In last December a few
lines were published in a newspaper of the East of Scotland,
recording the death of a ploughman, apparently at a good old age, in
no extraordinary manner, but probably from the exhaustion of life
spent in hard labour, until the fine machine was worn out and could
go no longer. This announcement was copied by nearly all the papers,
yet the ploughman had been guilty of no great crime, was descended
from no marked family, had been involved in no noted transaction,
had exhibited no genius beyond being perhaps a little pawkie and
shrewd, and of no grievous iniquity had he been the victim. His path
through life was distinguished only by his capacity for keeping
money. He was heir to nobody who could increase his riches, and no
person, in any caprice, had included him in a last “will” All his
means had been produced by his own strength, and he was less
remarkable for earning than for keeping, Economy was the secret of
Ms little fortune and the man died worth six or seven hundred
pounds.
Agricultural labourers in any part of the country have only limited
wages, but in the eastern counties of Scotland they are better paid
than in many other districts and they do harder work. This man may
therefore have drawn eighteen or twenty pounds yearly during his
active life, in addition to his board and lodging. His fare would be
abundant, although not of the most costly kind, and to his lodgings
great objections could probably be raised,
He was a man of milk, oats and potatoes, and an acquisition to the
arguments of the vegetarians. The peasantry of Scotland possess
immense personal strength, especially among the agricultural and out
of-door labourers. It is often dormant power and an untrained
strength, in the Sessession of good natured persons; but doubtless
it exists along with practical sobriety and vegetarianism. For the
former or the sobriety, unhappy exceptions exist, at half-yearly
feeing markets, and a few holidays, in the depth of winter. To the
latter there may also be occasional exceptions, but they are not so
numerous now, as they were sixty or eighty or a hundred years since,
when we have distinct evidence that on the banks of the larger
salmon streams apprentices had stipulations in their indentures
against salmon, for more than two meals in each day ; and when all
the individuals on one farm, excepting the cottiers who lived in
their own houses —had meals at the same table, and all had an
interest in the marts killed and salted for winter.
The particular ploughman whose fortunes attracted the attention of
the journalists had subsisted chiefly on meal and milk, and had
earned in 30 years the sum of money which at his death was his
property. he had accumulated a fatege part of the fund by interests.
The moss would grow if it were “let alone,” and a central sum of
sayings once established^ Is its own nurse. The proceeds of the
ploughman’s capital had for some years equalled or exceeded his
wages; and his money had created more new money for him than his
work. Even with this additional source of income he must have been a
careful and economical personage who indulged in no benevolent
freaks; and probably never read the journals that celebrate the
achievement of his life. The current literature of his time would
not occupy his hours, if it cost him money. According to the advice
of able magistrates and accomplished political economists he avoided
“the crime” of indiscriminate alms, and omitted any giving to the
poor. A man in his situation could not be expected to dispense
charity in any large amount, but he must have clung even to the
mite, and experienced the gnawings of a griping spirit. It is almost
certain that he obeyed the letter of the law, and was a citizen of
estimable negations. He had not been a poacher, from a healthy dread
of fines and imprisonment; and so in the opinion of the magistrates
in his parishes he was a good member of the ploughing and the
reaping society. The six or seven hundred pounds are so many
certificates of his sobriety; and appear good proofs that if he did
not actually adopt the practice of the Total Abstinence Society he
did not afford any encouragement to the distillers, from his own
means.
The second ploughman like the first is not named, but we almost
assume that he also belongs to the eastern counties of Scotland. It
is more than probable that he is not rich; almost certain that he is
a sober man, and is not a poacher even, or in any manner disobedient
to the civil law. Dr. Guthrie, of Edinburgh, at a recent meeting in
behalf of the ragged schools there, read a letter of apology from
this ploughman. The apology consisted in the statement that he is
the only son of his mother and she is a widow, to whose support he
contributes, therefore, so far as his means permit. He made this
apology to Dr. Guthrie because he had read the volume of sermons
entitled “The City, its sins and its sorrows,” and inclosed in his
note ten shillings to be applied for the benefit of these schools.
The ploughman deemed an apology necessary for the remittance because
it was so small. Many peepons of more riches give less or nothing to
such objects, and make little or no apology even to their own
consciences on the subject. This ploughman reads books of
considerable standing in literature. He names a volume that is
appreciated chiefly by persons with enlightened minds. Certainly it
might arouse the latent sympathies of the rude and unlettered but
they are not in the habit of reading Dr. Guthrie’s works. For that
reason we presume that the author had, in this instance, for a
correspondent, a superior ploughman, who may have twenty-five or
thirty pounds even, in addition to board and lodging, as the price
of his superiority by the year. The guess is, however, very liberal,
and the probability is strong, that all his earnings come under the
smaller sum. As he assists to support his mother out of these
earnings, any sensible person will readily see how long an apology
should accompany often a hundred pounds towards a good, great
object, if any apology was requisite with these ten shillings.
We hope that the second ploughman may pass through a noon of
strength to an afternoon of comfort, and an evening of repose; but
unless something occur to him out of the ordinary course, he will
never save six or seven hundred pounds by ploughing. He
perhaps,—indeed, the qualification may be withdrawn—he relies upon a
promise—he thinks his bread and his water sure; or at any rate, he
feels that all his wants will be supplied from the most abundant
storehouse, so long as it is deemed necessary for him to have any
wants. He labours, probably, under the doubts that trouble many,
though he may not be able to put them in words, concerning the
difficulty of individual Christians, not making a great amount of
money—there is little difficulty in supposing that—but dying rich.
It must be a difficult thing to do. Now, however, our concern is
with life, and the cause of the living.
The two agricultural labourers are representative men. Both may
stand out as examples of good citizenship in a negative sense. Both
obeyed the law, doubtless, and that is no small virtue. Immediately,
however, at this point, their lives run on diverging roads. One of
them sought to make provision for himself—to become rich, and feel
his importance in the world. In a limited measure, this course was
not only consistent with virtue, but in itself virtuous. The second,
more thoughtful for others than himself, follows a more generous
course. His virtue is of a higher order than that of the rich
ploughman, and he is actuated by a nobler wisdom. Many persons who
will not hearken to the “Go thou and do likewise,” will admire the
generosity of this ploughman’s self-denial, and acknowledge that he
is a representative man of a high type. He inquires after the
intellectual education that the other needed not; in the sense that
although he needed it, yet he did not feel the want. He is
fellow-man to the miserable, the untaught, and the wicked; not as a
participator either in guilt or ignorance, but as sympathising for
their consequences, here and ever. We cannot doubt that he is a
merciful man, and his horses will pull stronger for his kindness and
prudence. All men are less or more in the nature of leaven,
affecting the lump around them; but this man affects it for good,
and not imperceptibly, but strongly. If he live in a bothy, all in
the bothy are the better or signally the worse for his company. Some
men are so neutral, that there is difficulty in discerning their
current; but this is a decided man we suppose—very decided, and one
who makes his example felt. Neither a preacher nor a teacher in one
sense, he is effectually both preaching and teaching by example.
Such men are invaluable among others, and especially among the young
but particularly so on these large farms where generally a
sufficient number of labourers congregate for mischief, and yet
experience disadvantages in seeking after intellectual and moral or
religious improvement.
The constitution of these kingdoms had certain dealings with these
two men. One may have been an integral part of the constitution, or
he may not, but he was able for a long period to have claimed that
position. The other, under the existing law, may never be able to
exercise a direct influence on the legislature. Both men had the
privilege of asking, and one of the two might have had the right of
doing. Nothing prevented the ploughman who died worth six or seven
hundred pounds, for the last twenty years I probably, from investing
capital in house property, and becoming one of the million;—the
three kingdoms have a million of electors or thereoy. The same lime
and stone might have enfranchised two persons—the occupant and the
owner of the premises—although a human body and a human soul could
not accomplish that object, in accordance with our constitutional
principles. The citizen of negative virtue, therefore, in his
position, could have enjoyed the full rights of an emancipated
subject. The citizen of both negative and positive virtues could
only enjoy the limited rights of protection bestowed on a tolerated
subject. Even this distinction against the better, and in favour of
the inferior person, is aggravated by its being consequential upon
the superior qualities of the one, over those of the other. It is
the necessary result of the man’s being better than his contemporary
at the plough ; and not better in ploughing, but better in all the
duties of life, and a better member of our society; also a better
“man of the world,” for the best men of this world have their being
and their hopes linked to that enduring and nobler world. The
conditions of the present franchise are impracticable to a ploughman
whose only inheritance is his mother, and she is a widow, with no
other son to aid in her support—except he neglect certain duties.
For him there is, and can be, no hope of attaining this right,
unless he will decline all other purposes and coil himself up into a
selfish ball of porcupine prickles to every good feeling and kind
sympathy. No man should be admitted within the pale of a civil
constitution on account of his religion, for that should never be a
political test, neither should it be a test of exclusion; yet it is
transformed to that base use. The second ploughman had a duty to
discharge, as a Christian, but if ou discharge it, the Constitution
says no open remains of entering within my circle of a million; take
your chance, neglect our mind; do not read Dr. Guthrie’s books, for
you can neither afford the fee for them nor similar works; contract
your mind within the stables or the stilts; thousands of boys and
girls grow up festering in crime and ignorance—heed them not, they
are not yours—let them grow to misery or perish—your ten shillings
will not reform these evils; but they will help to raise your cairn
and let you step from it, among my million of specimen men,—you live
in Scotland, and will need five hundred of these half-sovereigns to
make you an elector. It is a pity, if you lived in England, one
hundred of them would answer for that object. You do not know any
reason for the difference. No, of course you do not, being only a
ploughman and uninitiated in political mysteries; hut it’s all
right—the Edinburgh Whigs, you may remember, shook Arthur’s Seat and
Salisbury Crags (the constitution is absolutely becoming
figurative,) because a proposal was made to confine the votes of
forty shilling freeholders in England within the constituency in
whose division their ground was situated; yet, your Edinburgh
leaders said that the qualification of forty shillings was not
suitable to you, but two hundred shillings were very good. So you
cannot help yourself unless by crossing the Tweed, but perseverance
will overcome all difficulties in time. Keep every shilling—let
ragged schools alone—grudge your mother even a little
assistance—true, she gave you life, and supported and trained you
from infancy to youth,—very true, you have been her hope for years
that otherwise would have been lonely— but be scrimping and careful
in your assistance to her—and you may rise within the circle of one
million.”
The ploughman might deem it better to be out of the ring at that
price. That is his affair. This is the price exacted by the
constitution, not for its honours, but for its rights.
We know the answer; for it will be said that the object is to keep
from the registry persons who have no stake in the country. The
ploughman would be considered a qualified elector if any rule could
be made for his admission; but not the spendthrift, poorer than him
by doing evil instead of good. All this argument implies only that
we have the same punishment in respect to one matter, and that a
deeply important matter, whether a man does ill or well.
Our ploughman’s stake in the country would be deemed probably very
sufficient, but he could not be admitted on the registry and the
drunken idle and ignorant be excluded; but let us quite comprehend
the cause of this exclusion. Nobody will be more drunken, more idle,
and more ignorant than certain voters of Gloucester and Wakefield
were last year. A man is not excluded from the franchise because he
is drunken, idle or ignorant. A moral franchise has not been
establisheded. Perhaps it might be good and useful ut it does not
exist, and the Legislature should not attempt indirectly to do what
it will not effect u straight forwardly.” Farther still this
argument goes on the supposition that the enfranchised classes are
more industrious, more learned and even more sober than the
unenfranchised. Perhaps no person acquainted with society is
prepared to allege this opinion as his property, and something quite
consistent with truth. Many men of excellent notions and principles,
who have not studied this subject, really believe that in consenting
to a six pound rating or renting qualification in boroughs, and
declining to go lower, they secure a constituency greatly superior
for industry, intellect and sobriety to those who would be enrolled
under manhood suffrage, with all the restrictions to which the
societies formed to promote that object, cheerfully consented, or
even with Lord Teignmouth’s suggestion superadded, of an
intellectual qualification extending to reading and writing.
They are blind men, rushing over a career of which they do not
believe the consequences; necessary and unavoidable consequences. In
London they propose to qualify every huckster possible—almost every
stall keeper; and to refuse qualifications to two or three hundred
thousand of the most intellectual men in the metro-rolls. An immense
number of families ve in lodgings there, who are in every manner
respectable—even in riches. Their lodgings are not always or often
furnished. In some towns the phrase “lodgings” applicable to them
would be misunderstood. Houses are let to one person almost
invariably there, who sublets them as apartments, furnished or
unfurnished; but generally in the latter condition, and who often
has his own room or two rooms free of rent and taxes for his risk
and trouble. This middleman who absolutely pays neither rent nor
taxes, is the only franchised person in a house, rented at forty,
fifty or sixty pounds. Nobody will deny that the lodgers may be
equals in intelligence and worth tp the tenant, yet as they cannot
be registered from the parochial books they are exposed to
difficulties in proving their claim, amounting almost to parochial
disfranchisement.
Without some inquiry into the operation of these franchises nearly
all men suppose that a six pound or an eight pound qualification is
a little safer than personal voting. It goes, they think, scarcely
so far, or not nearly so far; and that the additions it makes to the
electoral role are more intelligent and respectable persons then
those whom it excludes. This is the blunder of all parties, yet in
huge cities six pounds householders are less likely to be
independent and intelligent men then the multitude of married
lodgers, and of young men, residing with their families, or in
lodgings, whom that line excludes, not because they pay less for
house-room, or are unable to pay more but because they pay it in a
different manner. The common supposition that every extension of the
franchise is a descent into more impracticable soil is a mistake.
The five to six millions of persons whom even a franchise of six
pounds in boroughs, and ten pounds in counties would not reach, are
not all incapable of paying these rents. The majority of them could
pay the money with ease, but the arrangement does not suit their
circumstances until they can pay a higher sum.
The million and a-half who will be enfranchised by the scheme may
not be the best or the wisest fifth in the three kingdoms. Mr.
Bright said at Birmingham that the qualifications would certainly
include all the middle and higher classes; but it certainly will
exclude one half of the educated middle classes.
Hie Cabinet name measures of reform in their programme, and they do
no more. In the Commons intimation has been given that Lord John
Russell will introduce their bill on the 20th February current, but
no official informamation of its nature has been afforded except
what may be collected out of Mr. Bright’s speeches. At Birmingham he
apologised slightly for the advocacy of anything so small. At
Manchester he advocated it, without apology. In both places he
avoided the rating of last year as dangerous ground. He came forward
when the agitation for a manhood suffrage had acquired some force
and split its strength by the proposal of a rating qualification.
Next a bill was drawn by him or his Mends and published. Then some
idea was expressed of moving its provisions formally in the
Commons.. All these things have passed away and “left not a wreck
behind.” Now we are urged to take the best measure that may be
offered. For Hobson’s choice therefore one Ministry was put out and
another was put in, while twelvemonths were lost. As if to clear
away any doubt concerning the propriety of that course the late war
is lugged into the business; from which Louis Napoleon is made to
hint that the Whigs delivered us. At present one party seem to have
got over familiar with an Emperor of Napoleon’s antecedents, for
persons who wish to keep a good character as reformers. Mind, they
say, we do not refer to his politics in France, Better not we should
think, for on them the less said the sooner mended. But why have
much to do with friends for whose character in parts they need to
make this meagre apology? The pretence is that the country might
have been drawn into war except for the change of Government, caused
on a speculative vote on reform; or anything larger than might have
been had twelvemonths since; without the celebrated meeting in
Willis’s rooms, and the resolution moved by a nobleman; wholikea
comet shook the world for dread, and like a comet never having been
seen before, may never be seen more in the existing generation.
Even if the new Reform bill shall give a rental qualification of six
in the boroughs and ten in counties—pounds in each case, according
to Mr. Bright it will add only one third to the existing voters,
raising them from a million to a million and a half. According to
the same authority the number of males in the community over twenty
one years of age is eleven and a half millions. Now, therefore, we
have a franchise of two in fifteen, hereafter we are to have one of
three in fifteen. The new measure will give us twenty per cent, of
the reality. We shall be one-fifth represented and four-fifths not
represented, x et already some excellent members of Parliament, and
even independent members too, talk of this as a final measure, for
these expressions have been used by Mr. Edwin James and Mr. Horsman.
Among publications the Times more consistently says it or anything
will do for twenty-five years. A better apprehension of the facts
was expressed by Mr. Henley of Oxfordshire, when he told the Commons
last year that they need not squabble very bitterly for a pound
either way, as no franchise they could carry would last twenty-five
years.
Reformers are entitled surely, in spite of all their apathy, to have
the lodger qualification proposed by Mr. Disraeli, enlarged and
incorporated in the measure. It cannot be considered revolutionary.
In all boroughs and cities it would qualify men of a higher order of
mind, and a higher position than many already within the circle, or
who will get into it by the new third to be added to its width. The
refusal of this qualification could not be justified by any
arguments or any facts.
Fifty pounds capital in a savings’ bank, was once suggested by Lord
John Russell as a fair balance to forty shilling freeholding, and
Mr. Disraeli proposed sixty pounds for no apparent reason except to
diner ten pounds on the exclusion side. This qualification need not
be dropped and become only a memory or a name, a matter of “fancy”
once propounded like a dream of the Arabian nights, heard and
forgotten. It can do no harm, perhaps it may do good. All the
persons who will qualify upon it must have at least sixty pounds in
the national funds.
Mr. Disraeli proposed to give any person a vote who had an income of
ten pounds from national stock or any other stock associated with
imperial credit or interests. This franchise was only ridiculous
from its magnitude in comparison with the sixty pounds
qualification; for surely it were better that the elector had his
claim from investments, made regularly, than from deposits that may,
on a week’s notice, be withdrawn. The stock certainly may be
sold—but while the depositor risks nothing, the purchaser of
securities risks their fell in prices:—of course he had the hope of
u a rise,”—and from both events he has an interest in. national
prosperity, that the depositor wants. Instead of an income of ten
pounds one of two pounds, or forty shillings free-holding, should
answer the same purpose. Nobody will fail to see that this might be
a diminishing franchise for as the nation became prosperous and
reduced the number of its creditors, it would also reduce the number
of its electors, but it will be long before this operation Min be
troublesome. We are not dealing with a final measure, and Mr. Henley
is wiser than Mr. Horsman or Mr. James.
Direct taxation is a favorite subject with one class of reformers,.
and they should throw a new charm around it in making all income tax
receipts documents to vote with. This would give persons of a
certain income, residing in lodgings, a reason for not evading
payment, or forgetting to be taxed; and while it consists strictly
with constitutional opinions it might help a little the national
revenue.
We have never heard a valid objection to enfranchisement in or by
policies of Life Assurance held in companies whose directors might
be willing to submit their affairs to a Government audit. These
documents acquire value by time, and they are of their nominal value
at once in certain contingencies. No other documents in the
possession of persons not otherwise enfranchised, could better show
their desire for independence. Among the labouring and operative
classes the practice! deserves encouragement. Its extension would
elevate their monetary circumstances ; and with them their
educational and moral condition. If indeed the object of statesmen
was to include on the electoral registry, the hale hearted and
well-intentioned men of the working classes, this scheme would have
been adopted as first of the franchises, styled by Mr. Bright “fancy
qualifications,” with rather more sarcasm than truth. By this plan
our ploughman of the higher grades might become an elector; and even
if no better results arose from the adoption of this system than the
increase of life assurance policies among artisans and labourers,
its merits should commend it to public use.
All these additional qualifications except the last have been
proposed by leading men in one of the two Cabinets between which we
oscillate; and have not therefore any of the objections thatare
attached to novelty. In the coming bill we might expect their
incorporation, if the independent liberals were anxious to extend
its limits. Lord John Russell may even include them in his plan; and
it is erroneous to suppose that they would not produce a
considerable number of voters. No measure founded on limited
principles can be final; and with that opinion we are not interested
in rendering an interim project satisfactory; but on the other hand
all parties are interested in obtaining even for a time the best
measure possible; and all these subsidiary qualifications would be
houses
The occupying franchises may be fixed at six pounds in boroughs, and
ten pounds in counties; but more doubt exists, even still,
respecting the ownership qualifications. At present, in England the
forty shilling franchise brings ownership almost to its lowest
limit. In Scotland, the corresponding franchise is ten pounds.
Accrtding to one report it will be reduced to five pounds. The
friends of these figures say that they cannot be smaller because few
houses are built worth less than five pounds per annum, and we have
no freeholders. They forget that in rural districts, in small towns
and villages, a necessity exists for multiplying the number of
cottages with a quantity of land attached. The forty shilling feu-hold,
differing from the freehold, would accomplish this object. A
purchaser of a forty shilling freehold may accomplish his purpose
without doing any good to himself or to the locality; but the forty
shilling feuholder must have placed property worth at least fifty to
sixty pounds upon the land, before he could claim a vote. A
feuholder is absolute owner of the land while he pays the stipulated
rent. The fee cannot be raised, and die land cannot be resumed for
ever, or while, in the words of some old agreement, a grass grows
and water runs.” This disposition of land is more calculated to
accomplish local improvements than an out and out sale of patches,
for it conveys the use of the ground without infringing on the
feuholder7 s money, if or that cause, it should be recognised and
respected by the state; yet, it is despised, almost forgotten, and
driven into a comer. It has been said that the British Parliament
cannot recede from any position once taken, however it may appear by
experience, unprofitable. The accusation seems to be comet, and the
practice serves prejudice, if he does not provide for prudence.
Forty shilling freeholds are of old institution in England, and must
be supported there, not only in their natural, but in their
non-natural meaning. So, when one party suggested the confinement of
freeholders, qualified by land within boroughs, to their borough,
instead of the county, registry; Scotland was called on for support
against peat disfranchisement; yet, when we do an extension of this
franchise, with bare franchises by its geographical and natural
application, the request is refused upon the plea of its being new
in Scotland. No other facts more dearly illustrate the prevalence of
factious feeling, and the want of broad and consistent principle,
among the leaders of a party, than the transactions regarding this
franchise in the two countries. If it be advisable in England, it
should be adopted in Scotland; and if it be right that the forty
shilling freeholders of some English boroughs should vote, not in
their boroughs, but in their counties, it must be right to allow
those of all the boroughs, in like manner, to overstep their
boundary line and go to the poll out of town. Custom is the only
argument against truth in this case, and the custom of the Medea and
Persians changeth not. For them legislation should be closed; yet,
if they would be reformers in one particular, they ought to be
reformers in all its kindred subjects.
We have for nearly two years given a large space to the
consideration of various arguments respecting the suffrage; animated
partly by the hope of its become a more pressing subject than
judging it from any apparent circumstances it has grown. Lord John
Russell received only a few days ago a deputation from the electors
of London. They came with a petition entrusted to him as one of
their four members, for presentation. It sought in general language
a large extension of the suffrage, equal representation, vote by
ballot, and triennial Parliaments. Mr. Morley, a member of the
deputation, assured the noble Lord who is to propose the Government
measure, that the anxiety for reform was prevalent among the
constituencies. Lord John Russell, who remembers the agitation for
the last Reform bill and the political unions, did not deny that
statement, but he informed the deputation that this anxiety was
unknown in the House of Commons. He apparently believed that its
expression there might be followed by some good. Neither to the
noble Lord nor to Mr. Morley did the causes occur for the absence qf
any deep feeling on the subject, or they did not state these
reasons, if they had an opinion concerning than; but Mr. Morley
referring to Mr. Bright’s calculation mentioned the six to seven
unrepresented millions as so many reasons for representing a twelfth
part of the number. Either that twelfth forms all the proportion of
there who should be represented, or any great interest in the bill
cannot be expected from the remaining eleven-twelfths. Mr. Morley
should have said that there are half a million of men without the
franchise in the country, for whom we seek and there is an agitation
in the country, for the benefit of this half million corresponding
to their importance; or there are six millions wanting franchises;
and in the meantime give us an instalment of half a million; for the
demand is supported by an agitation equal to that proportion. Even
the Foreign Secretary would have comprehended in the maximum of Is.
8d. per£ that no great petitioning or remonstrating could be
expected.
The existing mil on this subject is moreover a vote of confidence in
public men by the public. A Reform bill has been promised for many
years. It has experienced no opposition, except in the course of
events and want of tune. The old Ministry were put out by the
present Ministry because the new had no confidence in the designs of
the old on the question. Its friends, said, therefore, the new party
are pledged to as much as we have been offered, and something more.
The inference is strictly correct, and the public place upon it
perfect reliance. If hereafter they find themselves deceived,
perhaps there may be no want of excitement; and Lord John Russell
will require to offer no farther hint on the subject. We do not
suppose that he seeks to deceive his supporters, but is anxious to
fulfil his promise, although he may require support even in the
Cabinet, not upon the nature of the measure, but its necessity, at
the present time. There are several reasons for postponing the bill
from 1860 to 1861, or even into the subsequent year.
The middle classes are supposed by the unenfranchised to entertain
no keen feeling in their favour. If the supposition be correct, the
classes in question are consistent and have no strong feeling in
favour of themselves. Even if no extension of the franchise were
desirable or necessary, a re-distribution of members is desirable;
yet, the electors of large boroughs and populous counties exhibit no
anxiety to redress the insulting arrangements which now disfigure
the representation and prevent it from reflecting the opinion of the
million. Family influence is paramount over many small
constituencies, and the influence of wealth in others. A number of
seats have their prices ticketed like stalls in an opera-house; and
a number more are heir looms of a family, not to be parted with at
any price. Even when small constituencies discharge their duty with
a distinct purpose of benefiting themselves they manage occasionally
to accomplish their object at the public expense. From this cause
public money is expended often in quartern that bring little or no
return, because a few treasury boroughs are convenient. A division
of the three kingdoms into districts by the employment of 658 to
obtain a result that would be wrought by a boy, pretty well through
with simple division at school on his slate, is not sought by any
party. For the old “nomenclature” of constituencies and their
members, in their official state, every person holds all the
necessary respect—of course that is not much—but there is no
necessity for keeping Harwich always at the present limits of
Harwich. A member could be taken from it, and a dozen of parishes
added to it; so that if the member for Harwich be necessary to the
constitution, the constitution could always have the member for
Harwich. Arundel might still answer the purpose assigned to it by
Mr. Disraeli, of representing all the Roman Catholics in England,
although the arrangement were made a little more decent by an
extension of its borders, and some guarantee for the non-conversion
of its owner. The particulars respecting equal representation do
not, however, require repetition, for they are so dear and notorious
that the forbearance of those who suffer under them, and the
patience of their representatives, are either illustrious
exhibitions of the virtue, or ludicrous exhibitions of something
else. The charges of apathy to the interests of the unenfranchised
classes is not applicable, however, to men who are equally apathetic
to their own interests, in any class or sectional sense. Equal
representation is not to form parts of the government bill, yet
those electors and their representatives who could compel the
adoption of common honesty as the rule, allow common honesty to be
suspended in the case. Perhaps nothing more clearly shows the
necessity for political teaching—not elementary quite, ot
practical—than these facts; yet, an immense quantity of theorising
would be necessary to make an impression on them. Men are taught by
calamities to discharge duties, and something in that nature may be
schools in this matter.
The same remarks are applicable to the Ballot. No possible objection
can be made to its use that even requires scrutiny. It could not
prevent bribery by contract mi a large scale. It might not prevent
efforts to screw promises out of dependents when canvassed by
superiors in something for their votes. It would not cure any or
every evil entirely, but it would greatly reduce them; and the
annoyances of the present system would not be so generally
practicable or practised with, as they are without the ballot. Still
there is not a great agitation on this subject among tradesmen. If
they are apathetic, they certainly are not selfish.
Triennial Parliaments will be considered a retrogressive article in
our creed soon, and we need say little of them. For some time past,
Parliaments have been shorter than three years. We had a new
Parliament in 1857, a repetition in 1859, and we may expect another
dissolution in 1860 or certainly in 1861. The time may again come
when triennial Parliaments will be necessary; at present, they would
deprive many constituencies of an excitement, frequently more
profitable to the beer shops than to the community in general. The
ministerial plan will be a six pound rental in boroughs, a ten pound
rental in counties, a five pound ownership in Scotland, and from the
existence of forty shilling freeholds, no change may be proposed in
the proprietary qualifications of England, while an Irish bill will
not be carried in the present session. The omission will cause some
confusion, but it may be considered necessary, and the franchises of
Ireland are considerably lower now than those of Scotland.
The ballot is certainly not to be found in the government scheme,
and although it may cause a division in the present session, yet we
regret to believe that it cannot be successful. A re-distribution of
seats on a large scale will not be attempted. The subject according
to one report was to be dropped entirely; but this is improbable
because a dissolution of Parliament must follow immediately any
large disfranchisement of some boroughs, and enfranchisement of
others, and no ministry would pass a measure to extend the franchise
without attempting to carry a more equitable representation, if only
to prevent the success of a proposal in the first session of a new
Parliament on that subject, that must be followed immediately by
another dissolution, and another new Parliament.
A few weeks will bring out the particulars of the Government measure
m an official shape; unless some accident intervene, but the present
session is exposed peculiarly to accidents, audit seems highly
probable that the bill will be intercepted y one of them. Even this
result although apparently favourable to our principles is not one
to be sought. Eight years have now come and gone under the promise
of some change in the spring of power; and although final measures,
a twenty five years bill or any lease of legislation are absurd
expectations; yet, if at present the unenfranchised do not in great
numbers require a larger franchise than the late Cabinet would have
given last session, and another Cabinet will propose this year, it
is desirable that the discussions should be concluded for a time,
and the attention of the legislature and of the public be turned to
these practical measures which colonial and domestic interests
require. The government, and the electors cannot be blamed if they
decline to concede electoral privileges to men of whom a majority
may desire them, yet do not express their wish; although both the
government and the present voters, by a little inquiry in the
different localities, would have found that the narrow scheme is not
so safe as the wider measure of complete suffrage, or of complete
suffrage with a residential qualification to all who can read and
write —a franchise which we believe would have been final, while any
dangers averted by the exception are imperceptible to the naked eye
from their minuteness, and only under a misroscopic prejudice become
visible. |