existed over all Scotland, but it was stronger in the Celtic than in the
“ Gallda ” districts, because it was a natural adjunct of clannishness.
Forfeitures and transfers of ownership produced more or less
displacement always of old tenants and local officials to make room for
kinsmen or trusty supporters of new owners. The temporary occupation of
Ross-shire by the Lords of the Isles left its permanent traces on the
population of that country, which, with all their absorbing and
displacing vigour, the Mackenzies were not able to efface. In Lochaber
the Macdonalds kept a firm hold as middlemen of Keppoch and common
tenants, although the lordship passed to the Gordons, and the
Mackintoshes were emancipated from their former vassalage. The people
displaced through changes of ownership often nursed their wrath to keep
it warm, never forgetting their “duchas” or hereditary claim to
ancestral possessions, although in most cases that daim had never
recognition and sanction from the written law of the land.
"The King of the Commons.”
In 1539 James the Fifth
sent a Royal Commission of assedation to the North, to let or set his
lands of the Earldom of Ross and Lordship of Ardmanach on five years’
leases. The Commissioners were the Comptroller, David Wood of Craig;
Robert Reid, Abbot of Kinloss; James Foulis of Colintoun, Clerk of the
Roils; Thomas Bellenden, Director of Chancery; and Henry Lawder, King7s
Advocate. They began their sittings at Inverness on the 21st of April,
1539, and such cases as were left over at Inverness were afterwards
settled by the Comptroller in Edinburgh. James the Fifth deserved to be
called “ The King of the Commons.” All his assedation Commissions were
instructed to favour the cultivating tenants, and not to grant leases of
large tracts of Crown lands to men of big estates, with liberty to have
sub-tenants. James set his face against the system of middlemen which
prevailed during the confused years of his minority. His father’s system
of feu-fermes had, on increased rent, given much of the old Crown lands
to private owners. But, by forfeitures and revocations, James became a
larger proprietor of Highland property than any King of Scotland nad
been since the War of Independence. By means of his assedation
Commissions he checked the grasping policy of mighty local potentates,
and brought the tenants of the Crown into direct contact with their
sovereign landlord. As a statesman he misread the portents of the time
in which he lived; and as a man he led a scandalously immoral life, but
he was always a popular favourite, and not undeservedly, for his
constant a.im was to raise the people and to abase the too powerful
nobles who set law and justice at defiance. As they contain the names of
the cultivating tenants, James the Fifth’s assedations are fuller and
far more interesting than those of his predecessors.. The system he
tried to establish was gradually abandoned after his death, and the
feu-ferme charters of his father were also, in course of time, converted
as a rule into free barony charters.
After James the Fifth’s
Death.
When James died, the
administrative machinery was so well organised and firmly fixed that it
worked on without a jar. Arran, the next heir to the throne after baby
Mary, was the natural guardian, or ‘tainistear,’ of the realm, while the
Queen-Dowager was as naturally the guardian of her child. So to the next
heir and to the Queen-Dowager their separate duties were entrusted.
Genial, oscillating, easy-going Arran was scarcely the right man in the
right place during the troublesome times in which his governorship
happened to be cast. The Queen-Dowager, as a wife and mother, was an
admirable woman; but in affairs of State, while she shewed herself
possessed of the ruling capacity of her remarkable family, she also
proved that she shared likewise in their unfathomable guile;
unfathomable indeed to their own generation, but quite intelligible now.
The moment Henry the Eighth heard of his nephew of Scotland’s death he
claimed roughly the infant Mary as a bride for his son Edward, and when
Mary of Guise and Cardinal Beaton joined forces to thwart his project
and to keep Scotland bound down to the French alliance, bluff Harry was
foolish enough to go to war with Scotland. The English invasions
devastated the Border counties, while the escape of Donald Dubh of the
Isles from Edinburgh Castle, after his forty years’ imprisonment, gave
Henry a Celtic ally of at least great temporary importance. But Donald
Dubh’s influence proved to be less than either Henry or himself before
trial supposed it to be. James the Fourth and his son had so far
effected a settlement of the island and mainland forfeited estates of
the Lords of the Isles, by giving their vassals feudal Crown charters,
that the restoration of the old regime had been made next to impossible.
The Clan Donald chieftains themselves did not strive with united will
and resolution to reestablish the Principality of the Isles. The Donald
Dubh episode, which was unsuccessful almost from the beginning, quickly
terminated by Donald’s death in Ireland. There are few direct references
to Donald Dubh and the rebellion in this 18th volume of the Exchequer
Rolls, although there are many concerning sequelae of previous Clan
Donald forfeitures.
In this volume, the
Isles, which were so very prominent in previous ones, almost vanish out
of sight, either because they fairly well preserved the order the King
of the Commons had established in them, or because Arran, beset with
greater cares, and constitutionally negligent, let them stew in their
own juice. The issuing of Commissions of Justiciary to local potentates
indicates the increase of disorder on the Highland mainlands, although
they were beyond the scope of the invasions which devasted the southern
counties, and also the weakness of the central authority, even before
the ecclesiastical leaven introduced a new ferment. Two of these
Commissions correct both the disputed dates, 1536 and 1556, of the
storming of the Castle of Borwe in Sutherland. The first k>i these—dated
Edinburgh, 17th August, 1554—empowers Hugh Kennedy of Girvane Mains,
Knight, to try all thieves, somars, and fire-raisers, within the
dioceses of Ross and Caithness, as well in town as in country, and all
the aiders and abettors of the rebel V. M'Kay. The second—dated 4th
October, 1554—empowers John, Earl of Sutherland, and Sir Hugh Kennedy,
conjunctly and severally, to punish each and every person who delayed or
stayed away from the army at the siege of the house of ‘ Boirrow/ The
storming took place, no doubt, between the two dates. The Sutherland
affair was unlike the other disorders of the period; for it was a war
between a clan and a feudal magnate, which had come down from generation
to generation. V. M‘Kay is the mode in which Lowland scribes
phonetically corrupted Aoidh MacAoidh. But the corruption did not start
with them. Aodh MacAoidh would have been the correct form in Gaelic, but
it is evident that the Farr people had preferred the genitive to the
nominative of their chief’s name before 1554. In /$/?/ _18517 the
absence of John, Earl of Sutherland, in France, gave the Mackay chief a
good chance, of which he fully availed himself, for avenging on clan
wrongs and grievances by invading and despoiling the earldom He was
summoned to a justiciary court at Inverness, and refused to attend. He
was then outlawed, and the Earl of Sutherland and Sir Hugh Kennedy were
authorised to raise the array of Sutherland and Ross to war with him—to
pursue him with fire and sword would be the terms of their commission.
He wisely declined to meet them in open fight, and so they resolved to
sit down to besiege his Castle of Borwe, which they took and levelled to
the ground, after a short siege.
We have searched in vain
for any reference to the doings and “Justification” of Ewen Alanson of
Lochiel, who is traditionally said to have been a great chief of
cattle-lifters, and to have been executed at Elgin. Towards the end of
James the Fifth’s reign he could not have been an outlaw, for he then
got sa&ine of lands which are Lochiel lands to the present day. Huntly’s
commission ordinarily invested him with all sorts of functions, but the
Exchequer Rolls throw no light on his proceedings in Badenoch and
Lochaber during the regency period. Had there not been a long suspension
of the Gordon power after the escape of King James from the Douglases?
We find that on the 16th of April, 1554, the Sheriff of Inverness has to
account, through a sasine given to George, Earl of Huntly, for £3 4s,
for rents of the Castle and castle-place of Inverlochy, with its ancient
bounds, moats, ponds, closes, and lawn—‘lie grene’—which through
non-entry had been previously in the hands of the Queen and her late
father for the space of thirty-one years, and for 2d by duplication of
blench rent.
The Castle of Inverlochy
was, of course, like the Castle of Inverness, held by the Gordons on
terms and tenures entirely different from those on which they held their
landed estates.
Dingwall Castle and Conon
Fishery.
George Munro of Dalgardy
figures rather prominently in Queen Mary’s time as Chamberlain of Roes
and Ardmannach, Captain of the Castle of Dingwall, and Custumar of
Inverness, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness. He is styled “of Delcartie”
in the Rolls, but when he signed an obligation to pay up arrears in
1565, he designated himself “George Munro of Dawachcarte.” He gives the
same “with my hand” signature on a similar occasion in 1566. No doubt,
Dawach Carte was the true old name of his place, but whoever could think
that ‘Dalcartie' and still less ‘Dalgardy' hailed from such a source?
Although the fact is not expressly stated, we may safelv assume that the
Chamberlain used Dingwall Castle as his official residence. A yearly
payment is made for winning peats and stacking them in Dingwall Castle.
In Sir William Murray of Tullibardin’s 1567 account, mention is made of
£8 13s 4d spent on “‘burdis’ chains, bars, and other necessaries” for
the new gate of Dingwall Castle. There could have been no garrison, like
Wish art’s small garrison at Ruthven, for if there had been a garrison,
however small, the keep and wages would have appeared in the accounts.
Since peats formed the Chamberlain’s sole fuel at Dingwall Castle, are
we to infer that, in Queen Mary’s time, that district, and all Easter
Ross, indeed, were bare of wood. That inference is undoubtedly borne out
by many other indications.
In the same account in
which the expenses for the new door of Dingwall Castle are given, we
meet with a payment of 52/ by the Comptroller, for “the freight and
transport of six barrels of salmon from Dingwall, in Ross, to the port
of Findhome, In Moray, and thence to the port of Leith.” The fishings of
the Conon belonged to the Queen, and from the care taken of them, and
the export of barrels to Leith, and use and sale of salmon at home, they
must have been very productive. In 1565, John Wardlaw in Leith buys 16
barrels of salmon from the Queen’s Conon fishery. We can see from the
payments made that the Conon fishing business was fully organised. To
take one account, that of 1561—A money fee of £3 6s 8d is paid to “a
servitor called the kennare of the water of Conane for the keeping of
the salmon of the Queen,” and he also receives for his meat and
drink—“pro suis esculentis et poculentis5—12 bolls of bear. The
'kenn-are’—probably ‘oeann-aire’ spoiled—is a permanent servant. In many
of the accounts he is called ‘ Canar.’ Another permanent servant is the
'circinator,’ or cooper, who in this account gets 40/ for his fee. A
good deal of outlay is made on building cruives, and on cobbles, &c.
Queen Mary at Inverness
and in Badenoch.
In his account for 1563,
the Comptroller, Sir John Wischart (or Wishart) of Pitarro, takes credit
for expending on the house and household (“domo et familia”) of our Lady
the Queen, during the time of her residence within the burgh of
Inverness, in the month of September, in the year 1562, 28 wedders and
36 capons. The other food and drink supplies, which, we may assume, were
on the same liberal scale, were probably bought by the household
officials in the open market.
In Badenoch, a saying has
come down that “Bad Queen Mary burned the woods of that district". As to
the burning of the woods, we cannot say, but the li#th volume of the
Exchequer Bolls proves bayond dispute that, in her expedition against
Huntly, Queen Mary did go to Badenoch, and spent at least some days
there—clearly at Ruthven. Immediately on the heels of the battle of
Corrichie, military occupation was taken of the lands of the Gordons.
After the gruesome trial, condemnation, and forfeiture of the dead Earl,
in Edinburgh, Wischart or Wishart of Cambeg was appointed Chamberlain of
the forfeited lands. In this volume, he renders three separate accounts
of his intromissions as Chamberlain of Badenoch, Chamberlain of
Lochaber, and Chamberlain of Strathdee, Braemar, and Cromar. Wishart’s
Badenoch account, which was not audited until 1567, is for three terms,
beginning 1st February, 1562-3, and ending 1st July, 1564. One of the
items in it is an expediture of £40 16s 8d on the purchase of 44
wedders, 3 marts, and 8 lambs for the Queen and her household at the
time of her residence in Badenoch. Her residence there must have been at
Ruthvn Castle, which she enjoined Wishart to occupy and garrison for
her. He only paid for a garrison of six servants, but the place itself
was strong, and with “ great fettir lokkis, paddo iokkis, and stok
lokkis,” and gunpowder (‘ pulvere bumbardino ’) from Edinburgh, he was
safe enough, and to thieves and rebels formidable enough, since the
Laird of Grant and The Mackintosh, and even the chief vassals and
tenants of Huntly, were all at his service. There may be some hint of
the burning vengeance attributed to Queen Mary in the fact recorded by
Wishart that during the three terms of his account the lauds of
Ballakmoir were lying waste, and therefore paying no rent in produce,
animals, or money. It is a hundred account the lands of ‘Ballakmoir'
were lying waste, and therefore pities that this Lowland Chamberlain did
not give a detailed of Badenoch and Lochaber in the reign of Queen Mary.
The Exchequer Rolls of Scotland
A selection of these rolls to illustrate their research potential |