THERE are some minor episodes in Scottish history that
i llustrate
with singular force the native intensity of character and
fervour of attachment to traditional systems, which so often
made the nation's progress towards the universal reign of
law a blood-stained path. The case of Clan Gregor is perhaps
the most typical of these episodes, which marked the
transition from the old Celtic system of the military
organization of the clans under the chiefs of their names to
the territorial system by which the men of the tribes became
the men of their feudal landlords. But though its tragic and
romantic elements have been often dealt with, the true story
of the doings and sufferings of the devoted clan has yet to
be dug from the dry-as-dust sources of historical narrative
in contemporary records, and the purpose of this paper is
merely to show that the records contain materials for such a
narrative.
The materials for the history of the Clan
Gregor and the genealogies of their principal families are
derived chiefly from three sources. The fullest of these,
and the most authentic, is 'The Register of the Privy
Council of Scotland.' The second is 'The Black Book of
Taymouth' (Bannatyne Club), in which, along with the
genealogy of the Campbells of Glenurchy compiled after 1598,
there is a brief genealogy of the MacGregors, and a
chronicle written by a curate of Fortingall, who entered on
his duties there in May 1532, and made his last entry on
25th April ,1579. In its earlier portions this chronicle is
nearly the same as that of the Dean of Lismore's Book, and
they both agree in the special feature that they are largely
occupied with incidents and events relating to the history
of the MacGregors. This is explained by the fact that the
writers of both were MacGregors. The Dean of Lismore's Book
also, besides the well-known collection of Gaelic poems,
contains a prose genealogy of the MacGregors written by
Duncan the Dean's brother in 1512, and among the earlier
poems there are several in which the descent of the
MacGregor chiefs from Kenneth MacAlpin is celebrated in the
high-sounding strains of the Highland seannachies. It is a
striking picture which is thus given of the MacGregor of the
first half of the fifteenth century—'the Saxon's
terror'—surrounded by his fierce men, whose hosting and
hunting are varied with the music of the harp and the songs
of the bards, and with games of skill and chance, while
their chieftain is represented as dispensing hospitality,
and bestowing gifts of horses and of gold with more than
regal munificence. But it is quite another picture that is
presented by the sober light of authentic record. The
chronicles before mentioned merely relate the obits, and
record the burials of the chiefs who from 1390, to near the
time of the Reformation were successively laid in their
stone coffins on the north side of the high altar of the
church of Dysart, now Dalmally, where the anchorite St.
Conan had of old his desertum or
eremitical cell. There is no evidence to establish the
assertion that the chiefs of MacGregor were originally lords
of Glenurchy. Even their own bards seem to claim for them no
higher rank than that of Toiseachs. Setting aside the single
instance in which the chronicler has styled the first of
those whose obits are given, as 'of Glenurchy,' we find them
from 1390 to 1554 as vassals of the Earl of Argyle in the
twenty merkland of Stronemelochan and Glenstrae, and after
that, to 1590, as vassals of the Campbells of Glenurchy.
There is no indication of the reason why the
members of the clan when they first appear in record are
found scattered over such a wide area of the Perthshire and
Argyleshire Highlands, unless it be simply that they had
spread themselves over the adjacent lands and baronies as
best they could, in consequence of their chiefs holding
lands of the Crown. We find them located in Glenurchy and
Glenlochy, Strathfillan and Glen-dochart, Breadalbane ancl
Balquhidcler, Glenlyon and Rannoch. Although by the
immemorial custom of the Highlands, to which they most
tenaciously clung, they owed military service to the chief
of their own name only, he was not at any time within the
ken of record in a position either to provide them with
homesteads or protect them in their possessions. While the
lands on which they had settled remained in the Crown they
might be safe from eviction, but when the Crown lands came
to be granted out to local barons, the grantees naturally
desired to settle their new estates with their own men, on
whom they could depend for thankful service and punctual
payment of rents. The MacGregors, on the other hand, in all
such cases immediately found themselves in the position of
occupants of the lands of owners to whom they were
unacceptable as tenants, and who desired nothing better than
to be rid of them at any price. The inevitable consequences
followed—eviction, resistance and retaliation. The evicted
tenants sought shelter among their kinsmen who still
possessed lands, as sub-tenants or squatters; or they became
' broken men,' and betook themselves to the hills to live on
the plunder of the lands from which they had been ejected.
We have incidental notices in the Exchequer Rolls of such
spoliation and slaughter by the broken men of Clan Gregor so
early as 1453, and ' for the stanching of theft and other
enormities in the Highlands' an Act was passed in 1488,
under which, among other Lords and Barons, Duncan Campbell
of Glenurchy, Neil Stewart of Fothergill, and John Campbell
of Glenfalloch, were invested with the powers of King's
Lieutenants, to pursue and put to death all such offenders
throughout the MacGregor country. This was the first of a
long series of similar enactments by which the MacGregors
were placed entirely at the mercy of their natural enemies.
The chief of the clan at this time was John Dhu MacPatrik,
but the active leader of the ' broken men' was Duncan
Laideus or Laudosach of Ardchoille Wester. His exact
relationship to the House of Glenstrae is not clearly made
out, but it was close enough to give colour to his claim to
the succession upon the death of John
Dhu MacPatrik, and, this failing, to entitle
him to be nominated as tutor.during the pupilage of his
successful rival's son and heir. His exploits have been
rendered famous by the remarkable poem entitled ' The
Testament of Duncan Laideus,' which has been printed in '
The Black Book of Taymouth.' The events narrated in the poem
appear to lie with the first fifty years of the 16th
century, and so far as the narrative can be tested from
extraneous sources it seems to be fairly correct in sequence
and incident. It represents the hue and cry raised by the
royal proclamation driving Duncan and his followers into
Lochaber, whence they are hunted by the Earl of Argyle to
fall into the clutches of Glenurchy. It so happens that
Glenurchy's men are mustering for the invasion of England by
King James IV., and there is no time to 'justify' the
prisoner, who is thrust 'into ane dungeon deep'—
'Fast into fetteris fessonit and sair pynit.'
At Flodden, Glenurchy and Argyle ' deit
valiantlie together' and together they were buried at Kilmun.
There was one man in Scotland to whom the news of the
national disaster brought more joy than sorrow. Says Duncan
Laudosach :—
'This hard. I all, liand in deep dungeon,
I thocht me then half out of my presoun.'
Persuading his keepers to connive at his
escape, he was soon again at the head of a band of outlaws,
who ' flew to meet him swift as ony swallows.' Spies were
sent out to track them through Lochaber, but the untimely
death of King James V. threw the country again into
confusion, and Duncan Laudosach took the opportunity to
wreak his vengeance on the Clan Lauren in Balquhidder, of
whom he slew twenty-seven in one day. On the death of John
Dhu MacPatrik in 1519 (whose only son had predeceased him),
his second cousin, John MacEwin V'Alaster, became the
nominal chief of the clan, partly through the influence of
the Campbells of Glenurchy, with whom he was connected by
marriage. His son Alaster, born in 1514, was a minor at the
time of his father's death in 1528. He was never enfeoffed
in Glenstrae, and seems to have made common cause with
Duncan Laudosach, who was his tutor. Their scene of action
shifts to Rannoch, where a colony of MacGregors had been
long settled, who were now maintaining themselves against
their feudal overlord, Menzies of Weem, and 'withholding his
lands from him masterfullie.' With the assistance of the
Earl of Athole, Menzies proceeded in 1531 to drive out the
hornets, and the result is thus recorded in the Chronicle of
Fortingall:— ' Rannoch wes hareycl the morne eftir Sant
Tennennis day in hairst be John Erie of Awthoell, and be
Clan Donoquhy, and at the next Belten (May) eftir that the
Brae of Rannoch wes hareyd be them, and Alaster Dow Albrych
wes heddyt at Kenlochrannoch.'. The Clan Donoquhy (Robertsons)
had the tables turned upon them in 1545, when Duncan
Laudosach and Alaster MacGregor of Glenstrae burnt the house
of Throchcare in Strathbraan, and took the chief of the
Robertsons captive. A daring attempt by the MacGregors to
capture or destroy the family of Glenurchy when on a visit
to Glenlyon, failed of its object, as Duncan's Testament
says—
' Quhen we trowit best to cum to our desyre,
The brig brak and we fell in the myre.'
By this time the Earl of Argyle was moving to
avenge the slaughter of the Clan Lauren, and the next we
hear of Duncan Laudosach is in connection with the deed
which brought his career to a close. In July, 1550, Alaster
Owir, tacksman of Wester Morinche, near Killin, signed a
bond of manrent to Colin Campbell of Glenurchy ' to be ane
faithful servant to him all the days of his life, and to ryd
and gang on horse and on fut in Hieland and Lawland when
required, and not to take part with MacGregor, his chief,
against the said Colin, but to be an evinly man for baith
the parties,' and made Sir Colin his heir in case of his
death without lawful children. This was the beginning of a
policy fraught with ruin to the clan, and Duncan Laudosach
took such measures as seemed to him calculated to deter
other MacGregors from transferring their obedience from the
chief of the clan to the feudal overlord. On Sunday, the
22nd November, 1551, he and his son Gregor came to Morinche,
took Alaster Owir furth of the house and slew him, and took
his purse with forty pounds in it, and passed to Killin to
the house of John
M'Bain, and 'brak in the door and took him
furth and strak his head from his body.' On the 11th of
March thereafter, Glenurchy takes a bond of manrent from
James Stewart, Alexander Drummond, and Malcolm Drummond, for
all the days of their lifetime, and ' in special with their
haill power, with their kin, friends, and part-takers, to
pursue to the death Duncan Laudosach and Gregor his son.
Nevertheless, in May, 1552, Colin Campbell of Glenurchy
subscribes a deed by which he receives Duncan Laudosach and
Gregor his son in his maintenance, 1 and
the zeal of luf and gude conscience moving him thereto, has
forgiven them all maner of actions and faltis provided they
fulfil their band and manrent made to him in all points.' It
is impossible to determine whether this was a masterstroke
of the same policy by which Glenurchy was now detaching so
many members of the clan from their allegiance to the chief
of their name, or whether it was a deliberate device to
tempt the two leaders, whom he could not capture, to place
themselves in his power. But the result is not doubtful, for
on the 16th of June, the Chronicle of Fortingall records the
beheading of Duncan Laudosach and his two sons, Gregor and
Malcolm Roy, by Colin Campbell of Glenurchy.
Two years after the execution of Duncan
Laudosach, in 1554, Archibald Earl of Argyle sold the
superiority of the twenty marklands of Glenstrae to Colin
Campbell of Glenurchy, and granted the ward and marriage of
Gregor MacGregor, heir of the now deceased Alaster, to Colin
Campbell, younger, of Glenurchy. Gregor was married to a
daughter of Campbell of Glenlyon, but was never invested in
Glenstrae. In 1562 we find him leading the life of an
outlaw, and in the following year he appears at the head of
a band of 120 broken men ravaging the Crown lands; and
Glenurchy has a commission to take him and a gift of his
escheat. In 1563 the curate of Fortingall notes in his
Chronicle that it had been 4 ane
gude symmer and gude hairst, pece and rest, except the laird
of Glenurchy wroth aganis Clan Gregor.' In July of this year
Queen Mary was at Inveraray, and after conference with
Argyle she issued authority to him and Glenurchy for free
quarters to their men when out hunting the MacGregors. From
another missive issued by the Queen at Glentilt in July, we
learn that the pursuit of the MacGregors had caused many of
them to flee to Ireland, and that 'now
when the nicht grows lang' they intended to return and harry
the tenants of the Campbells. But at the same time she
reminds Glenurchy, who had been placing men of Clanranald on
the MacGregors' lands of Rannoch, 'that
it is not right to output the MacGregors and input other
broken men,' and commands him to cease therefore the work he
had begun of rebuilding the house of strength in the Isle of
Loch Rannoch, as well as the mbi'mo-ino- of strangers of
other clans. In the same considerate spirit she writes from
Drvmen to Menzies of AYeem on behalf of a number of the Clan
Gregor who had been ejected from his lands, but were now
received to the Queen's peace—'as they cannot live without
some routnes we pray yon to permit them to occupy the same
lands they had of you before, and mak them reasonable takkis
thairupon, upon usual terms, as ye will do us thankful
plesour.' In 1564 the first of the intercommuning Acts was
passed, imposing heavy penalties on those who gave shelter
or supplies to the MacGregors, or had any manner of dealings
with them. It narrates that Gregor MacGregor, alias Laird
MacGregor, and certain of his kinsmen had been leaders of a
band of outlaws for two years, and had committed many
heinous crimes. A great foray by the MacGregors on the lands
of Menteith followed, and the Earl of Argyle, in virtue of
his commission as Queen's Lieutenant, calls out his barons
and tenants 'to raise the shout against Clan Gregor and
pursue them with fire and sword,' giving full commission to
every man within his'bounds ' to tak and apprehend the said
Clan Gregor quhair-evir they may be gottin, and the takors
thereof to have their escheats '—a bribe not easily
resisted.
It was at this time that a tragical affair
occurred on Loch Tay side, in which a family of Macgregors
to whom the literature of Scotland owes a deep debt of
gratitude were involved, and which also led to a romantic
incident in the administration of justice at Edinburgh. At
Tullichmullin in Glenlyon, close to the Kirk-town of
Fortingall there lived a family descended from a vicar of
Fortingall, of which Dougal Maol Mac Ane Raoch, or Dougal
the Bald (or tonsured) son of John the Grizzled—called
shortly Dougal
Johnson, was the head. Of his two sons, James and Duncan, we
know that the former was Vicar of Fortingall and Dean of
Lismore, to whom we owe the collection of Gaelic poetry and
the Chronicle that goes by his name, while the latter is the
Duncan MacCowle Yoil or son of Bald Dougal, who is author of
five of the poems in the Dean's collection, and of the
genealogy of the MacGregors. James had two sons, Gregor and
Dougal, patronymically styled Deneson, as being sons of the
Dean. Dougal subsequently became Chancellor of Lismore, but
Gregor, who after his father's death in 1557 had renounced
MacGregor his chief and bound himself to Glenurchy, was
slain on June 11th 1565, as described in the Chronicle of
Fortingall— 'slain were Gregor son of the Dean of Lismore
and Robert MacConil V'Gregor on Pentecost Day, after
midnight, and the house was burned, and they slain by James
MacGestalcar, and buried in the same grave in the choir of
Inchadin,'—the old church of Kenmore. An unexampled thing
thereupon occurs. Queen Mary directs a missive to the
Justice Clerk—understanding that Patrick Duncanson and other
MacGregors (of whom ten are named in the document) are under
surety, and that Gregor Deneson has been murdered by rebels,
for pursuit of whom 'nane are mair meet than the above-named
MacGregors having their kinsman slain,' and that in
consequence of their being under caution in the books of
Court, 'they dare not put on arms and pursue the murderers.'
therefore, the Justice Clerk and Clerk of Council are
commanded to delete from their books all acts by which they
are in any wise restricted.' The result of this license is
seen from an entry under July 27th 1565 in the chronicle of
Fortino-all—'James MacGestalcar killed with his accomplices
by Gregor MacGregor of Stronemelochan, and his followers at
Ardowenec.' In 1569 Gregor MacGregor and fifteen of the
ClanGregor are forfeited, and their escheats given to
Alexander Stewart of Pittarg, for the slaughter of two
persons of the name of Stewart in Balquhidder, and a
commission is given to Colin Campbell of Glenurchy ' to
justifie Gregor MacGregor of Glenstrae.' On the 7th April
1570, is the brief entry in the Chronicle of Fortingall—'
Gregor MacGregor of Glenstrae heddyt at Balloch'—now
Taymouth. But the
MacGregors had their revenge. On tl^22nd
August is another entry in the same Chronicle—1 John
MacConil Dow slain besyd Glenfalloch, and thirteen men of
the Laird of Glenurchy's men slayn that day be the Clan
Gregor.'
Gregor Roy was succeeded in the chieftainship
by his son Alaster, who was a mere child at the time of his
father's execution. His uncle Ewin was his tutor till 1587.
In consequence of the disturbed condition of the Highlands,
an Act of Parliament had been passed in 1581, making it
lawful for all good subjects who had received skaith from
broken men either to apprehend or slay the persons thus
offending and arrest their goods, or if the actual
delinquents could not be laid hold of to apprehend and slay
the bodies and arrest the goods of any others being of the
same clan, their servants, dependers, or partakers,
wheresoever they might find them, aye, and until the chief
or others of the clan should cause the skaith to be
redressed to the satisfaction of the sustainers thereof.
This iniquitous enactment practically outlawed the whole of
the Clan Gregor, and drove many of the better disposed among
them to renounce their chief and seek the protection of the
Campbells, or other overlords. In August, 1586, letters of
horning are recorded at Perth at the instance of John
Drummond of Drummondernoch and others, against Alaster
MacGregor of Glenstrae, his tutor Ewin, and between 70 and
80 MacGregors mentioned bv name, on the allegation of theft
and spulzie of the lands of the complainers. Five days
afterwards, the MacGregors so charged are denounced ,
rebels, and the Earl of Montrose has a gift of their
escheats. In 1587. another Act of Parliament was passed
declaring that theft bv landed men should be accounted
treason, and causing the chiefs of clans to be noted in a
roll and obliged under pain of fire and sword to surrender
sufficient hostages from among their families and kin, who
should be liable to suffer death if redress of injuries were
not promptly made by those for whom they were entered as
pledges. The immediate consequence was a general effort on
the part of all who had members of the Clan Gregor on their
lands to get rid of them, and during the next two years the
Sheriff Court Books of Perth show many actions of ejectment
against the MacGregors. To what straits they were reduced by
the operation of these enactJMits the tenor of a tack on the
estate of Glenurchy will show. By the terms of this tack,
which set to two brothers (Campbells)—called patronymically
Donald ancl Dougal MacTarlich—two merklands of land in Glen-nevern
and one merkland in Elir in Lome, the said Dougal and Donald
bound themselves ' that we, with the haill cumpanie and
forces that we can mak, sail enter into deidlie feid with
the Clan Gregor, and sail continue in making of slaughter
upon them and their adherents, baith privilie and opinlie,
and sail be na maner of way or persuasion leave the same or
cease therfrae, unto the time the said Duncan Campbell of
Glenurchy find himself be our travel and diligence satisfeit
with the slauchter we sail do and commit upon them ancl
withdraw us thairfra, as also till he find a way to mak an
agreement and pacification betwixt us and the Clan Gregor
for the slauchter we sail commit upon them.' To understand
this, it is necessary to suppose that the MacTarlichs had an
old blood feud against the MacGregors, and it is the case
that in 1563 Colin Campbell of Glenurchy had a gift of the
escheats of the chief of MacGregor and six of his kinsmen
for the slaughter of Tarloch Campbell, who may have been the
father of these two MacTarlichs. Of course, such an
agreement could not have been made with impunity, but for
the sanction of the enactments of 1581 and 1587, which made
slaughter of this kind a legal resource to those who had
wrongs still unredressed by the MacGregors.
The resentment of the clan aroused by the
homings and ejectments following on the process against them
by Drummond of Drummondernoch was speedily manifested in the
dreadful outrage which so fiercely inflamed the anger^of
King James VI. against the clan, and was the beginning of
the most tragical part of their history. There are three
different accounts of the murder of John Drummond of
Drummondernoch.by the Clan Gregor. The first is contained in
a bond executed at Balloch (Taymouth) in October, 1589,
between Lord Drummond, the chief of the name, the Earl of
Montrose, the Commendator of Inchaffray, ancl Sir Duncan
Campbell of Glenurchy, setting forth that 'because the Clan
Gregor in September last slew John Drummond in Glenartney,
being under their double assurance (one given on the Monday
before the murder), the said John being directit be his
chief at His Majesty's command for getting of venison to
have been sent to Edinburgh to His Majesty's marriage, the
said clan cuttit and aftuik his heid, and thereafter
conveening the rest of the clan and setting doun the heid
before them, thereby caused them to authorise the murder,'
therefore the parties to the bond agree to pursue the Clan
Gregor; Lord Drummond undertaking to furnish forty men, the
Earl of Montrose thirty, and Sir Duncan Campbell sixty. The
second account, In the records of the Privy Council, gives
the MacGregors the opprobrious name of ' the wicked Clan
Gregor,' by which they are stigmatised in all the public
records henceforward. It also supplies such additional
particulars as that £ after
the murder committit, the authors thereof cut off the said
umquhile John Druminond's head, and carried the same to the
Laird of MacGregor, who, and the whole surname of MacGregors,
purposely convened upon the next Sunday at the Kirk of
Balquhidder, where they caused the said John's head to be
presented to them, and there avowing the murder to have been
committit by their common counsel and determination, laid
their hands upon the pow, and in eithnick (heathenish) and
barbarous manner swore to defend the authors of the said
murder.' The third account is in the Register of Homings at
Perth, in a horning at the instance of the wife and children
and remanent kin of John Drummond against Alaster MacGregor
and upwards of 100 of the clan, mentioned by name, charging
them with having come ' to the number of 400 persons, and '
setting upon John Drummond cruellie murdered him, cuttit off
his heid [this word is scored out and the word " hand " '
interlined] and carried the same to the Laird MacGregor,
quha with the haill persons above-written, purposely
conveened upon the next Sunday at the Kirk of Balquhidder,
where they caused the said John's hand be
presented to them, and allowed that the said murder was
clone by their common consent and counsel, laid their hands
upon the same and swore to defend the authors thereof
against all that would seek the revenge thereof.' The
complexion of this heathenish oath is scarcely altered
whether it may have been taken upon a dead man's head or
upon his dissevered hand, but it is a matter of interest to
find the documents at variance as to whether it was the head
the hand of the ill-fated forester of Glenartney that was
brought to the Kirk of Balquhidder for this dreadful rite.
The substitution of the hand for the head would effectually
dispose of the still more ghastly legend of the bread and
cheese incident, and the melancholy fate of the lady of
Ardvoixdieh, so graphically related by Sir Walter Scott.
In July following, on the statement to the
Privy Council that the Clan Gregor are roving through the
Highlands in great companies, and have burnt houses, and
slain and harried, in such sort that many men's lands are
altogether laid waste, a commission of fire and sword is
given to Glenurchy, not only against the Clan Gregor but
against all who reset and harbour them. How he availed
himself of the power thus put into his hands may be inferred
from the fact that in December the complaints against him
compelled the Council to charge him not to invade any of His
Majesty's subjects otherwise than by order of law and
justice. This did not apply to the MacGregors, who had been
denounced rebels, but although licence was shortly
afterwards given him to contract bonds of friendship and
reconciliation with them, he proceeded to obtain a decree of
ejection against Alaster MacGregor, the chief, from his
lands of Glenstrae and Strone-melochan in August, 1590. In
the course of the next year, King James, on the
understanding that all deadly feuds between Sir Duncan
Campbell of Glenurchy and Alaster Boy MacGregor of Glenstrae
and his elan have been removed, grants special license to
Sir Duncan to infeft Alaster Roy in the 20 merklands of
Stronemelochan and Glenstrae without being in any way
answerable for him or his kinsmen. It does not appear
however, that the infeftment ever took place. In January
1592, there is a remission to Alaster MacGregor of Glenstrae,
John Dhu his brother, Dougal of the Mist, and all the rest
of them for the murder of John Drummond of Drummondernoch,
the customary compensation having been no doubt given to the
relatives, though there is no direct evidence of this. Yet
in the same year the Privy Council understanding that ' the
wicked Clan Gregor' and other broken men have continued in
slaughter, reiffis and sornings, grant commission to the
Earl of Argyle to cause them enter their pledges for
obedience to the laws, and to take and execute those that
remain disobedient, half of their escheats going to the Earl
for his trouble. The temper of the King towards the unhappy
clan may be divined from the tone of a letter written from
Holyroodhouse in March 1596 to Macintosh of Moy Hall :—
'J ames r.—Right
Trusty Friend, we greet you heartily weill. Having heard by
report of the late proof given by you of yonr willing
disposition to. our service in prosecuting of that wicked
race of MacGregor we have thought meet hereby to signify
unto you that we account the same as most acceptable
pleasure and service done unto us, and will not omit to
regard the same as it deserves, and because we are to give
you some further directions thereanent it is our will that
upon sight hereof ye repair hither with all speed and at
your arriving we shall impart to you our full mind, and
herewithal we have thought expedient that ye before your
arriving hither shall cause execute to the death Duncan
M'Ean Cam lately taken by you in your last [expedition]
against the Clan Gregor and cause his head to be transported
hither to the effect the same may be affixed in some public
place to the terror of other malefactors—and so commit you
to God.'
On 17th July of the same year, Alaster
MacGregor of Glenstrae appeared at Dunfermline as a
suppliant, and in presence of the King and Council, 'in
maist humble manner acknowledging his offences and
disobedience,' entered himself as pledge and surety for his
clan, ancl was forbidden to leave the Court without the
King's leave. But the Court was no place for MacGregor, and
there can be no doubt that he took the first opportunity of
escaping to the mountains. In November of the " same year he
felt the grip of the lion's jaws, and realised for the first
time the meaning of what he had done at Dunfermline in
becoming surety for the good behaviour of his clan. He was
proclaimed at the horn and made the King's rebel, because
his brother, John Dhu nan Lurag, or Black John of the
mail-coat, had committed spulzie on the lands of Graham of
Fintrv, and he, as the chief ancl surety for the clan, had
failed to present Black John and his accomplices to underlie
the law. In 1597 the MacGregors on the lands of Glenfalloch,
among whom was Duncan Abrach of Ardchoile Wester, son of
Gregor Laudosach, were ejected from their holdings by Robert
Campbell, son of Black Duncan of Glenurchy, who had received
a charter of these lands formerly belonging to Campbell of
Strachur. At this time it may be affirmed that, with the
exception of a few who had renounced the chief of their name
and come under bonds of manrent to other landlords, there
was hardly a holding occupied by a MacGregor unless in
defiance of the feudal superior. It seems impossible that
they could have maintained themselves for any length of time
against the power of the barons, but the story of the
Rannoch MacGregors shows that they did so until they were
overpowered by a horde of the MacLeans and Clan Cameron
directed against them by the Earl of Argyle. Alaster
MacGregor in his dying declaration accuses Argyle of this,
and the accusation is borne out by the Records of Justiciary,
which here exhibit another romantic interposition of the
impartial hand of justice in favour of the unruly clan. On
the 8th of June, 1598, in the High Court at Edinburgh, '
com-perit William Murray and tuik instruments that he
allegit that the Laird of MacGregor and his kyn were the
fyrst sen King' James the Fyrst's time that cam and socht
justice'—that is, instead of taking the law into their own
hands by gathering their forces and promptly avenging the
wrong they had suffered. ' It was a new role for the Clan
Gregor, but the result of this singular protest is that on
the same day there is a decree in favour of MacGregor
against MacLean and others for the price of 334 kye, 38
horses, 290 sheep, 93 goats, and the plenishing of houses to
the amount of £553 6s. 8d—in all, £5,277 6s. 8d. In the
previous February there had been decrees of ejection which
the MacGregors had not obeyed, and the MacLeans and Camerons
who had been called in to enforce the removals had made a
Highland clearance and carried off the stock and plenishing,
as above stated. In the same summer there are decrees of
ejectment against the MacGregors in Balquhidder, Glenbeich,
and Strowan, and the summer following in Breadalbane,
Glenlyon, and Weem.
Letters of charge were now issued to all the
landlords having MacGregors on their estates to present
before the Privy Council each the particular persons of Clan
Gregor for whom they as landlords were answerable, and
proclamations were made at the market crosses of Perth,
Stirling, and Dumbarton, commanding Alaster the chief and
the whole persons of that mischievous clan to compear
personally by the 3rd day of July 1599, and their chief to
enter them before the Kino; and Council for reducing them to
obedience. To this unreasonable demand it was submitted on
behalf of the chief that because it was impossible for him
to find caution in respect of the bypast enormities of his
clan, he offered to come in the King's will for offences
committed by himself, and to deliver three hostages out of
six of his kin to be nominated by his Majesty out of the
three houses of Clan Gregor, these to remain as pledges for
the obedience of the whole clan. But the King was
peremptory, and on the 2nd August 1599 Alaster MacGregor
compeiring personally at Falkland took upon him—that is,
acknowledged responsibility for— the whole persons of the
name of MacGregor, and promised to be answerable for their
presentation to justice for all offences, unless in the case
of such as he might be able to lay upon other landlords.
Inchaffray and Tullibardine became caution for him that he
would appear and enter one of his pledges on 4th September
at Edinburgh. He failed to appear, and on the application of
Tullibardine, who produced John Dhu MacEwin as pledge for
Alaster, the time for his personal compearance was extended
to the 16th. John Dhu was not warded, but was committed to
Tullibardine to be again produced on the day when Alaster
was due. The day came, but not Alaster, and on the 29th
January, 1600, notwithstanding the plea of his cautioners
that he was in heavy sickness and unable to travel, decree
was given against them for a fine of 10,000 merks each, and
5000 additional against Tullibardine for not re-entering
John Dhu. The King was now thoroughly enraged, and on the
31st January a Proclamation was issued that 'forasmuch as
the wicked and unhappy race of Clan Gregor continuing so
long in blood, theft, and oppression, and His Majesty
finding them always bent to follow the course of their
perverse nature after he had travailed by fair and gentle
means to bring them under obedience, and Alaster their chief
having most dishonestly violated his promise, thereby
avowing himself and his unhappy race to be outlaws and
fugitives, His Majesty has resolved to pursue them with all
rigour and extremity, and therefore it is forbidden to his
good subjects to intercommune with the MacGregors, to keep
any goods for them, to buy any goods from them, or make any
bargains with them, under pain of being held as partakers in
their crimes and punished accordingly.' On 17th February,
Tullibardine produced Alaster before the Council ancl was
relieved of his caution for him. On the 6th of March
following, Alaster MacGregor and the landlords of the
MacGregors were present at a meeting of the Council at
Holyrood, when the Act against intercommun-ing with the
MacGregors was approved, and a list having been made of
those of them who dwelt under the landlords, as well as of
those whom Alaster had taken upon himself, it was seen by
His Majesty that there was still a number of the clan who
had no fixed residence and could not be laid upon any*
landlord, and for these also Alaster was to be responsible,
seeing that at Falkland he had taken upon him the whole
persons of the name of MacGregor except such as he should
lay off himself upon other landlords. A list of twelve names
of the principal men of his clan was given him, of which he
was to select three to be entered as pledges for the good
behaviour of the clan for the first quarter, and these were
to be successively relieved by the entry of other three. One
of the hostages was to be placed in the custody of Lord
Drummond, one in the custody of Glenurchy, and one in the
custody of Sir John Murray of Tullibardine, while Alaster
himself was to be warded in the castle of Edinburgh until
the entry of the first three pledges. On the 16th of April,
Patrick Murray, son of Sir John Murray of Tullibardine,
appeared at Holyrood ancl presented John MacEan Dhu in
Rannoch, and Ewin MacAlaster Pudrach, as two of the
hostages, and stated that his father had delivered John
MacPhadtik V'Ean to Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy, who
had him presently in custody. This must have effected the
release of Alaster from ward in Edinburgh Castle, and we
hear no more of him for nearly a year.
But on 3rd March, 1601, there is a complaint
by the Council that all their efforts to reduce the wicked
and unhappy race of Clan Gregor to obedience and a peaceable
and civil form of living have failed; and Alaster, their
chief, has been put to the horn, for not entering his second
set of hostages, ancl still continues rebellious. Therefore,
a commission is given to Argyle, as His Majesty's
Lieutenant, to charge the whole clan to appear before him to
give surety for their good behaviour, and to pursue the
disobeyers with fire and sword, to burn their houses, and
apprehend and try them, and take up the half of their
escheats for his own labours. Further, it is ordained that
whatever persons shall harbour, or supply, or entertain, or
hold intercourse with, any of the MacGregors, their wives,
bairns, or gear, shall be held guilty of their whole
offences, bygone or future. Still further, His Majesty
promises in presence of the Council that the execution of
this Commission shall not be frustrated by any favour or
pardon to any of the clan hereafter. In submission to this
stringent enactment Alaster MacGregor appeared before the
King's Lieutenant at Stirling on 22nd April and renewed his
former obligations, the bond being signed for him, with his
hand led at the pen, because he cannot write. This year,
again, there are many decreets of ejectment against
MacGregors. In one case, on the estate of Strowan, William
MacNeill Y'Gregor pleads that of the lands from which he is
charged to remove, he and his predecessors have been in
possession for 300 years as native and kindly titulars and
possessors thereof. As incidental evidence of the cruel
manner in which the Clan Gregor were dealt with by those who
received commissions against them, it is sufficient to cite
the terms of a remission which was given to Glenurchy at
this time for the robbery and burning of the houses of Bar
in Glenurchy occupied by MacGregors, which proceeds on the
statement that in the course of the enmity subsisting
between the laird of Glenurchy and the Clan Gregor, many
plunderings, slaughters, and burnings, have been committed
by both parties, and that Sir Duncan Campbell, now of
Glenurchy, was very often forced to seek remeid by the
strong hand. Argyle did not fare so well in his commission
against the clan. In 1602, in consequence of the frequency
of complaints of theft by landless MacGregors roving athwart
the country, he is called upon to give an account of the
manner in which he has executed the commission against them,
and in three sittings of the Council he is denounced at the
horn in seventeen different charges for not producing
MacGregors against whom there are accusations of thefts,
chiefly of cattle. In September 1602, he is charged to
produce before the Council John Gait MacGregor, and all the
other MacGregors for whom he has become answerable, on pain
of 20,000 merks, ancl in the next month he is actually fined
in that sum on the ground that though he had bound over the
MacGregors at Stirling, and had them all in his power, and
His Majesty had been expecting that his good subjects would
be placed in security of their lives ancl goods if the
commission granted to Argyle had been properly fulfilled,
yet the Clan Gregor were still as wicked and insolent as
ever.
In December a complaint is lodged that the
Clan Chattan and the MacGregors have made a joint foray on
Glenisla in August last, ancl on 7th December there was a
raid on Glenfinlas, headed by Duncan MacEwin, afterwards
known as Duncan the Tutor, from his being tutor to Alaster
Roy, nephew and successor to Gregor, son of John Dhu nan
Lurag, or Black John of the Mail-coat. Robert, son of Duncan
Abrach, and grandson of Duncan Laudosach, when on a similar
expedition in the previous month, had been taken by
Colquhoun of Luss, who had received the King's authority to
arm his tenants ancl resist the MacGregors if they should
return. The number of the band under Duncan MacEwin was
about eighty, and the spoil driven from Glenfinlas is stated
at 300 cows, 100 horses, 400 sheep, and 400 goats, with the
whole plenishing of 45 houses. It was this raid of
Glenfinlas, and not the subsequent slaughter of Glenfruin,
that, gave occasion to the sensational incident of 'the
bloodie shirts,' which was suggested to Colquhoun of Luss in
a letter written to him by Thomas Fallasdail, a burgess of
Dumbarton, on Sunday, 19th December, 1602. The worthy
burgess had been taking counsel with Semple the laird of
Fulwood, and William Stewart, the captain of Dumbarton
Castle, and they advise the laird of Luss to go to Stirling
'wytli als monv bludie sarks as other ar deid or hurt of
your men, togitter wyth als monv wemen' ancl present
themselves before His Majesty ' upon Tysday nixt' on the
occasion of his reception of the French Ambassador. The
commonly received account of this tragic demonstration, in *hich
the widows of the slain to the number of eleven score, clad
in deep mourning, riding upon white palfreys, and each
bearing her husband's bloody shirt upon a spear, are
represented as appearing in the streets of Stirling to
demand vengeance from a monarch peculiarly accessible to
such sights of fear and sorrow, owes all its impressiveness
to the picturesque pen of the prince of novelists, Sir
Walter Scott. We have no means of knowing how many ' bluidy
sarks' were exhibited in this singular procession, but there
is no record of more than two deaths from the raid of
Glenfinlas. Of course there may well have been a score or
more of wounded men, and 'bluidy sarks' would not be
difficult to obtain after such an encounter.
The causes of the sanguinary conflict of
Glenfruin on the 7th February thereafter are obscure, ancl
the chief of the MacGregors in his dying declaration simply
attributes his attack on the Colquhouns to the instigation
of Argyle, which is scarcely credible. There is an
extraordinary discrepancy in the numbers of the slain on the
side of the Colquhouns,. as given in the various accounts of
the conflict. The .indictment against Alaster MacGregor and
his clansmen tried before the High Court of Justiciary,
states that they convenit
to themselves the Clan Cameron, the Clan Mhuire (MacPhersons)
and other broken men to the number of 400 or thereby, and
past forward in arrayit battle to the lands of Glenfruin,
where the laird of Luss with his friends were convenit be
virtue of our soverane Lord's Commission to resist them,
ancl barbarously murdered Peter Naper of Kilmahew, John
Buchanan of Bncklyvie, Tobias Smollett, Bailie of Dumbarton,
David Fallasdail, Burgess there, Thomas and James Fallasdail
his sons, Walter Colquhoun of Barnhill,' ancl four other
Colquhouns mentioned by name, ' and divers others to the
number of seven score persons or thereby, the maist pairt of
them being tane captive before they cruelly slew them, took
William Sempill ancl other free lieges away captive, and
took away 600 ky and oxen, 800 sheep and goats, and 280
horses with the haill plenishing and goods ancl geir of the
fourscore pund lands of Luss and burnt the houses ancl
barnyards.' On the other hand Birrell in his Diary says that
sixty honest men were slain, besides women and children,
while Calclerwood says fourscore or thereby. At the lowest
estimate the fact was fearful enough, and coming as it did
as the climax of a long series of thefts and slaughters
committed in various parts of the country by the MacGregors,
it filled the cup of their iniquity to overflowing. There is
no evidence however to support the traditional atrocity of
the murder in cold blood of the schoolboys of Dumbarton, who
are supposed to have gone out to see the fight. There is
mention in the Acts of the Privy Council of an accusation
against one Allan Oig from Glencoe, who, when with the Clan
Gregor at Glenfruin, is said to have ' with his awne hand
murdered without pity the number of fourtie poor persons,
who were naked [defenceless] and without armour,' But this
accusation is only brought forward in 1609, six years after
Glenfruin, and there is no evidence whatever to support it.
Immediately on the news of Glenfruin reaching
Edinburgh the Privy Council issued a proclamation to the
Sheriffs of Perth and Stirling, and the Stewart of Menteith,
and the Laird of Glenurchy,-to convocate the whole
inhabitants in arms, and keep their bounds free from
invasion of the MacGregors. Glenurchy, Tullibardine, and
Lord Drummond were also warned to present personally a
number of MacGregors for whom they were answerable, and
proclamation was made at Perth charging Alaster MacGregor
and the remanent of his race to compear before the Council
on the 29th of March, while the general enactment against
resetting or intercommuning with the Clan was renewed with
greater stringency. Aulay Macaulay of Ardincaple, Duncan
Campbell of Carrick, and Ewen Campbell of Dargache were
called to answer for intercommuning with the MacGregors and
'not raising the fray and pursuing them.1' The
lieges of Athol and the Braes of Angus were called out to
meet at the head of Loch Rannoch to join with the forces
appointed to pursue the fugitives. In the end of March King
James had taken his departure for London to assume
possession of the throne of England, but in committing the
Government of Scotland to his Privy Council he had given no
doubtful indication of the measures to be adopted to bring
the Clan Gregor under the rule of law, and to punish the
principal offenders. Accordingly, on 3rd April, 1603, the
Council decreed the abolition of the names Gregor and
MacGregor, and that the whole members of the clan—they and
their Mildren—take some other name ii«ll future time, on
pain of death. This curious method of outlawing a clan or
family name, and making it infamous, was not without
precedent in the history of Scotland. It had been resorted
to by James Y. in 1534, in the case of the Clan Chattan and
still more recently by King James himself in the case of the
Ruthvens after the Gowrie conspiracy. It appears also from
the letters of the Council to the King that there was a
proposal for the wholesale transportation of the clan beyond
seas. On 18th May the Council write that they have already
received eight pledges, and that the other four are
expected, ancl they remind His Majesty of their former
request that a ship might be sent to Leith ' for the
transporting of sa mony of that clan that are appointit for
banishment, seeing that all those quha are to depairt, in
quhilk nowiner the Laird himself is ane, are to be in
readiness to imbark here agane Whitsontyde.' But no such
kindly fate was in store for Alaster MacGregor and his
kinsmen. He managed to elude his pursuers till the 2nd of
October, when he was entrapped by Campbell of Ardkinglass,
the Sheriff of Argyle, who invited him to a friendly meeting
in his house, situated in a small island in the loch, made
him prisoner, ancl sent him off in a boat with five men to
be conveyed to Argyle. But Alaster, though thus well
guarded, watched his opportunity, leapt overboard and
escaped. On the 4th of January, Argyle succeeded in inducing
him to put himself in his hands, promising to allow him to
go to England to solicit the royal pardon, ancl to use his
influence with the King in his favour. So he was brought to
Edinburgh, and eighteen of his friends with him, on the 9th
of January, and as Birrell quaintly puts it,' he was
convoyit to Berwick be the gaird, conform to the Earl's
promise, for he proniisit to put him out of Scottis ground;
so he keipit ane Hielandman's promise in respect he sent the
gaird to convoy him out of Scottis ground, but they were
directit not to pairt with him but to fetch him back again.'
He arrived in Edinburgh from Berwick on the evening of the
18th January, was tried in the High Court of Justiciary on
the 20th, and hanged with eleven other MacGregors at the
Cross of Edinburgh on.the same day—' himself being chief,'
says Birrell, ' he was bandit his awne height above the rest
of his friends.'
The heads of Alaster Roy MacGregor of
Glenstrae ancl Patrick Aldoch MacGregor were sent to
Dumbarton, and there affixed upon the Tolbooth, in terror of
others to commit the like. This seems to have drawn the
vengeance of the clan upon Dumbarton for in April next, in
consequence of the fear of the fyring of the town by the
treacherie of the Clan Gregor,' the burgesses were fain to
divide themselves into eight wards to watch night about. For
his service to his king and country, Argyle received a gift
of the lordship of Kintyre.
So far as can be made out from the scattered
entries in the Justiciary Records, the number of MacGregors
executed between April 1603 and April 1604 comes close on
fifty. In July the Privy Council had offered pardon and a
reward of 500 merks to any of the unhappy clan who should
kill a denounced rebel of their own name or participant in
their crimes. The first to claim this reward was John Dhu
MacEwin, who received a remission for all his bypast
offences and the sum proferred in money, for the slaughter
of two Mac Williams. On August 14th, Archibald Dalzell,
being himself at the horn, but seeing a prospect of
obtaining the King s benevolence, had adventured his person
and apprehended Neill MacGregor, one of the denounced
principals of the clan, and announced himself ready to
deliver him to the Council, and to do further adventures
against the name of MacGregor, if he were released from the
horn. He is released and disappears from the record. In the
following August John Colquhoun, fiar of Camstrodden,
considering the sincerity of His Majesty's haste to have
these infamous limmers of the Clan Gregor punished, and
being moved to give His Highness proof of his affection, had
pursued them, and after many skirmishes ancl a long and
dangerous onset on Gregor Craginche MacGregor, Duncan
MacGille Callum, and certain others of the most notorious of
all that name, had apprehended them and put them in ward,
where 'the said Duncan barbarouslie stikit himself' and
died. Colquhoun, however, brought Duncan's head, with the
said Gregor Craginche, to be presented to the Lords at
Stirling, where Gregor was executed, and John Colquhoun
received the benefit of the Act in a free pardon and 500
merks. This Act was succeeded by another, offering still
greater inducements to adventurers to ' enter in blood' with
the IMlGregors. On April 19th, 1605, the Council issued
proclamation that whoever should present to them at
Edinburgh ' any of the MacGregors quick, or failing that his
heid,' should have a nineteen years' lease of his lands and
possessions or else a compensation for his kindness. But the
adventurers were not all equally successful. James Gordon of
Lismore had undertaken the capture of John Dhu Maclllchallum
and Alaster his brother (both brothers apparently of that
Duncan who had stabbed himself when taken by John
Colquhoun), and after several skirmishes and the slaughter
of some four or five of the band of MacGregors, Alaster was
taken, and John escaped in the darkness, although severely
wounded. Alaster is laid fast in the irons in the Tolbooth
of Edinburgh, and Gordon recommended to His Majesty's favour
by the Council. But John Dhu's wounds are soon healed, and
in a few months he ' hes liochit and gored to the Laird of
Lismore aucht scoir of nolt.'
The effect of the indiscriminate proscription
of innocent and guilty alike was what might have been
expected. The clan, driven to desperation, broke loose in a
body, and went athwart the country, burning, harrying, and
laying waste the lands of their oppressors. The writer of
the Black Book of Taymouth states that at this time they
burnt to Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy the barony of
Monzie, the barony of Culdair and Tennaiffs, the lands of
Crandich, the barony of Glenfalloch, the lands of Bochastle
in Menteith, and the house of Achallader in Glenurchy, the
total loss amounting to 100,000 merks. In August, 1604,
Robert Campbell, Glenurchy's second son, having gathered a
force of 200 men of Clan Cameron, Clan Nab, and Clanranald,
pursued them through the country, and overtaking a band of
60 of them at Ranefray in the Brae of Glenurchy, slew Duncan
Abrach MacGregor of Ardchoille (grandson of Duncan Laudosach),
with his son Gregor, Dougal MacCoulkeir in Glengyle with his
son Duncan, and Charles MacGregor MacEan in Brack! j, who
were the leaders of the band. Strangely enough, a Dougal
MacGregor Clerich was afterwards tried at the High Court of
Justiciary and executed for the slaughter in this fray of
Gregor, son of Duncan Abrach, by shooting him in the back
with an vol.
xvi. 2 0 arrow,
'he being a bairn of sevin yeirs.' Besides those executed
for complicity in the slaughter of Glenfruin, many were now
brought to trial for offences, some of which are specified
in the indictments as committed 30 years ago or thereby, and
one indictment even runs to the extreme of 46 years ago or
thereby. Some of the crimes laid to their charge are heinous
enough, such as the slaughter of the fiddler MacKillope
within his ain house, and the murder by drowning of
MacKillope's wife that dwelt in Glenartney, In the harvest
of 1602, the slaughter of John Drummond in Dron of Cowgask
in August 1603, the burning of the castle of Achallader and
20 houses in Glenlochie, and the stealing furth of the Laird
of Strowan's Crandoch of his haill insicht plenishing worth
£1000. A number of the clan not personally chargeable with
offences of this kind now made suit to obtain the protection
of the law by changing their names and finding caution to
abide the law when called on. They usually took the same
name as that of their cautioners, and hence many MacGregors
now appear as Stewarts, Grants, Cunninghams, Livingstons,
Ramsays, ancl even Campbells.
By the end of the year 1606 the hue aud cry
against the clan appears to have somewhat abated, if we
judge from the tenor of an ordinance of the Privy Council of
23rd December, which sets forth that the course for
extermination of the wicked race of MacGregor had been
mitigated and permission granted them to live in the
country, yet they had returned to their evil courses and
committed villages not worthy to be heard of in a country
subject to a Prince armed with power sufficient to extirpate
such an infamous byke of insolent limmers. The details of
the next four years are not known as there is here a hiatus
in the Council Record, but in 1610 it is recorded that the
Council have resolved to pursue them with fire and sword,
and commissions are issued to 29 barons and lairds in the
counties of Perth, Stirling, Dumbarton and Argyle, including
of course all the old enemies of the clan, with full powers
to search, hunt and pursue all and whatsomever persons of
the Clan Gregor. This extreme measure was followed by two
proclamations—one calling all the lieo-es within the bounds
to rise ancl assist the Commissioners named by His Majesty,
who has resolved in his wrath ancl justice, by power and
force to reduce these rebellious and detestable limmers to
obedience and conformity to the laws; the other renewing the
penalties against harbouring, dealing with, or in any way
assisting the members of the clan, who are denounced as a
handful of miserable caitiffs whom it is a discredit to have
anv longer within the country. In the month of September
1610 the sum of £1200 was paid to the laird of Lawers for
undertaking service against the Clan Gregor, and the castles
of Garth, Glenlyon and Balquhidder are ordered to be given
up to Locbiel and MacRanald in furtherance of the same
service. These chiefs had at first held back, probably
because they had not had a retaining fee like Lawers, but in
October there is paid to M'Ranald for putting the service in
execution £3566. In January 1611 the Commissioners were
summoned to Stirling to be dealt with for slackness, and a
promise was exacted from them that they would take the field
by February next, and enter in action and blood with the
Clan Gregor and prosecute the same for a month upon their
own charges, and if they did some notable service within the
month the King would bear the expense of 100 men to assist
them thereafter to finish the service.
It was in these circumstances that the
following proclamation was issued in the name of King
James:—Forasmuch as the rebellious thieves and limmers of
the Clan Gregor have most justly procured His Majesty's
heavy wrath and indignation, yet in his accustomed clemencv
and mercv he is willing to show favour to such of them as by
some notable service shall give proof of their hatred of the
wicked doings of that unhappy race, and therefore the Lords
of the Privy Council promise that whatever person of the
name of MacGregor shall slay any person of the same name,
being of as good rank and quality as himself, and shall
prove the same before the Council, shall have a free pardon
for all his bygone faults; and whatever other person shall
slay any of the particular persons afternamed, to wit Duncan
MacEwen MacGregor now called the Laird, Robert Abrach
MacGregor, John Dhu MacAlaster MacGregor, Callum MacGregor
V'Coull, Doulchav MacGregor, (Dougal of the Mist) and
MacRobeit MacGregor his brother, or any others of the rest
of that race, shall have a reward in money presently paid
according to thelqaality of the Hon slain, and the least sum
shall be 100 merks, and for the chieftains and ringleaders
of the MacGregors a thousand pounds apiece; and those who
resett or supply any of the proscribed race are to be
pursued with fire and sword as if they were of the race of
the MacGregors themselves. In further preparation for the
general onset it is announced in another proclamation 'that
the Clan Gregor, being now despairing and out of all hope,
have amassed themselves together in the Isle of Loch
Ketterin (Ilanvernock), which they have fortified, and now
there is hope that these wolves and thieves may be pursued
within their own den by His Majesty's faithful subjects, for
which purpose the haill boats and birlings on Loch Lomond
must be transported to Loch Ketterin, which cannot be done
but by the presence of a great number of people, and
therefor all the lieges between sixteen and sixty years of
age in Dumbarton, Menteith, and six parishes in the Lennox,
are summoned to meet at Loch Lomond head on 13th February
for this service, ancl all the landlords in Argyle, Athole,
and Badenoch, are to set out watches on the hills lest the
MacGregors escape there.' Meantime, a special Commission of
Justiciary is given to the Earl of Dunbar, whose rigorous
action in the pacification of the Borders had recommended
him to Kins; James as a fit instrument for the extirpation
of the MacGregors, but his death following shortly
afterwards, the King writes to the Council assuring them
that he will ' verie narrowlie examine the particular
behaviour of everie man in this service, and accordingly
will remember them.' This was no idle threat, as some of
them, and even Argyle himself, realised in a very short
time.
So impatient was the King that on the 10th
February the undertakers of the service were summoned to
give an account of their proceedings, ' seeing that the time
for them to have entered in blood with the MacGregors was
past, and nothing done but the service altogether
frustrated, and the Clan Gregor, who were enclosed within an
isle, are now escaped, and not so much as ane mint or show
of pursuit intended.' We learn from the Black Book of
Taymouth that Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy had been most
active in organisms; the siege of Ilanvernock I which was
hastilv dissolvit through ane vehement storm of snaw,' and
Sir Duncan, with the other Commissioners, having been
summoned to Edinburgh, the Clan Gregor immediately
thereafter burnt all his lands of Glenurchy, Glenfalloch,
and Mochaster, in Menteith, the lands of Culdares and
Tennaiffs, ancl in the cosche (meadow) of Glenurchy they
slew forty great mares ancl their foals, with ane fyne
courser, sent to Sir Duncan by the Prince out of London,'
and 'burnt also the haill houses on the lands of Aberuchill
pertaining to Colin Campbell, brother to the laird of Lawers,
where they slew eight persons and burnt three bairns,
daughters of John MacKishock.' Robert Campbell, Sir Duncan's
son, and .Colin Campbell of Aberuchill, pursued them through
Balquhidder, Menteith, and Lennox, ancl drove them to the
forest of Benbuie, in Argyle, where they killed some ancl
took six prisoners, whom ' they hangit at the cosche of
Glenurchy where they slew the mares.' Then they chased the
remnant to Rannoch ancl Badenoch and completely scattered
them. The number of MacGregors slain in this rout was
sixteen. There is also a payment of £66 13s. 4d. to James
Campbell of Lawers for the slaughter of Gregor Ammonach
MacGregor, and the same sum to a man, Maclldowie, who
brought three heads of MacGregors and presented the same to
the Council. John Campbell, a brother of the laird of Lawers,
slew John Dhu MacAlaster in Stronfernan, for whose head the
Council had offered £1000. On the 24th May, the head was
forwarded to the Council by Campbell, who claimed as his
reward, in terms of another Act of Council, a nineteen
years' lease of the deceased's lands, from which his wife
ancl children were instantly ejected. On 2nd March, 1611,
eight MacGregors were entered at the High Court of
Justiciary on various charges, and hanged at the Burgh Muir.
Two hundred pounds is paid to Sir Alexander Colquhoun in
name of his friends, who slew three MacGregors.
In April the King writes to the Council that
as he is now resolved by exemplary punishment of the
MacGregors to terrify others, and because they 'receive
great comfort by their wyffis,' who supply their wants and
furnish them with intelligence to prevent their capture, as
likewise their children being many in number are like to be
as great a pest to the country in a few years, the Council
is to confer with Argyle on the best means of preventing
these two evils. The outcome of this conference is a
proclamation that the King (has
now resolved to lay mercy aside, and by justice and the
sword to root out and extirpate all the race of MacGregor
remaining rebellious,' and Commission is given to the Earl
of Argyle accordingly. But to mitigate the rigour of the
Commission the Earl is permitted to receive such of them to
obedience as shall humbly sue His Majesty's pardon, c on
condition that the MacGregor so suing for pardon shall,
before the obtaining thereof,
enter in action and blood against the rest of that race, and
deliver to the Earl or to the Privy Council the person or
the head of a MacGregor of as good rank, quality, and action
as himself, and find caution for his future good behaviour.'
In April, Sir Duncan Campbell of Glenurchy was ordered to
assist Argyle, and in May he burned the houses and lands of
Dovvlettir and the house of Glenstrae. To enable Argyle's
men to live on the field they are authorised to take cattle
and other provisions at fixed prices. As regards the wives
and bairns of the Clan Gregor, the landlords on whose lands
they live are ordered to deliver them up to Argyle within
three days and the wives are to be ' marked with a key upon
the face'—burnt on the cheek like thieves. On 25th May, a
proposal to deport the wives and children of the MacGregors
from the country was 'discussed in the Council. This was no
new idea. In ] 583 King James had issued authority to the
Earl of Murray to invade the Clan Chattan 'to their utter
destruction be slauchter, bryning, drowning, and uthir wayis,
and laif na creatur levand of that clan except priests,
wemen, and bairnis,' and these to be shipped off to Zealand
or Norway, ' because it were inhumanity to put hands in the
blude of wemen and bairnis.' But in November, 1611, King
James finding that the ' utter extirpation' of all the Clan
Gregor would be too troublesome, he is resolved on some to
execute justice and the rest to take to mercy, and to
transplant them and the wives and children of those that are
killed or executed. Accordingly, he submits a series of
proposals to the Council, among which are the following:—For
those of the MacGregors that have come in will or
surrendered themselves, if any of them have killed a
MacGregor as good as himself, or two, three, or four of them
which in comparison may be equal to him, he shall have a
remission if he find surety, but for such as have come in
will and done no service by killing of MacGregors, nor
cannot find surety, then the law to have its course and no
favour at all to be shown. For such as are yet rebels, that
there be no pardon or surrender taken unless he present a
better head—or one at least as good as his own. or such two
or three more as shall be enjoined unto him by the Council.
And for Robert Abrach, who is now chief of them that are
presently out, that he be not pardoned unless he bring in at
least half-a-dozen of their heads. Robert Abrach, a great
grandson of the famous Duncan Laudosach, was not slow to
take the hint, and in a memoir of the Earl of Perth, written
by himself, we have an account of the affair at Tomzarloch
in connection .with which he obtained the King's pardon. 'In
March, 1612, I came from Edinburgh to Drummond Castle. In
the meantime some dozen of the MacGregors came within the
low country, Robin Abrach and Gregor Gair being chiefs.
Abrach sent for my chamberlain, ancl alledging that his
comrades were about to betray him, contrived to let them
fall into the hands of justice. The plot was cunningly
contrived, ancl six of that number were killed, three were
taken, and one escaped, besides Robin and his man.' Here
were the half-dozen heads' for which the King had stipulated
as the price of Robert Abrach's pardon, but the wily fox
instead of carrying them to the Council went direct to the
King himself in England, and the first intimation the
Council had of the matter was a request from the King to
draw out a remission in his favour. It was in vain that Sir
Thomas Hamilton, Sir Duncan Campbell, ancl others
remonstrated in the strongest terms that ' Robert Abrach was
the most bloody and violent murderer of all that damned
race'; the King will have his way, and Robert Abrach is
commended for good service and fully pardoned.
For some time before this the system of
tracking the fugitive MacGregors with dogs, and hunting them
like wild beasts, had been in operation, for in July, 1612,
we find there is a payment of £100 to a borderer named
Archie Armstrong ' for his pains in attending His Majesty's
service in the Highlands with lurg doggis against the Clan
Gregor.' In 1613 there is a new out-breaMbf the Clan, and a
proclamatm that lfle of that wicked and rebellious race
shall be allowed hereafter to wear any kind of armour except
a pointless knife to cut their meat, under pain of death.
This was not a new thing either, for a similar proclamation
had been made against the inhabitants of the Lewis in 160B.
But it was followed by the absurd restriction upon the
liberty of those who had changed their names and found
caution to underlie the law. that they were not to meet
together in greater numbers than four persons. In the
meantime the King, finding the Council less pliable than he
wished in the matter of 'taking order with' the wives and
bairns of the MacGregors, had got into correspondence with
Archibald Campbell, brother of James Campbell of Lawers, who
writes to His Majesty on 13th April, 1613, undertaking that
the MacGregor bairns shall be put in such obedient subjects'
hands as shall be answerable for them, and that he or his
brother, on receiving a secret warrant for pursuit of any
member of the clan, will bring him in dead or quick,
provided the direction be not divulged to the Council or
others. A month afterwards he tells the King that his
brother Lawers had taken twelve MacGregors, and there are
now not above forty left. ' Likewise, as your Majesty
commanded, he has made fast the most of the young ones of
that unhappy clan, which in good faith is more troublesome
to him than all the rest of the service.' At the Council
meeting of 22nd June his Majesty's missive 'ahent the boys
and young ones' was read, and Lawers confessed that he had
in his hands threescore and ten of them, being the sons of
those executed and slain, the sustentation of which, with
their keepers, which completed the number of a hundred
persons, was very chargeable to him. The landlords being
called to a conference with the Council most earnestly urged
the transplantation of the whole race of the Clan Gregor '
man, wife, and bairn,' but the Council thought it not only a
matter of difficulty, but of extreme rigour, to transplant
men and "families who had renounced their names and found
caution to be answerable subjects. Finally, the bairns, to
the number of fourscore or thereby, the oldest of them not
past thirteen ancl the most part about eight, six and four
years, and some of only two and three years old, are
distributed among the landlords, who are made answerable for
them. Those escaping under 14 years of ace were to be
scourged and burned on the cheek for the first escape, and
hanged for the second. The last Act against the bairns was
passed in Parliament, June 28th 1633, when the former Acts
against the Clan Gregor were ratified and renewed, with the
further provision that every one of them, as they come to
the age of 16 years, should yearly thereafter appear before
the Council on 24th July and give renewed security for their
good behaviour. It was also enacted that no minister in the
Highland Counties should baptize a child with the name of
Gregor or MacGregor under pain of deprivation.
Before this time a number of ' the young
ones' had broken loose and found leaders in Robert Abrach
and the sons of the late Patrick Aldoch who were again
outlawed, and a price set upon their heads. In the month of
October 1624, when many of his band had been taken and
executed, Robert Abrach came to Perth, on a Sunday after
sermon. ' He fell clown upon his knees,' says the Chronicle
of Perth,' having a tow about his neck, and offered his
sword by the point to the Chancellor of Scotland.' The
Chancellor refused to accept it, and commanded the Bailies
to ward him, as they instantly did, and put both his feet in
the gadd, or long irons, where he remained. He seems to have
been brought to Edinburgh, but instead of being summarily
'justified' as was the usual fate of his kinsmen, he was
kept prisoner in the Tolbooth till August 1626, when he was
delivered to Sir Donald Maclvay who was taken bound to
transport him and two other MacGregors out of the kingdom
and employ them in the wars in Germany, never to return oil
pain of death.
After the deportation of Robert Abrach, the
leadership of the outlawed MacGregors fell to Patrick Roy
MacGregor, better known as Gilroy or Gilderov, who with John
Dhu, his brother, are reported to have broken loose in 1635.
In 1636 eight of Gilroy's band, who had been captured by the
Stewarts of Athole, were brought to Edinburgh for trial ancl
hanged. In retaliation the Gilroys burnt the houses of
Athole, and then betook themselves to the wilds of
Aberdeenshire, haunting the forests of Culblene and
Glentanner, and coming down on Strathdee and Strathdon in
the darkness to commit spulzie and levy blackmail.
A price of a thousand pounds was put upon the
head of Gilderoy, and we next hear of him and his band
making a raid through the Lennox and haunting the Isle of
Inchcalzeoch in Loch Lomond. At last, on June 6, 1636,
Archibald Lord of Lome exhibits to the Privy Council Patrick
MacGregor, called Gilderoy, and two of his followers, whom
he had captured. The trial of Gilderoy and nine of his men
before the High Court of Justiciary took place on 27th July.
They were all convicted and hanged, the heads and right
hands of Gilderoy and another being cut off and affixed
above the east and west ports of Edinburgh.
After the execution of Gilderoy, John Dhu
Gair became leader of the broken men of MacGregor, and on
September 10, 1636, commissions were issued to James Stuart
of Ardvoirlich, and John Stuart of Drumquhan, to capture
John Dhu Gair and John Dhu Roy MacGregor, the brother of
Gilderoy, and their accomplices. On 27th October, John Dhu
Roy and one Maclnstalker were taken by the Laird of Grant's
men, and ordered to be sent from Sheriff to Sheriff to their
trial in Edinburgh. On 28th December, King Charles I. sent a
special letter of thanks to John Lord Kinpont for his
capture of John Dhu Roy. It appears, from a subsequent
minute of the Council, that John Stuart of Drumquhan, in
execution of his commission against the MacGregors, had
attempted to capture John Dhu Gair and his companions in the
house of one John Grant or MacJokkie atTullich, in
Strathspey, on Christmas Day, but as the band of the
MacGregors were twenty-three in number, they overpowered
Stuart's company, shot him through the thighs, breaking his
thigh bones, and cut off his fingers, and finally cut off
his head, dancing and making merry about him for a long
time. One of the MacGregors, John MacPatrick, had been taken
by the Laird of Grant and hanged because his wounds were
such that he could not be transported to Edinburgh alive.
For this the Laird of Grant was warded in the .Castle of
Edinburgh, but it appears that the Council suspected him of
resett of the MacGregors, as there was an old friendship
between the two clans. Accordingly, on the 16th February
they resolved to put John Dhu Roy and Patrick Maclnstalker
to the torture anent their intercommuners; and again on 2nd
March a Committee of the Council are called to the Laigh
Council House at eight in the morning to examine John Dhu
Roy, Patrick Maclnstalker, John Grant or MacJokkie, and his
two sons, and the rest of the prisoners, and ' to put them
to the torture of the butts.' Again, on the 14th of March,
John Dhu Roy and his unfortunate fellow-prisoners are called
for examination as to their crimes and their resetters, and
for the better discovery of the truth are to be put to the
torture of the boots. Two days afterwards John Grant and his
younger son are to be put to the torture of the boots, and
five days afterwards the torture is renewed; and John Dhu
Roy is also to be put to the torture of the boots with a
full number of the Council present. Next clay John Grant and
his two sons are to be again tortured in the boots in
consequence of the depositions of two of their associates,
made under threat of torture. The day following John Dhu Roy
is to be again put to the torture anent his resetters. On
30th March, John Dhu Roy is tried and sentenced to be hanged
at the Cross, and his body hung in chains at the Gallowlie,
betwixt Edinburgh and Leith. The rest of the prisoners were
executed in June. The object of the prolonged examination
under torture was apparently to obtain evidence to
incriminate John Gordon of Park and the Laird of Grant as
resetters of the outlaws of Clan Gregor. But as the desired
evidence was not obtained, Gordon and Grant were liberated
from ward, but Grant died on the day of his liberation.
The troubles in the Aberdeen districts
arising out of the wars of the Covenant were not
unfavourable to the MacGregors. John Dhu Gair was still the
leader of the band. In August, 1638, he harried the lands of
Corse, ancl ravaged Strathisla, carrying off Corse's chief
man and sending word that if Corse did not send him the
£1000 he had received for the capture of John Dhu Roy he
would ' send him his man's heid.' Corse applied to Huntly,
whose message to John Dhu Gair procured the release of the
captive. In 1639 John Dhu Gair marched into Aberdeen with
his band of MacGregors in the train of Lord Lewis Gordon,
but before the winter was well set in he was again an outlaw
with a commission of fire and sword issued against him. In
November he had settled for his winter quarters on Speyside,
and having made a demand for subsistence from the
inhabitants of Garmouth, and being pursued
by them, he took shelter on an island in the Spey, where he
was shot by his pursuers.
John MacPhadrick Gair and Duncan, his
brother, now became leaders of the rebels, and a price was
set upon their heads by the Committee of Estates. They
continued going athwart the wilds of the upcountry till
1642, when a meeting of the Barons of the north was held at
Elgin, at which an agreement was made with William
Mackintosh, who became bound to raise 600 men to keep the
country free of the MacGregors, from Dunottar north to the
sea banks. In 1643 Duncan MacGregor, a son of Duncan in
Rannoch, was taken and brought to trial at Edinburgh for
spulzies committed in Aberdeenshire, and for being a chief
leader in the band of the late John Dhu Gair.
But with the rising of Montrose the
MacGregors unexpectedly found themselves called to service
under the Royal Standard, and until the final defeat at
Philiphaugh they had the novel experience of ravaging in
proper military fashion the districts from which they had
been formerly hunted. His Majesty even condescended to
notice their faithfulness and to certify and assure them
that whatever lands and possessions belonged justly to the
laird of MacGregor and his followers, in Rannoch, Glenlyon,
and Glenurchy should be restored to them.' How they
exercised their new found 1 icense to plunder and ravage may
be inferred from a knowledge of what they had suffered. In
1644 and 1645 Glenurchy's whole lands between the ford.of
Lyon and the point of Lismore were burnt and destroyed, the
whole cattle of the tenants taken away and their corn,
houses and plenishing burnt. Buchanan of that ilk sends up a
piteous complaint that the MacGregors have burnt and wasted
his haill lands, beggared and murdered his tenants, ' man
wyff and child, without respect of age or sex.' In 1650,
when the Committee of Estates was again in the ascendant, a
commission of fire and sword against the MacGregors is given
to Lieut.-General David Leslie, and a band of them under
Gregor MacPatrick Aldoch again fortified themselves in an
island of Loch Katri ne—this time Eilau Mulloch, now better
known as the Ellen's Isle of Scott's Lady of the Lake—and
among other misdemeanours had slain James
Campbell of Duncrosk and John his brother.
Yet in the course of a few months we find them responding to
the call of a Covenanted King, when on the occasion of the
abortive attempt of Charles II. to supersede the
Commonwealth, he embodied the clans for defence of Religion,
King and Kingdoms. The MacGregors were placed under General
David Leslie as a guard upon the passes at the heads of
Forth. In 1653 Glencairn was at MacGregor's House in the
Isle of Loch Rannoch, and Malcolm MacGregor the tutor of
James MacGregor the chief, who was then a minor, raised 80
men, his contingent being subsequently augmented to 200. It
is noteworthy that the officers of the Commonwealth showed
great consideration for the condition of the MacGregors. In
March, 1657, Monk wrote to the Laird of Weem desiring him
not to interrupt the Lairds of MacGregor in their
possessions in Rannoch, as they had been ancient tenants and
possessors of these lands and had hitherto paid duty for the
same. In May of the same year Captain Daniell urges Weem to
allow Clan Gregor to remain on his lands, and points out
that his resolution to remove them had turned them
desperate, as they knew they would not be received as
tenants by other landlords, and that if he should deal
rashly with them, he would simply lay his land waste, for he
would not find in all Scotland tenantry to remain on the
lands from which the MacGregors had been' expelled, and
finishes byentreating him
to consider the blood and violence that would ensue, and
not, by seeking to build his own house, to set his
neighbour's house on fire. On his restoration in 1661, King
Charles was so sensible of the loyalty of the MacGregors
that he rescinded the penal laws against them so far as to
allow them to resume their name, but the restoration of
their lands was perhaps beyond his power.
The last act of the bloody drama closes in
March, 1667, when Patrick Roy MacGregor, apparently a son of
Gilderoy, was tried at the High Court of Justiciary for
plundering the lands of Belchirrie several times, and
because John Lyon of Muiresk had obtained a commission
against him he came at midnight, on 7th April, 1666, with a
banc! of 20 men to the house of Belchirrie, in which were
John Lyon and his son Alexander and their sei-vants, and
into wlticji they had taken their Mses and cattle for
security. The MacGregors compassed the house with sheaves of
corn from the barnyard ancl burned the inmates out and took
Mniresk and his son captive, and slew them at a shieling in
the braes of Abernethv, and left their dead bodies naked
ancl full of wounds in the open field. After this he came to
the town of Keith and demanded blackmail, but the
inhabitants resisted and there was a hot skirmish on the
bridge and by the kirk dyke, in which he was wounded and
taken. He was sentenced to be hanged at the Cross of
Edinburgh, and his right hand to be first cut off by the
executioner, and his body to be hung in chains. Two days
after his trial he was tortured in the boots, probably to
extort evidence against his resetters. Lord Pitmedden has
described Patrick Roy as of low stature but strongly made,
with a fierce countenance and a brisk, hawk-like eye. He
bore the torture of the boots with great constancy, and was
undaunted at his execution, though mangled by the
executioner in the cutting off of his hand.
The subsequent history of the Clan Gregor is
comparatively barren of interest, for although the
fictitious fame of Rob Roy has supplanted the sterner story
of his ancestors in popular literature, his reputation has
been greatly exaggerated. But a very false impression of the
truth would be conveyed to the reader if it were not stated
that there is no period of their authentic history in which
the whole members of the clan were equally in the position
of outlaws and social outcasts. Despite the prejudice
against their name and race, they are found occupying
positions in life implying a degree of education, ability,
and character, which is hardly to be expected of them in the
circumstances. In 1454 John MacGregor, son of Patrick
MacGregor of Ardinconell, possessed a town house in
Dumbarton, and in 1480 Duncan MacGregor held the chaplainry
of St. Patrick there. In 1484 Duncan MacGregor was vicar of
Drymen. In 1514 James MacGregor was Dean of Lismore, and his
brother Duncan was writing his poetical genealogies. Several
of the vicars of Fortingall about this time were MacGregors.
In 1518 Duncan MacGregor was keeper of the Castle of
Glenurchy, and the same office was successively held by his
descendants, Neil, John Dhu, and Gregor MacEan, till after
1570. In 1574 Dougal MacGregor was Chancellor of Lismore,
and in the same year Duncan MacGregor was reader at Killin
and Strathfillan. In 1575 Gregor MacDougal MacGregor was
reader at Moulin. In 1594 Patrick MacQuhewin, nephew and
heir of Donald Dhu of Duneaves, who was beheaded by
Glenurchy twenty years before, was minister of God's Word at
Rothesay. These instances may go far to account for the
remarkable fact that since the repeal of the penal laws
against them, there is no clan name which has earned more
honourable distinction than that of MacGregor.
Joseph Anderson.
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