5th MARCH, 1890.
On this date, Mr
Alexander Macbain, M.A., F.S.A. Scot.,. Inverness, read a paper
entitled, “Badenoch: Its History, Clans* and Place Names.” It was as
follows:—
[Electric Scotland
Note: As there are many Gaelic words in this article I have also
provided a copy of it in pdf format and so
the account below is simply a rough ocr'ing of it. Also included at the
foot of this page is a draft version of "The Spirit of Badenoch" by Judy
McCutcheon.]
BADENOCH: ITS HISTORY,
CLANS, AND PLACE NAMES.
THE LORDSHIP OF BADENOCH.
Badenooh is one of the
most interior districts of Scotland; it lies on the northern watershed
of the mid Grampians, and the lofty ridge of the Monadhlia range forms
its northern boundary, while its western border runs along the centre of
the historic Drum-Alban. Even on its eastern side the mountains seem to
have threatened to run a barrier across, for Craigellachie thrusts its
huge nose forward into a valley already narrowed by the massive form of
the Ord Bain and the range of hills behind it. This land of mountains is
intersected by the river Spey, which runs midway between the two
parallel ranges of the Grampians and the Monadhlia, taking its rise,
however, at the ridge of Drum-Alban. Badenoch, as a habitable land, is
the valley of the Spey and the glens that run off from it. The vast bulk
of the district is simply mountain.
In shape, the district of
Badenoch is rectangular, with east-north-easterly trend, its length
averaging about thirty-two miles, and its breadth some seventeen miles.
Its length along the line of the Spey is thirty-six miles, the river
itself flowing some 35 miles of the first part of its course through
Badenoch. The area of Badenoch is, according to the Ordnance Survey, 551
square miles, that is, close on three hundred and fifty-three thousand
acres. The lowest level in the district is 700 feet; Kingussie, the
“capital,” is 740 feet above sea-level, and Loch Spey is 1142 feet. The
highest peak is 4149 feet high, a shoulder of the Braeriach ridge, which
is itself outside Badenoch by about a mile, and Ben Macdui by two miles.
Mountains and rivers, rugged rocks and narrow glens, with one large
medial valley fringed with cultivation —that is Badenoch. It is still
well wooded, though nothing to what it once must have been. The lower
ground at one time must have been completely covered by wood, which
spread away into the vales and glens; for we find on lofty plateaux and
hill sides the marks of early cultivation, the ridges and the rigs or
ftannagan, showing that the lower ground was not very available for
crops on account of the forest, which, moreover, was full of wild
beasts, notably the wolf and the boar. Cultivation, therefore, ran
mostly along the outer fringe of this huge wood, continually encroaching
on it as generation succeeded generation.
The bogs yield abundant
remains of the once magnificent forest that covered hillside and glen,
and the charred logs prove that fire was the chief agent of destruction.
The tradition of the country has it that the wicked Queen Mary set fire
to the old Badenoch forest. She felt offended at her husband’s pride in
the great forest—he had asked once on his home return how his forests
were before he asked about her. So she came north, took her station on
the top of Sron-na-Beruinn—the Queen’s Ness— above Glenfeshie, and there
gave orders to set the woods on fire. And her orders were obeyed. The
Badenoch forest was set burning, and the Queen, Nero-like, enjoyed the
blaze from her point of vantage. But many glens and nooks escaped, and
Rothiemurchus. was left practically intact. The Sutherlandshire version
of the story is different and more mythic. The King of Lochlain was.
envious of the great woods of Scotland; the pine forests especially
roused his jealous ire. So he sent his muijne—it must have been —a witch
and a monster, whose name was Dubh-Ghiubhais, and she set the forests on
fire in the north. She kept herself aloft among the clouds, and rained
down fire on the woods, which burnt on with alarming rapidity. People
tried to get at the witch, but she never showed herself, but kept
herself enveloped in a cloud of smoke. When she had burned as far as
Badenoch, a clever man of that district devised a plan for compassing
her destruction. He gathered together cattle of all kinds and their
young; then he separated the lambs from the sheep, the calves from the
cows, and the young generally from their dams; then such a noise of
bleating, lowing, neighing, and general Babel arose to the heaven that
Dubh-Ghiubhais popped her head out of the cloud to see what was wrong.
This was the moment for action. The Badenoch man was ready for it; he
had his gun loaded with the orthodox sixpence ; he fired, and down came
the Dubh-Ghiubhais, a lifeless, lump ! So a part of the great Caledonian
forest was saved among the Grampian hills.
Modern Badenoch comprises
the parishes of Laggan, Kingussio and Insh, and Alvie; but the old
Lordship of Badenoch was toe aristocratic to do without having a
detached portion somewhere else. Consequently we find that Kincardine
parish, now part of Abernethy, was part of the Lordship of Badenoch even
later than 1606, when Huntly exchanged it with John of Freuchie for
lands in Glenlivet. Kincardine was always included in the sixty davachs
that made up the land of Badenoch. The Barony of Glencamie in Duthil—from
Aviemore to Garten and northward to Inverlaid-nan—was seemingly attached
to the Lordship of Badenoch for a time, and so were the davachs of
Tullochgorum, Curr, and Clurie further down the Spey, excambed by Huntly
in 1491 with John of Freuchie. On the other hand, Rothiemurchus was
never a part of Badenoch, though some have maintained that it was. The
six davachs of Rothiemurchus belonged to the Bishops of Moray, and at
times they feued the whole of Rothiemurchus to some powerful person, as
to the Wolf of Badenoch in 1383, and to-Alexander Keyr Mackintosh in
1464, in whose family it was held till 1539, when it passed into the
hands of the Gordons, and from, them to the Grants.
Badenoch does not appear
in early Scottish history; till the 13th century, we never hear of it by
name nor of anything that took place within its confines. True, Skene,
in his Celtic Scotland, definitely states that the battle of Monitcamo
was fought here in 729. This battle took place between Angus, King of
Fortrenn, and Nectan, the ex-king of the Piets, and in it the latter was
defeated, and Angus shortly afterwards established himself on the
Pictish throne. We are told that the scene of the battle was 0i
Monitcarno juxta stagnum Loogdae ”—Monadh-carnach by the side of Loch
Loogdae. Adamnan also mentions Lochdae, which Columba falls in with
while going over Dnim Alban. Skene says that Loch Insh— the lake of the
island—is a secondary name, and that it must have originally been called
Lochdae, that the hills behind it enclose the valley of Glencamie, and
that Dunachton, by the side of Loch Insh, is named Nectan’s fort after
King Nectan. Unfortunately this view is wrong, and Badenoch must give up
any claim to be the scene of the battle of Monadh-camo; Lochdae is now
identified with Lochy, and Glencarnie is in Dutliil. But Dunachton is
certainly Nectan’s fort; whether the Nectan meant was the celebrated
Pictish King may well be doubted. Curiously, local tradition holds
strongly that a battle was fought by the side of Loch Insh, but the
defeated leader was King Harold, whose grave is on the side of Craig
High Harailt.
From 729, we jump at once
to 1229, exactly five hundred years, and about that date we find that
Walter Cumyn is feudal proprietor of Badenoch, for he makes terms with
the Bishop of Moray in regard to the church lands and to the “natives”
or bondsmen in the district. It has been supposed that Walter Cumyn came
into the possession of Badenoch by the forfeiture and death of Gillescop,
a man who committed some atrocities in 1228 —such as burning the
(wooden) forts in the province of Moray, and setting fire to a large
part of the town of Inverness. William Cumyn, Earl of Buchan, the
justiciar, was intrusted with the protection of Moray, and in 1229
Gillescop and his two sons were slain. Thereafter we find Walter Cumyn
in possession of Badenoch and Kincardine, and it is a fair inference
that Gillespie was his predecessor in the lordship of Badenoch. The
Cummings were a Norman family; they came over with the Conqueror, and it
is asserted that they were nearly related to him by marriage. In 1068,
we hear of one of them being governor or earl of Northumberland, and the
name is common in English charters of the 12th century, in the early
part of wbich they appear in Scotland ; they were in great favour with
the Normanising David, and with William after him, filling offices of
chancellors and justiciars under them. William Cumyn, about the year
1210, married Marjory, heiress of the Earldom of Buchan, and thus became
the successor of the old Celtic Mormaers of that district under the
title of Earl of Buchan. His son Walter obtained the lordship of
Badenoch, as we saw, and, a year or two after, h* became Earl of
Menteith by marrying the heiress, the Countess of Menteith. He still
kept the lands of Badenoch, for, in 1234, we find him, as Earl of
Menteith, settling a quarrel with the Bishop of Moray over the Church
lands# of Kincardine. Walter was a potent factor in Scottish politics,
and in the minority of Alexander III. acted patriotically as leader
against the pro-English party. He died in 1257 without issue. John Comyn,
his nephew, son of Richard, succeeded him in Badenoch; he was head of
the whole family of Comyn, and possessed much property, though simply
entitled Lord of Badenoch. The Comyns at that time were at the height of
their power; they could muster at least two earls, the powerful Lord of
Badenoch, and thirty belted knights. Comyn of Badenoch was a prince,
though not in name, making treaties and kings. John Comyn, called the
Red, died in 1274, and was succeeded by his son John Comyn, the Black,
and in the troubles about the kingly succession, at the end of the
century, he was known as John de Badenoch, senior, to distinguish him
from his son John, the Red Comyn, the regent, Baliol’s nephew, and
claimant to the throne, whom Bruce killed under circumstances of
treachery at Dumfries, in 1306. Then followed the fall and forfeiture of
the Comvns, and the lordship of Badenoch was given, about 1313—included
in the Earldom of Moray—to Thomas Randolph, Bruce’s right-hand friend.
The Cummings have left an
ill name behind them in Badenoch for rapacity and cruelty. Their
treachery has passed into a proverb—
“Fhad bhitheas craobh ’sa
choill
Bithidli foill ’sna Cuiminich.”
Which is equally smart in
its English form—
“While in the wood there
is a tree
A Cumming will deceitful be.”
It is in connection with
displacing the old proprietors—the Shaws and Mackintoshes—that the ill
repute of the Cummings was really gained. But the particular cases which
tradition remembers are mythical in the extreme; yet there is something
in the traditions. There is a remembrance that these Cummings were the
first feudal lords of Badenoch; until their time the Gaelic Tuath that
dwelt in Badenoch had lived under their old tribal customs, with their
toiseachs, their aires, and their saor and daor occupiers of land. The
newcomers, with their charters, their titles, and their new exactions
over and above the old Tuath tributes and dues, must have been first
objects of wonder, and then of disgust. The authority which the Cummings
exerted over the native inhabitants must often have been in abeyance,
and their rents more a matter of name than reality. However, by making
it the interest of the chiefs to side with them, and by granting them
charters, these initial difficulties were got over in a century or two.
It was under this feudalising process that the system of clans, as now
known, was developed.
Earl Randolph died in
1332, and his two sons were successively Earls of Mora}7, the second
dying in 1346 without issue, when “Black Agnes,” Couptess of Dunbar,
succeeded to the vast estates. The Earldom of Moray, exclusive of
Badenoch and Lochaber, was renewed to her son in 1372. [Sir W Fraser, in
liis “History of the. Grants,” says:—“After the forfeiture of the
Cornyns, Badenoch formed a part of the earldom of Moray, conferred on
Sir Thomas Randolph. In 1338, however, it was held l»y the Earl of Ross,
and in 1372, while granting the Earldom of Moray to John Dunbar, King
Robert II. specially excepted Lochaber and Badenoch.” Sir W. Fraser’s
authority for saying that Badenoch was in the possession of the Earl of
Ross must be the charter of 1338 granting Kinrara and Dalnavert, to
Melmoran of Glencharny ; but a careful reading of that document shows
»hat the Earl of Ross was not superior of Badenoch, for he speaks of the
services due by him to the “Lord superior of Badenoch.” Besides, in
1467, when Huntly was Lord of Badenoch, we find the Earl of Ross still
possessing lands there, viz., Invermarkie, which he gives to Cawdor as
part of his daughter’s dowry.] Meanwhile, in 1371 Alexander Stewart,
King Robert’s son, was made Lord of Badenoch by his father, as also Earl
of Buchan ; and in 1387 he became Earl of Ross through his marriage with
the Countess Euphame His power was therefore immense; he was the king’s
lieutenant in the North (locum tenens in borealibus partibus regni); but
such was the turbulence and ferocity of his character that he was called
the “Wolf of Badenoch.” He is still remembered in the traditions of the
country as “ Alastair M6r Mac an Righ ”—Alexander the Big, Son of the
King—a title which is recorded also in Maurice Buchanan’s writings (a.d.
1461, Book of Pluscarden), wTho says that the wild Scots (Scotis
silvestribus) called him “ Alitstar More Makin Re.” Naturally enough he
gets confused with his famous namesake of Macedon, also Alastair M6r,
but the more accurate of tradition-mongers differentiate them easily,
for they call Alexander the Great “Alastair Uabh’rach, Mac Righ
Philip”—“Alexander the Proud, son of King Philip.” This epithet of
uahKrach or uaibhreach appears as applied to Alexander the Great in that
beautiful mediaeval Gaelic poem that begins—
“Ceathrar do bhi air
uaighan fhir
Feart Alaxandair Uaibhrigh:
Ro chausat briathra con bhreicc
Os cionn na flatha a Fhinnghreic.”
Translated—
Four men were at a hero’s
grave—
The tomb of Alexander the Proud ;
Words they spake without lies
Over the chief from beauteous Greek-land.
The Wolf of Badenoch’s
dealings with his inferiors in his lord ship are not known; but that he
allowed lawlessness to abound may be inferred from the feuds that
produced the Battle of Invernahavon (circ. 1386), and culminated in the
remarkable conflict on the North Inch of Perth in 1396. We are not in
much doubt as to his conduct morally and ecclesiastically. He had five
natural-born sons—Alexander, Earl of Mar, Andrew, Walter, James, and
Duncan—a regular Wolf’s brood for sanguinary embroilments. He had a
chronic quarrel with Alexander Bur, Bishop of Moray, which culminated in
the burning of Elgin Cathedral in 1390. But in nearly every case the
Bishop, by the terrors of the Curse of Rome, gained his point. In 1380,
the Wolf cited the Bishop to appear before him at the Standing Stones of
the Rathe of Easter Kingussie (apud le standand stanys de le Rathe de
Kyngucy estir) on the 10th October, to show his titles to the lands held
in the Wolf’s lordship of Badenoch, viz., the lands of Logachnacheny (Laggan),
Ardinche (Balnespick, &c.), Kingucy, the lands of the Chapels of Rate
and Nachtan, Kyn-cardyn, and also Gartinengally. The Bishop protested,
at a court held at Inverness, against the citation, and urged that the
said lands were held of the King direct. But the Wolf held his court on
the 10th October: the Bishop standing “extra curiam”—outside the court,
i.e., the Standing Stones—renewed his protest, but to no purpose. But
upon the next day before dinner, and in the great chamber behind the
hall in the Castle of Ruthven, the Wolf annulled the proceedings of the
previous day, and gave the rolls of Court to the Bishop’s notary, who
certified that he put them in a large fire lighted in the said chamber,
which consumed them. In 1381, the Wolf formally quits claims on the
above-mentioned church lands, but in 1383 the Bishop granted him the
wide domain of Rothiemurchus—“Ratmorchus, viz., sex davatas terre quas
habemus in Strathspe et le Badenach”—six davochs of land it was. The
later quarrels of the Wolf and the Bishop are notorious in Scotch
History : the Wolf seized the Bishop’s lands, and was excommunicated, in
return for which he burnt, in 1390, the towns of Forres and Elgin, with
the Church of St Giles, the maison dieu, the Cathedral, and 18 houses of
the canons. For this he had to do penance in the Blackfriar’s Church at
Perth. He died in 1394, and is buried in Dunkeld, where a handsome tomb
and effigy of him exist.
As the Wolf left no
legitimate issue, some think the Lordship of Badenoch at once reverted
to the Crown, for we hear no more of it till it was granted to Huntly in
1451. On this point Sir W. Fraser says:—“The Lordship of Badenoch was
bestowed by King Robert II. upon his son, the ‘Wolf of Badenoch/ in
137!, and should have reverted to the Crown on the Lord of Badenoch’s
death in 1394. But there is no evidence in the Exchequer Roll, or
elsewhere, of any such reversion, and Badenoch seems to have been
retained in possession by the Wolf of Badenoch’s eldest son, who became
Earl of Mar. . . . Alexander, Earl of Mar, and his father, were
therefore the successors of the Cornyns as Lords of Badenoch.”
The Lordship of Badenoch
was finally granted to Alexander, Earl of Huntly, by James II., by
charter dated 28th April, 1451, not in recompense for his services at
the Battle of Brechin, as is generally stated, but upwards of a year
before that event. The great family of Gordon and Huntly originally came
from near the Borders. They obtained their name of Gordon from the lands
of Gordon, now a parish and village in the west of the Merse, S.W.
Berwickshire. There, also, was the quondam hamlet of Huntly, a name now
represented there only by the farm called Huntlywood. The parish gave
the family name of Gordon, and the hamlet of Huntly gave the title of
Earl or Marquess of Huntly. Sir Adam de Gordon was one of Bruce’s
supporters, and after the forfeiture of the Earl of Athole he got the
lordship of Strathbogie, with all its appurtenances, in Aberdeenshire
and Banff. The direct male Gordon line ended with Sir Adam’s
great-grandson and namesake, who fell at the battle of Homildon Hill in
1402, leaving a daughter Elizabeth, who married Alexander Seaton, second
son of Sir W. Seaton of Winton. Her son Alexander assumed the name of
Gordon, and was created Earl of Huntly in 1449. His son George was Lord
Chancellor, founded Gordon Castle, and erected the Priory of Kingussie
(Shaw’s Moray). The Gordons were so preeminent in Northern politics that
their head was nicknamed “Cock of the North.” In 1599, Huntly was
created a Marquis, and in 1684 the title was advanced to that of Duke of
Gordon. George, the fifth and last Duke of Gordon, died in 1836, when
the property passed into the possession of the Duke of Richmond and
Lennox, as heir of entail, in whose person the title of Duke of Gordon
was again revived in 1876, the full title being now Duke of Richmond and
Gordon.
Save the Church lands,
all the property in Badenoch belonged to Huntly either as superior or
actual proprietor. The Earl of Ross possessed lands in Badenoch under
the lord superior in 1338, which he granted to Malmoran of Gleticarnie:
the lands were Dalnavert and Kinrara, and the grant is confirmed about
1440, while in 1467 we find the Earl of Ross again granting the
adjoining lands of Invermarkie to the Thane of Cawdor, in whose name
they appear till the seventeenth century, when lnvereshie gets
possession of them. The Laird of Grant, besides Delfour, which he had
for three centuries, also held the Church lands of Laggan and Insh, that
is, “Logane, Ardinche, Ballynaspy,” as it is stated in 1541, and he is
in possession of them for part of the seventeenth century. Mackintosh of
Mackintosh has in feu from Huntly in the sixteenth century the lands of
Benchar, Clune, Kincraig, and Dunachton, with Rait, Kinrara, and
Dalnavert. The only other proprietor or feuar besides these existing in
the 16th century seems to have been James Mackintosh ot Gask. The
Macphersons, for instance, including Andrew in Cluny, who signed for
Huntly the “Clan Farsons Band” of 1591, are all tenants merely. We are
very fortunate in possessing the Huntly rental of Badenoch for the year
1603. Mackintosh appears as feuar for the lands above mentioned, and
there are two wadsetters —Gask and Strone, both Mackintoshes. The 17th
century sees quite a revolution in landholding in Badenoch, for during
its course Huntly has liberally granted feus, and the proprietors are
accordingly very numerous. Besides Huntly, Mackintosh, and Grant of
Grant, we find some twenty feus or estates possessed by Macphersons;
there was a Macpherson of Ardbrvlach, Balchroan, Benchar, (in) Blarach,
Breakachie, Clune, Cluny, Corranach, Crathie, Dalraddy, Delfour,
Etteridge, Gasklyne, Gellovie, Inver-eshie, lnvemahaven (Inverallochie),
Invertromie, Nuid, Phones, and Pitchim. There was a Mackintosh of
Balnespick, Benchar, Delfour, Gask, Kinrara, Lynwilg, Rait and Strone—eight
in all. Four other names appear once each besides these during the
century—M.uslean, Gordon of Buckie, Macqueen, and Macdonald. The total
valuation of Badenoch in 1644 was £11,527 Scots, in 1691 £6523, and in
1789 it was <£7124, with only seven proprietors —Duke of Gordon,
Mackintosh, Cluny, Invereshie, Belleville, Grant of Grant (Delfour), and
Major Gordon (Invertromie). The “wee lairdies” of the jrevious two
centuries were swallowed up in the estates of the first five of these
big proprietors, who still hold large estates in Badenoch, the Duke of
Gordon being represented by the Duke of Richmond since 1836. Only one or
two other proprietors on any large scale have come in since—Baillie of
Dochfour, Sir John Ramsden, and, we may add, Macpherson of Glentruim.
The valuation roll for 1889-90 shows a rental of £36,165 11s 7d
sterling.
CLAN CHATTAN
In the above section we
discussed the political history of Badenoch, under the title of the
“Lordship of Badenoch,” and in this section we intend to deal with the
history of the native population of that district. Badenoch was the
principal seat of the famous and powerful Clan Chattan. The territory
held by this clan, however, was far from being confined to Badenoch; for
at the acme of their power in the 15th century, Clan Chattan stretched
across mid Inverness-shire, almost from sea to sea—from the Inverness
Firth to near the end of Loch-eil, that is, from Petty right along
through Strathnaim, Strathdeam, and Badenoch to Brae-Lochaber, with a
large overflow through Rothiemurchus into Braemar, which was the seat of
the Farquharsons, who are descendants of the Shaws or Mackintoshes of
Rothiemurchus. The Clan Chattan were the inhabitants of this vast extent
of territory, but the ownership or superiority of the land was not
theirs or their chiefs’, and the leading landlords they had to deal with
were the two powerful Earls of Huntly and Moray. From them, as
superiors, Mackinto&h, chief of Clan Chattan, held stretches of land
here and there over the area populated by the clan, and his tribesmen
were tacksmen or feu-holders of the rest, as the case might be, under
Moray or Huntly. It was rather an anomalous position for a great
Highland chief, and one often difficult to maintain. Major (1521)
describes the position, territorially and otherwise, of the Clans
Chattan and Cameron in words which may be thus translated:—“These tribes
are kinsmen, holding little in lordships, but following one head of
their race (caput progenei— ceann ciimidh) as chief, with their friends
and dependents.” The lordships were held, alas! by foreigners to them in
race and blood.
The Clan Chattan were the
native Celtic inhabitants of Badenoch. There are traditional indications
that they came from the west—from Lochaber, where the MS. histories
place the old Clan Chattan lands. The same authorities record that, for
instance, the Macbeans came from Lochaber in the 14th century, “after
slaying the Red Comyn’s captain of Inverlochy,” and put themselves under
the protection of Mackintosh; and this is supported by the tradition
still preserved among the Rothiemurchus Macbeans, whose ancestor, Bean
Cameron, had to fly Lochaber owing to a quarrel and slaughter arising
from the exaction of the “be ursainn,” or probate duty of the time. It
may be too bold to connect this eastern movement of Clan Chattan with
the advancing tide of Scotic conquest in the 8th century, whereby the
Pictish Kingdoms and the Pictish language were overthrown. That the
Picts inhabited Badenoch is undoubted: the place names amply prove that,
for we meet with such test prefixes as Pet (Pitowrie, Pictchim, Pitmean)
and Aber (Aberarder), and other difficulties of topography unexplainable
by the Gaelic language. As in most of Scotland, we have doubtless to
deal, first, with a pre-Celtic race or races, possibly leaving remnants
of its tongue in such a river name as Feshie, then the Pictish or
Caledonian race of Celtic extraction, and, lastly, the Gaelic race who
imposed their language and rule upon the previous peoples. The clan
traditions are supported in the matter of a western origin for the Clan
Chattan by the genealogies given in the 1467 MS., which deduces the
chief line from Ferchar Fota, King of Dalriada, in the 7th century.
The name Cattan, like
everything connected with the early history of this clan, is obscure,
and has, in like manner, given rise to many absurd stories and theories.
As a matter of course, the Classical geography of Europe has been
ransacked, and there, in Germany, was a people called Chatti, which was
taken as pronounced Catti; but the ch stands for a sound like that in
loch. The name now appears as Hesse for Hatti. It was never Katti, be it
remembered. Yet the Catti are brought from Germany to Sutherlandshire,
which in Gaelic is Cataobh, older Cataib—a name supposed thus to be
derived from the Catti. Cataobh is merely the dative plural of cat (a
cat), just as Gallaobh (Caithness) is the same case of Gall (a stranger,
Norseman). The Cat men dwelt in Sutherlandshire; why they were called
the Cats is not known. Clan Chattan is often said to be originally from
Sutherland, but, beyond the similarity of name, there is no shadow of
evidence for the assertion. Others again, like Mr Elton, see in the name
Catan, which means, undoubtedly, “little cat,” relics of totemism; this
means neither more nor less than that the pre-Christian Clan Chattan
worshipped the cat, from whom, as divine ancestor, they deemed
themselves descended. We might similarly argue that the Mathesons—Mac
Mhath-ghamhuin or Son of the Bear—were a “bear” tribe, a fact which
shows how unstable is the foundation on which this theory is built. In
fact, animal names for men were quite common in early times. The
favourite theory—and one countenanced by the genealogies—connects the
Clan Chattan, like so many other clans, with a church-derived name. The
ancestor from whom they are represented as deriving their name is
Gillicattan‘Mor, who lived in the 11th century. His name signifies
Servant of Catan, that is, of St Catan ; for people were named after
saints, not directly, but by means of the prefixes Gille and Maol. At
least, that was the early and more reverent practice. That there was a
St Catan is evidenced by such place names as Kilchattan (in Bute and
Lung), with dedication of churches at Gigha and Colonsay. His date is
given as 710, but really nothing is known of him. This is probably the
best explanation of the name, though the possibility of the clan being
named after some powerful chief called Catan must not be overlooked. The
crest of the cat is late, and merely a piece of mild heraldic punning.
It is only about or after
1400 that we come on anything like firm historical ground in the
genealogy and story of our chief Highland clans. This is true of the
Grants and the Camerons, and especially true of the Clan Chattan.
Everything before that is uncertainty and fable. The earliest mention of
Clan Chattan— and it is not contemporary but fifty years later—is in
connection with the fight at the North Inch of Perth in 1396, and here
historians are all at sixes and sevens as to who the contending parties
really were. The battle of Invemahavon (1386?) and the fight at
Clachnaharry (1454) are mere traditions, and the battle in 1429 between
Clan Chattan and Clan Chameron, in which the former nearly annihilated
the latter, is recorded by a writer nearly a century later (1521). In
fact, the first certain contemporary •date is that of Mackintosh’s
charter in 1466 from the Lord of the Isles, where he is designated
Duncan Mackintosh, “capitanus de Clan Chattan,” and next year as “chief
and captain” of Clan Chattan, in a bond with Lord Forbes. Henceforward,
Clan Chattan is a common name in public history and private documents.
It comprised in the period of its comparative unity (circ. 1400-1600)
some sixteen tribes or septs: these were the Mackintoshes, Macphersons,
Davidsons, Cattanachs, Macbeans, Macphails, Shaws, Farquharsons,
Macgillivrays, Macleans of Doch-garroch, Smiths, Macqueens, Gillanders,
Clarks, &c. Of this confederation, Mackintosh was for, at least, two
centuries “captain and chief,” as all documents, public and private,
testify. These two centuries (circ. 1400 to 1600) form the only period
in which we see, under the light of history, the Highland clans in their
full development.
The 17th century made sad
havoc in the unity of Clan Chattan; Huntly, ever an enemy to Mackintosh,
“banded” in 1591 the Macphersons to his own person, and, by freely
granting charters to them, made them independent, and detached them from
Mackintosh. Macpherson of Cluny claimed to be head of the Macphersons,
and in 1673 styled himself “Duncan Mcpherson of Cluney for himself, and
taking burden upon him for the heall name of Mcphersons and some others
called old Clanchattan as cheeife and principall man thereoff,” in a
bond with Lord Mac-donell of Morar. In support of this claim, the
Macphersons appealed to the old genealogies, which represented
Mackintosh as getting the Clan Chattan lands by marriage with the
heiress in 1291, and which further showed that Cluny was the heir male
descendant of the old Clan Chattan chiefs. The case in its solemn
absurdity of appeal to genealogies reminds one of a like appeal placed
before the Pope in the claims of King Edward upon the throne of
Scotland. He claimed the Scottish crown as the direct successor of
Brutus and Albanactus*, who lived in Trojan times, every link of
genealogy being given, while the Scot& repelled this by declaring that
they were descended from Gathelus husband of Scota, daughter of the
Mosaic King of Egypt; and here, too, all the genealogical links could
have been given. Neither doubted the genuineness of each other’s
genealogies! So which the Mackintosh-Macpherson controversy about the
chiefsliip of Clan Chattan. They each accept each other’s genealogies
without suspicion or demur. And yet the manufacture of these and like
genealogies was an accomplished art with Gaelic seanachies whether Irish
or Scottish. We even see it going on under our very eyes. The early
chiefs of Lochiel are the de Cambruns of the 13th and 14th century
records—lists and other documents— impressed into the Cameron genealogy,
which is doubtless correctly given in the 1467 MS. Again, the Macpherson
genealogy in the Douglas Baronage is in several cases drawn from
charters granted to wholly different families. Dormund Macpherson, 12 th
chief, gets a charter under the great seal from James IV.; but the
charter turns out to be one granted to a Dormund M‘Pherson in the
Lordship of Menteith, not of Badenoch! John, 14th of Cluny, who “was
with the Earl of Huntly at the battle of Glenlivet,” as the veracious
chronicler says, to add a touch of realism to his bald genealogical
account, gets a charter of the lands of Tullich, &c., lands which lie in
Strathnaim, and he turns out to be a scion of the well-known family of
Macphersons of Brin! Similarly John, 15th of Cluny, is son of the
foregoing John of Brin ; and Ewen, 16th of Cluny, who gets a charter in
1623 of the lands of Tullich, &c., is a cousin of Brin. Donald, 17th of
Cluny, who gets a charter in 1643, turns out to be Donald Macpherson of
Nuid. And all this time another and a correct genealogy of the Cluny
family had been drawn up by Sir AEneas Macpherson towards the end of the
17th century, which must surely have been known to the writer.3
During all the period of 14th to 16th chief here given, there was only
one man in Cluny, and his name was Andrew Macpherson, son of Ewen.
The name Mackintosh
signifies the son of the toiseach or chief, which is Latinised by
Flaherty as “capitaneus seu praecipuus dux.” The Book of Deer makes the
relationship of toiseach to other dignitaries quite plain. There is
first the King; under him are the mormaers or stewards of the great
provinces of Scotland, such as Buchan, Marr, and Moray; and next comes
the toiseach or chief of the clan in a particular district. The two
clans in the Book of Deer are those of Canan and Morgan, each with a
toiseach. This word is represented oftenest in English in old documents
by thane, which, indeed, represents it with fair accuracy. Toiseach is
the true Gaelic word for “ chief,” but it is now obsolete, and there is
now no tiue equivalent of the word “chief” in the language at all. And
here it may be pointed out that the word chief itself was not at once
adopted or adapted for this particular meaning of chief of a Highland
clan As we saw, the word at first employed was “captain,” then “captain
and chief,” “captain, chief, and principal man,” “chief and principal,”
&c., the idea finally settling down as fully represented by the word “
chief’ in the 16th century. Skene’s attempt to argue that captain
denoted a leader temporarily adopted, leading the clan for another, or
usurping the power of another, while chief denoted a hereditary office,
is condemned by his own evidence, and by the weight of facts. Besides,
words do not suddenly spring into technical meanings, nor could chief
acquire the definite meaning applicable to Highland chief-ship, but by
length of time and usage for this purpose. Hence arose the uncertainty
of the early terms applied to the novel idea presented by Highland
clans. The word clan itself appears first in literature in connection
with Clan Chattan, or rather Clan Qwhewyl, at the North Inch of Perth,
where Wyntown speaks of “Clannys twa.” The Gaelic word clan had to be
borrowed for want of a native English term; why should we then wonder at
the idea of toiseach being rendered first by captain, and latterly by
chief?
The Mackintosh
genealogies, dating from the 17th century, represent the family as
descended from Macduff, thane of Fife, as they and Fordun call him. Shaw
Macduff, the second son of Duncan, fifth Earl of Fife, who died in 1154,
in an expedition against the people of Moray in 1160, distinguished
himself, and received from the King lands in Petty, and the custody of
Inverness Castle. Here he was locally known as Shaw Mac an Toiseich,
“Shaw, the son of the Thane.” He died in 1179, and was succeeded by (2)
Shaw, whose son was (3) Ferchard, whose nephew was (4) Shaw, whose son
was (5) Ferchard, whose son was (6) Angus, who in 1291 married Eva,
heiress of Clan Chattan, and thus got the Clan’s lands in Lochaber. So
far the genealogy. It is a pretty story, but it sadly lacks one
thing—verisimilitude. Macduff was not toiseach of Fife. In the Book of
Deer he is called comes, the then Gaelic of which was mormaer, now
moirear. Shaw Macduff would infallibly, as son of the Earl of Fife, have
been ealled Mac Mhoireir. With those who support this Macduff genealogy,
no argument need be held ; like the humorist of a past generation, one
would, however, like to examine their bumps. The statement that the
Mackintoshes were hereditary constables of Inverness Castle is totally
baseless and false. At the dates indicated (12th century) we believe
that the Mackintoshes had not penetrated so far north as Petty or
Inverness, and that we should look to Badenoch as their place of origin,
and their abode at this time. Unfortunately documents in regard to the
early history of Badenoch are rare, but an entry or two in the Registrum
of Moray Diocese may help us. In 1234, Walter Comyn, Earl of Monteith,
comes to an agreement with the Bishop of Moray, in regard to Kincardine,
and Fercard, son of Seth, is a witness, and in the very next document,
also one of Walter Corny n’s, of the same date, appears a witness called
Fercard “Senescalli de Badenoch,” that is “steward of Badenoch.” We are
quite justified in regarding him as the person mentioned in the previous
document as Fercard, son of Seth. Now, one translation of toiseach is
steward or seneschal—the person in power next the mormaer or earl. We
may, therefore, conclude that this Ferchard was known in Gaelic as
Ferchard Toiseach. Similarly in 1440 we meet with Malcolm Mackintosh,
chief of the clan, as “ballivus de Badenoch,” a title of equal import as
that of seneschal. We should then say that the Mackintoshes derived
their name from being toiseachs of Badenoch, the head of the old Celtic
clan being now under the new non-Celtic mormaer or earl Walter Comyn.
The ease with which the name Mackintosh might arise in any place where a
clan and its toiseach existed explains how we meet with Mackintoshes,
for instance, in Perthshire, who do not belong to the Clan Chattan. Thus
there were Mackintoshes of Glentilt, which was held as an old thanage,
and whose history as such is well known. Similarly we may infer that the
Mackintoshes of Monivaird were descendants of the old local Toiseachs or
Thanes. The Mackintosh genealogists have of course annexed them to the
Clan Chattan stock with the utmost ease and success. In 1456, John of
the Isles granted to Somerled, his armour-bearer, a davoch of the lands
6f Glennevis, with toiseachdorship of most of his other lands there, and
in 1552 this grant is renewed by Huntly to “dilecto nostro Donaldo
MacAlister M‘Toschd,” that is, Donald, son of Alister, son of Somerled,
the toiseach or bailif, named in 1456. This shows how easily the name
could have arisen.
Skene, while
unceremoniously brushing aside the Macduff genealogy, advances
hypothetically a different account of the origin of the Mackintoshes. In
1382, the Lord of Badenoch is asked to restrain Farchard MacToschy and
his adherents from disturbing the Bishop of Aberdeen and his tenants in
the land of Brass or Birse, and to oblige him to prosecute his claim by
form of law. Skene thinks that Farchard, whom he finds in the 1467 MS.
as one of the “ old ” Mackintoshes, was descended from the old thanes of
Brass, and that hence arose his name and his claim. Being a vassal of
the Wolf’s, he was a Badenoch man too. Rothiemurchus was a thanage, and
the connection of the Mackintoshes with it was always close. Alexander
Keir Mackintosh obtained the feudal rights to Rothiemurchus in 1464, and
a few years later he styles himself “Thane of Rothiemurchus.” Skene then
suggests that Birse and Rothiemurchus might have anciently been in the
hands of the same toiseach or thane, and that from, him the Mackintoshes
got their name. We have suggested thfrt the name arose with Ferchard,
son of Seth or Shaw, who was toiseach under Earl Walter Comyn in 1234,
and his name appears in the 1467 MS. genealogy as well as in the
Mackintosh genealogies.
That a revolution took
place in the affairs of Clan Chattan, with the overthrow or extrusion of
the direct line of chiefs, in the half century that extends from about
1386 to 1436, is clear from two sources—first, from the 1467 MS., and,
second, from the Mackintosh history. The latter acknowledges that
Ferquhard, 9th chief, was deposed from his position, which was given to
his uncle Malcolm. The reason why he had to retire was, it is said, the
clan’s dissatisfaction with his way of managing affairs; but the matter
is glossed over in the history in a most unsatisfactory manner. If this
was the Ferchard mentioned in 1382 as giving trouble to the Bishop of
Aberdeen, it is most unlikely that he was an incapable man; in fact, he
must have been quite the opposite, He is doubtless the same person, for
he is given also in the 1467 MS. genealogy. But further confusion exists
in the Mackintosh account. Malcolm, 10th Mackintosh, who dies in 1457,
is grandson through William 7th (died 1368) of Angus who married Eva in
1291, the three generations thus lasting as chiefs from 1274 to 1457,
some 183 years ! Malcolm was the son of William’s old age, and his
brother, Lachlan 8th, was too old to take part in the North Inchfight in
1396, sixty years before his younger brother died ! This beats the
Fraser genealogy brought forward lately by a claimant to the Lovat
estates. It is thus clear that there is something wrong in the
Mackintosh genealogy here, corresponding doubtless to some revolution in
the clan’s history. And this is made clear when we consult the Edinburgh
Gaelic MS. of 1467, which gives the genealogies of Highland clans down
till about 1450. Here we actually have two genealogies given, which
shows that the chiefship of the Mackintoshes or Clan Gillicattan was
then either in dispute or a matter of division between two families. We
print the two 1467 lists with the Mackintosh MS. genealogy between them,
in parallel columns, supplying dates where possible:—
1467 MS, Mackintosh
History. 1467 MS.
William and Donald (12) Ferchar (d. 1514) Lochlan
William (9) Ferchar (11) Duncan (d. 1496) Suibne
Ferchar (1382) (8) Lachlan & (10) Malcolm (d. 1457) Shaw
William (7) William (d. 1368)
Gillamichol (6) Anguu (d. 1345)
Scayth (1338) Ferchard Gilchrist Malcolm
Donald Camgilla
Mureach
Suibne
Tead (Shaw)
Nachtain
Gillicattan
Ferchar (1234) (5)
Ferchar (d. 1274)
Shaw (4) Shaw (d. 1265)
Gilchrist William
Aigcol (2) Shaw (d. 1210)
Ewen (1) Shaw (d. 1179)
--Macduff (d. 1154)
--Earl of Fife
Neill
[Gillicattan ?]
The similarity between
the 1467 first list and that of the Mackintosh history is too striking
to be accidental, and we may take it that they purport to give the same
genealogy. There are only two discrepancies from about 1400 to 1200
between them. Ferchar 9th is given as son of Lachlan in the Mackintosh
history, whereas the 1467 list makes him son of William, not grandson.
The 6th Mackintosh in the one list is Gillamichael, and in the other he
is called Angus. Perhaps he had borne both names, for Gillamichael mean?
“servant of St Michael,” and might possibly be an epithet. Mr
Fraser-Mackintosh has drawn the writer’s attention to a list of names
published in Palgrave’s “ Documents and Records ” of Scottish History
(1837); this is a liet of some ninety notables who, about 1297, made
homage or submission to Edward I., and among them is Anegosius
Maccarawer, or Angus Mac Ferchar, whom Mr Fraser-Mackintosh claims as
the 6th of Mackintosh. There are only two other “Macs” in the list, and
Maccarawer is, no doubt, a Highlander, and possibly a chief, and,
perhaps, the chief of Mackintosh. In any case, in the middle of the 15th
century, the direct line of Mackintoshes was represented by William and
Donald, sons of William, whereas the chief de facto at the time was
undoubtedly Malcolm Mackintosh. How he got this position is a question.
The second list in the
1467 MS. is a puzzle. Mr Skene called it the genealogy of the “old” Clan
Chattan: Why, is not clear. Scayth, son of Ferchard, is mentioned in
1338 as the late Scayth who possessed a “manerium” at the “stychan” of
Dalnavert. Mr Skene thinks that he was of the Shaws of Rothiemurchus,
and that this is their genealogy; and this may be true, but what comes
of his earlier theories in regard to the Macphersons as being the “old”
family here represented ? Theories held in 1837 were abandoned in 1880;
but in this Mr Skene could hardly help himself, considering the amount
of information that has since appeared in the volumes of such Societies
as the “Spalding Club,” bearing on the history of the Moravian clans,
and especially on that of Clan Chattan.
The turmoil in the Clan
Chattan, which changed the chief ship to another line, must be connected
more especially with the events which took place when King James, came
North, in 1427, when part of the clan stood by the King and part by the
Lord of the Isles. We find in a document preserved in the Kilravock
papers, that King James grants a pardon to certain of the Clan Chattan,
provided they really do attach themselves to the party of Angus and
Malcolm Mackintosh; and this shews that Malcolm, who was afterwards
chief, stood by the king, and received his favours. Angus possibly was
his brother, for a depredating rascal of the name of Donald Angusson,
supported by Lachlan “Badenoch,” son of Malcolm, evidently Lachlan’s
cousin, gives trouble to various people towards the end of the century.
In any case, Malcolm Mackintosh emerged from the troubles that were
rending the clan victorious, and his son Duncan was as powerful a chief
as lived in the North in his day.
How much the Clan Battle
at Perth, in 1396, had to do with the changes in the Clan Chattan
leadership it is hard to say. It is accepted as certain that the Clan
Chattan had a hand in the fight, for the later historians say so, and
the contemporary writer Wyntown mentions the chiefs on both sides, and
one of these bears the name of Scha Ferchar’s son, which is an
unmistakeably Mackintosh name. He says, in Laing’s edition :—
“Tha thre score were
clannys twa,
Clahynnhd Qwhewyl, and Clachinya ;
Of thir twa Kynnys ware the men,
Thretty agane thretty then.
And thare thai had thair chifrtanys twa,
Schir Ferqwharis sone wes ane of tha,
The tothir Cristy Johnesone.”
The two clans here pitted
against one another are the clans Quhele or Chewil, and Clan Ha or Hay,
or, according to some, Kay. Boece has Clan Quhete, which Buchanan and
Leslie improve into Clan Chattan.
As so much theorising has
taken place upon this subject already, and so many positive assertions
have been made, it may at present serve the interests of historic
science if we can really decide what clan names the above cannot stand
for. First, there is Clan Quhele or Chewil. This clan is mentioned in
1390 as Clan Qwhevil, who, with the Athole tribes, made a raid into
Angus, and killed the Sheriff. They are mentioned again in an Act of
Parliament in 1594 as among the broken clans, in the following sequence
— Clandonochie, Clanchattane, Clanchewill, Clanchamron, &c. What clan
they really were is yet a matter of dispute. The form Chewill points to
a nominative, Cumhal or Cubhal, or Keval, but no such name can be
recognised in the Clan Chattan district, or near it. Dughall or Dugald
has been suggested, and the family of Camerons of Strone held as the
clan referred to. But this, like so much in the discussion of this
subject, forgets some very simple rules of Gaelic phonetics, which are
not forgotten in the spoken language, and in the English forms borrowed
from it. Feminine names ending in n never aspire te an initial d of the
next word. We have Clan Donnachie, Clan Donald, Clan Dugald, and so on,
but never Clan Yonnachie or Yonald, or such. Similarly, Clan Ilay or Ha
cannot stand for Clan Dai or Davidsons. Let these simple rules of Gaelic
phonetics be understood once for all, and we have made much progress
towards a solution of the difficulty. The word Qwhevil evidently
commences with a C. Skene suggests it is for Caimgilla, “one-eyed one,”
the epithet of Donald, Mureach’s son, in the 1467 pedigree. But the m of
cam is never aspirated. 1 gain, as to Ha or Hay. The H initial may stand
for tk, sh, or fh ; and the only names that can be suggested are those
of Shaw and Fhaidh. The Clan Cameron are called, in the 1467 MS. and
other places, the “ Clann Maelan-fhaidh,” the clan of the “ servant of
the Prophet,” a name preserved in the Macgillony of Strone, which
originally was Mac Gille-an-fhaidh, equivalent to Mael-an-fhaidh in
meaning.
The name, however, that
best suits the English form is that of Shaw or Seadh, that is, Seth.
There is really a difficulty about Meal-an-fhaidh and his clan. The form
ouglit to be either Clann-an-fhaidh, which Wyntown would give as
Clahinanha or Clahan-anna, or it would be Clann Mhael-an-fhaidh, a form
which could not be mistaken, were it handed down. The most popular
theory at present is that the combatants were the Camerons and
Mackintoshes, who were enemies for three centuries thereafter; the
Mackintoshes were represented by the name of Clan Chewill, the chief
being Shaw, son of Ferchar, of the Rothiemurchus branch, while the
Camerons were the Clan Hay, with Gilchrist Mac Iain as chief. This is
practically Skene’s view, and it is the position taken up by Mr A. M.
Shaw, the historian of the Mackintoshes. But the phonetics point to a
struggle in which the Shaws were the chief combatants, the other side
being Clan Kevil, and, on weighing all sides of the question, we are as
much inclined to believe that it was the beginning of that struggle in
the clan, which is represented by two lines of pedigree, and which
latterly gave the chief ship even to a junior branch of one of the
lines.
How does the claim of the
Cluny Macphersons for the chiefship of Clan Chattan stand in relation to
these historic facts ? They do not appear at all in the historical
documents, but tradition in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries had
enough to tell of their share in the crisis. At the battle of
Invemahaven, fought against the Camerons, the Macphersons of Cluny
claimed the right under Mackintosh as chief, but he unfortunately gave
this post of honour to the Clan Dai or Davidsons of Invemahavon; and the
Macphersons retired in high dudgeon. The battle was at first lost to
Clan Chattan, but the Macphersons, despite anger, came to the rescue,
and the Camerons were defeated. Then ensued a struggle, lasting ten
years, for superiority between the Macphersons (Clan Chattan) and the
Davidsons, the scene of which, in 1396, was shifted to the North Inch of
Perth. These, the Macpherson tradition says, were the two clans that
fought the famous clan fight. The Macphersons claim to be descended from
Gillicattan Mor, progenitor of the Clan Chattan, by direct male descent,
and every link is given back to the eleventh century, thus (omitting
“father of”)—Gillicattan, Diarmid, Gillicattan, Muirich, ]>arson of
Kingussie, whence they are called Clann Mhuirich,. father of Gillicattan
and Ewen Ban, the former of whom had a son, Dougal Dali, whose daughter
Eva, “the heiress of Clan Chattan,” married Angus Mackintosh in 1291,
and thus made him " captain ” of Clan Chattan; Ewen Ban was the direct
male representative, then Kenneth, Duncan, Donald Mor, Donald Og, Ewen;
then Andrew of Cluny in 1609, a real historic personage without a doubt.
In this list, not a single name previous to that of Andrew can be proved
to have existed from any documents outside the Macpherson genealogies,
excepting only Andrew’s father, Ewen, who is mentioned in the Clanranald
Red Book as grandfather of the heroic Ewen, who joined Montrose with
three hundred of Clans Mhuiiich and Chattan. The direct Gillicattan
genealogy is given in the 1467 MS., and, such as it is, it has no
semblance to the Macpherson list. The fact is that the Macpherson list
previous to Ewan, father of Andrew, is purely traditional and utterly
unreliable. The honest historian of Moray, Lachlan Shaw, says—“ I cannot
pretend to give the names of the representatives before the last
century. I know that in 1660 Andrew was laird of Clunie, whose son,
Ewan, was father of Duncan, who died in 1722 without male issue.” By
means of the Spalding Publications, the Synod of Moray Records, and
other documents, we can now supplement and add to Lachlan Shaw’s
information, though not much. Macpherson of Cluny is first mentioned in
1591 when Clan Farson gave their “band” or bond to Huntly. He is then
called “Andrew Makfersone in Cluny,” not of Cluny, be it observed, for
he was merely tenant of Cluny at that time. This is amply proved by the
Badenoch rental of 1603, where we have the entry—“Clovnye, three
pleuches . . . Andro McFarlen (read Farsen) tenant to the haill.”
Perhaps Mr Fraser-Mackin-tosh’s inference is right as to the national
importance of Cluny Macpherson then, when he says—“ So little known does
he seem to have been that Huntly’s chamberlain, who made out the
Badenoch rental in 1603, calls him Andro McFarlsn” In 1609, Andrew had
obtained a heritable right to Cluny, for then he is. called Andrew
Macpherson of Cluny in the bond of union amongst the Clan Chattan, “ in
which they are and is astricted to serve Mackintosh as their Captain and
Chief.” Huntly had for long been trying to detach the Clan from
Mackintosh by “bands,” as in 1591 and in 1543, and by raising the
tenants to a position of independence under charter rights, which were
liberally granted in the seventeenth century, and which proved fatal to
the unity of Clan Chattan. But it was a wise policy, nationally
considered, for in 1663-5, when Mackintosh tried to raise his Clan
against Lochiel, some flatly refused asking cui bono; others promised to
go if Mackintosh would help them to a slice of their neighbours land,
and Macpherson of Cluny proposed three conditions on which he would
go—(1) if the Chiefs of the Macphersons hold the next place in the Clan
to Mackintosh; (2) lands now possessed by Mackintoshes and once
possessed by Macphersons to be restored to the latter; and (3) the
assistance now given was not of the nature of a service which Mackintosh
had a right to demand, but simply a piece of goodwill. When Mackintosh
was in 1688 proceeding to fight the “last Clan battle” at Mulroy against
Keppoch, we are told that the “Macphersons in Badenoch, after two
citations, disobeyed most contemptuously.” Duncan Macpherson, the Cluny
of that time, had decided to claim chiefship for himself, and in 1672 he
applied for and obtained'from the Lord Lyon’s Office the matriculation
of his arms as Laird of Cluny Macpherson, and only true representative
of the ancient and honourable family of Clan Chattan. Mackintosh, on
hearing of it, objected, and got the Lord Lyon to give Macpherson “ a
coat of arms as cadets of 'Clan Chattan.’ ”The Privy Council in the same
year called him “Lord of Cluny and Chief of the Macphersons,” but
Mackintosh got them to correct even this to Cluny being responsible only
for “those of his name of Macpherson descendit of his family,” without
prejudice always to the Laird of Mackintosh. In 1724 Mackintosh and
Macpherson came to an agreement that Mackintosh, in virtue of marrying
the heiress of Clan Chattan in 1291, was Chief of Clan Chattan,
Macpherson renouncing all claim, but there was a big bribe held out to
him— he received the Loch Laggan estates from Mackintosh. In this way
the egging on of Huntly, the reputation gained by the Macphersons in the
Montrose wars and otherwise, and an absurd piece of pedigree, all
combined to deprive Mackintosh of his rightful honour of Chief, and also
of a good slice of his estate! The renown gained by the Clan Macpherson
in the Jacobite wars, compared to the supineness of the Mackintosh
Chiefs, gained them public sympathy in their claims, and brought a clan,
altogether unknown or ignored until the battle of Glenlivbt in 1594, to
the very front rank of Highland Clans in the eighteenth century. We see
the rise of a clan and its chiefs actually take place in less than a
century and a half, and that, too, by the pluck and bravery displayed by
its chiefs and its members.
PLACE NAMES OF BADENOCH.
The Ordnance Survey maps,
made to the scale of six inches to the mile, contain for Badenoch some
fourteen hundred names; but these do not form more than a tithe of the
names actually in use or once used when the glens were filled with
people, and the •summer shealings received their annual visitants. Every
knoll and rill had its name; the bit of moor, the bog or blar, the clump
of wood (badan), the rock or crag, the tiny loch or river pool, not to
speak of cultivated land parcelled into fields, each and all, however
insignificant, had a name among those that dwelt near them. Nor were the
minute features of the mountain ranges and faraway valleys much less
known and named. The shealing system contributed much to this last fact.
But now many of these names are lost, we may say most of them are lost,
with the loss of the population, and with the abandonment of the old
system of crofting and of summer migration to the hills. The names given
to those minutes features of the landscape were and are comparatively
easy on the score of derivation, though sometimes difficult to explain
historically. For instance, Lub Mhairi, or Mary’s Loop, is the name of a
small meadow at Coilintuie, but who was the Mary from whom it got its
name?
Of the fourteen hundred
words on the Ordnance Maps, we may at once dismiss three fourths as
self-explanatory. Anyone with a knowledge of Gaelic can explain them ;
or anyone not so endowed but possessed of a Gaelic dictionary ,can by
the use of it satisfactorily unravel the mystery of the names. Of the
remaining fourth, most are easy enough as regards derivation, but some
explanation of an historical character is desirable, though often
impossible of being got. Ono of the most interesting names under this
last category is that of Craig High Harailt, or the Crag of King Harold,
which stands among the hills behind Dunachton;
Yet there is absolutely
nothing known about this Scandinavian chief; even tradition halts in the
matter. There are only some six score names where any difficulty,
however slight, of derivation can occur, and it is to these names that
this paper will mostly devote itself. The oldest written or printed form
of the name will be given, for often the difficulty of deriving a
place-name yields when the oldest forms of it are found. We have
fortunately some valuable documents, easily attainable, which throw
light on some obscure names. Among these are the Huntly Rental for the
Lordship of Badenoch for 1603, and Sir R. Gordon of Straloch’s map of
Braidalbane and Moray, which was published in Blaeu’s Atlas in 1662, and
which contains a full and intelligent representation of Badenoch. The
Badenoch part of this map is reproduced along with this paper for the
sake of illustrating it. It was made about the year 1640.
First, we shall deal with
the name of the district and the names of the principal divisions of it,
and thereafter consider the nomenclature of the leading features of the
country, whether river, loch, or mountain, following this with a glance
at the names of farms and townships, and at the other points of the
landscape that may seem to require explanation. The name of the district
first claims our attention.
Badenoch.—In 1229 or
thereabouts the name appears as Badenach in the Registrum of Moray
Diocese, and this is its usual form there; in 1289, Badenagh, Badenoughe,
and, in King Edward’s Journal, Badnasshe; in 1366 we have Baydenach,
which is the first indication of the length of the vowel in Bad-; a 14th
century map gives Baunagd; in 1467, Badyenach; in 1539, Baidyenoch; in
1603 (Huntly Rental), Badzenoche ; and now in Gaelic it is Bcbideanaeh.
The favourite derivation, first given by Lachlan Shaw, the historian of
Moray (1775), refers it to badan, a bush or thicket; and the Muses have
sanctioned it in Calum Dubh’s expressive line in his poem on the Loss of
Gaick (1800)—
“’S bidh mirim arm an
Dtithaich nam Badan.”
(And joy shall be in the Land of Wood-clumps).
But there are two fatal
objections to this derivation; the a of Badenoch is long, and that of
badan is short; the d of Badenoch is vowel-flanked by “ small” vowels,
while that of badan is flanked by “ broad” vowels and is hard, the one
being pronounced approximately for English as bah-janach, and the other
as baddanach. The root that suggests itself as contained in the word is
that of beth or bddh (drown, submerge), which, with an adjectival
termination in de, would give bdide, “submerged, marshy,” and this might
pass into bdidean and b&ideanach, “marsh or lake land.” That this
meaning suits the long, central meadow land of Badenoch, which once
could have been nothing else than a long morass, is evident. There are
several places in Ireland containing the root bddh (drown), as Joyce
points out. For instance, Bauttagh, west of Loughrea in Galway, a marshy
place; Mullanbattog, near Monaghan, hill summit of the morass; the river
Bauteoge, in Queen’s County, flowing through swampy ground : and
Curra-watia, in Galway, means the inundated curragh or morass. The
neighbouring district of Lochaber is called by Adamnan Stagnum Aporicum,
and the latter term is likely the Irish abar (a marsh), rather than the
Pictish aber (a confluence); so that both districts may be looked upon
as named from their marshes. The divisions of Badenoch are three—the
parishes of Alvie, Kingussie and Insh, and Laggan.
Alvie.—Shaw says it is a
“parsonage dedicated to St Drostan.” Otherwise we should have at once
suggested the 6th centuiy Irish saint and bishop called Ailbe or later
Ailbhe, whose name suits so admirably, that, even despite the Drostan
connection, one would feel inclined to think that the parish is named
after St Ailbhe. In the middle of the 14th century the parish is called
Alveth or Alwetht and Alway, and Alvecht about 1400, in 1603 Alvey and
Aluay, and in 1622 Alloway. The name, with the old spelling Alveth,
appears in the parish of Alvah in Banffshire, and no doubt also in that
of Alva, another parish in Stirlingshire. Shaw and others connect the
name with ail (a rock), but do not explain the v or bh in the name. Some
look at Loch Alvie as giving the name to the parish, and explain its
name as connected with the flower ealbhaidh or St John’s wort, a plant
which it is asserted grows or grew around its bank. The learned minister
of Alvie in Disruption times, Mr Macdonald, referred the name of the
loch to Ealari or Swan-isle Loch, but unfortunately there is no Gaelic
word i for an island, nor do the phonetics suit in regard to the bh or
v. The old Fenian name of Almhu or Almhuinn. now Allen, in Ireland, the
seat of Fionn and his Feinn, suggests itself, but the termination in n
is wanting in Alvie, and this makes the comparison of doubtful value.
Insh.—Mentioned as Inche
in the Moray Registrum in 1226 and similarly in 1380 and in 1603. The
name is derived from the knoll on which the church is built, and which
is an island or innis when the river is in flood. Loch Insh takes its
name from this or the other real island near it. The parish is a
vicarage dedicated to “ St Ewan,” says Shaw; but, as the name of the
knoll on which the church stands is Tom Eunan, the Saint must have been
E6nan or Adamnan, Columba’s biographer, in the 7th century. The old bell
is a curious and rare relic, and the legend attached to it is one of the
prettiest told m the district. The bell was stolen once upon a time, and
taken to the south of the Grampians, but getting free, it returned of
its own accord ringing out as it crossed the hills of Drumochter, “Tom
E6nan! Tom E6nan.”
Kingussie.—In Gaelic—Cinr^ghiubhsaich—“
(at) the end of the fir-forestcinn being the locative of ceann (head)
and giubhsack being a “fir-f orest.” The oldest forms of the name are
Kynguscy (1103-1105), Kingussy (1208-15), Kingusy (1226), Kingucy
(1380), Kingusy (1538), and Kyngusie (1603). It is a parsonage dedicated
to St Columba (Shaw). According to Shaw, there was a Priory at Kingussie,
founded by the Earl of Huntly about 1490.
Laggan.—“A mensal church
dedicated to St Kenneth” (Shaw). The name in full is Laggan-Choinnich,
the laggan or “hollow of Kenneth.” The present church is at Laggan
Bridge, but the old church was at the nearest end of Loch Laggan, where
the ruins are still to be seen. It is mentioned in 1239 as Logynkenny (R.M.),
and Logykenny shortly before, as Logachnacheny and Logykeny in 1380,
Logankenny in 1381 (all from R.M.), and Lagane in 1603 (H.R.) The Gaelic
word “lagan” is the diminutive of “ lag,” a hollow.
We now come to the
leading natural features of the country, and deal first with the rivers
and lochs of Badenoch. A loch and its river generally have the same
name, and, as a rule, it is the river that gives name to the loch. A
prominent characteristic of the river names of Badenoch, and also of
Pictland, is the termination ie or y. We meet in Badenoch with Feshie,
Trommie, Markie, and Mashie, and not far away are Bennie, Druie, Gel
die, Garry, Bogie, Gaudie, Lossie, Urie, and several more. The
termination would appear to be that given by Ptolemy in several river
names such as Nov-^os, Tob-ios, Libn-tW, &c., which is the adjectival
termination ios; but it has to be remarked that the modern
pronounciation points to a termination in idh, Zeuss’s primitive adi or
idi; Tromie in Gaelic is to be spelt Tromaidh, and Feshie as Feisidh. We
first deal with the so-called “rapidest river in Scotland.”
The Spey.—The Highlanders
of old had a great idea of the size of the Spey, and also of the Dee and
Tay. There is a Gaelic saying which runs thus :—
Sp£, D6, agus Tatha,
Tri uisgeachan ' m5 fo’n athar.
This appears in an
equally terse English form:—
The three largest rivers
that be
Are the Tay, the Spey, and the Dee.
In Norse literature the
name appears as Spse (13th century); we have the form Spe in the
“Chronicles” (1165); Spe (1228, <fcc); Spee (Bruce’s Charter to
Randolph) and Spey (1451 and 1603). But the Spey is regarded as
representing physically and etymolo-gically Ptolemy’s river Tvesis or
Tvsesis. Dr Whitley Stokes says:—“Supposed to be Ptolemy’s Tvesis; but
it points to an original Celtic squeas, cognate with Ir. scHm (vomo), W.
chwyd (a vomit). For the connection of ideas, cf. Pliny’s Yomanus, a
river of Picenum. The river name Spean may be a diminutive of Spe.” The
changing of an original sqv to sp, instead of the true Gaelic form sg or
sc indicates that the name is Pictish. The Spean is doubtless a
diminutive arising from a form spesona or spesana.
The Dulnan; in Gaelic
Tuilnean, Blaeu’s map Tulnen. It falls into Spey near Broomhill Station.
The root is tuil, flood; the idea being to denote its aptness to rapid
floods.
Feshie; Gaelic Feisidh.
Its first appearance in charters is about 1230, and the name is printed
Ceffy, evidently for Fessy. If it is Celtic, its earliest form was
Vestia, from a root ved, which signifies “wet,” and which is the origin
of the English word wet and water. That Feshie is Celtic, and Pictish
may be regarded as probable when it is mentioned that in Breconshire
there is a river Gwesyn, the root of the name being gwes (for vest),
meaning “what moves” or “ goes.”
Tromie; Gaelic Trom(a)idh.
In 1603 it is called Tromye. The Gaelic name for dwarf elder is troman,
which appears in Irish as trorn or tromm, with genitive truimm. It gives
its name to Trim in Meath, which in the 9th century was called Yadum
Truimm,, or Ford of the Elder-tree. Several other Irish place-names come
from it. In Badenoch and elsewhere in the Highlands, we often meet with
’rivers named after the woods on their banks. Notably is so the case
with the alder tree, Feama, which names numerous streams, and, indeed,
is found in old Gaul, for Pliny mentions a river called Vernodubrum.
Hence Tromie is the Elder-y River; while Truim, which is probably named
after the glen, Glen-truim—“ Glen of the Elder,”—takes its name from the
genitive of tromm. Compare the Irish Cala-truim, the hollow of the
elder. Glen-tromie is the first part of the long gorge that latterly
becomes Gaick, and, in curious contrast to the ill fame of the latter in
poetry, it appears thus in a well-known verse :—
Gleann Tromaidh nan
siantan
Leam bu mhiann bhi ’nad fhasgath,
Far am faighinn a’ bhroighleag,
An oighreag’s an dearcag,
Cn5than donn air a’ challtuinn,
’3 iass; dearg air na h-easau.
Guinag, Guynack, Guinach,
or Gynach (pronounced in Gaelic Goi(bh)neag), falls into the Spey at
Kingussie. It is a short, stormy streamlet. All sorts of derivations
have been offered ; the favourite is guanag, pretty, but, unfortunately,
it does not suit the phonetics of Goi-neag. The name points to primitive
forms like gobni- or gomni-, where the o may have been a, and the latter
form, read as gamm-} would give us the root gam, which in old Gaelic
means “winter.” Hence the idea may be “wintry streamlet.” But the Irish
word gaoth, a shallow tidal stream, fordable at low water, should be
remembered; this gives name to several places in Ireland, such as the
famous Gweedore, and there is a river Gaothach in Tipperary. Old Irish
has a word goithlach, signifying swamp, which seems allied, and we might
consider Guinag as an older Goith-neoc, referring to the latter part of
its course in entering the Spey, which is “tidal” and “swampy.”
The Calder : in Gaelic
Calfljadar. This river and lake name recurs about a dozen times in
Pictland and the old Valentia province between the Walls, and there is a
Calder river in Lancashire. Cawdor and its Thanes probably give us the
earliest form of the word, applied to the Nairnshire district. This is
in 1295 Kaledor; in 1310, Caldor; and in 1468, Caudor. But the Gaelic
forms persist in other places, as in Aber-Callador (1456) in Strathnaim.
These forms point to an older Calent-or, for ent and ant become in
Gaelic ed or ad, earlier et or at. In the Irish Annals mention is made
of a battle, fought, it is supposed, in the Carse of Falkirk, called the
battle of Calitros, and certain lands near Falkirk were called in the
13th century Kalentyr, now Callendar. Not far away are several Calder
waters. The root is evidently cal (sound, call), as in Latin Calendae,
and English Calendar, borrowed, like the Gaelic equivalent word Caladair,
from the Latin Calendarium.
The Truim. See under the
heading of Tromie.
The Mashie; Masie (1603),
in Gaelic Mathaisidh, pronounced Mathisidh. Strathmashie is famous as
the residence of Lachlan Macpherson, the bard, the contemporary and
coadjutor of James Macpherson of Ossianic renown. The bard’s opinions of
the river
Mashie are still handed
down; these differed accorded to circumstances. Thus he praised the
river:—
Mathaisidh gheal,
bhoidheach gheal,
Mathaisidh gheal, bhoidheach gheal,
Bu chaomh leam bhi laimh nut.
But after it carried away
his com he said :—
Mathaisidh dhubh, fhrbgach
dhubh,
Mathaisidh dhubh, fhr5gach dhubh,
Is mor rinn thu chall orm.
The derivation of the
name is obscure. Mathaisidh could come from mathas, goodness, but the
meaning is not satisfactory. We might think of maise, beauty, but it has
the vowel short in modem Gaelic, though Welsh maws, pleasant, points to
a long vowel or a possible contraction in the original.
The Markie; Gaelic
Marcaidh. Streams and glens bearing the name Mark and Markie occur in
Perthshire, Forfarshire, and Banffshire. The first tributary of the
Feshie is Allt Mharkie, at the mouth of which was of old Invermarkie, an
estate held by the Campbells of Cawdor in the 15th and 16th centuries.
The root is doubtless marc, a horse.
The Pattack; in Gaelic
Patag. This river, unlike those which we have hitherto dealt with, does
not flow into the Spey, but into Loch Laggan, after making an
extraordinary volte face about two miles from its mouth. First it flows
directly northwards, and then suddenly south-westwards for the last two
miles of its course. Hence the local saying—
Patag dhubh, bhulgach Dol
an aghaidh uisge Alba (Dark, bubbly Pattack, that goes against the
streams of Alba).
We find Pattack first
mentioned in an agreement between the Bishop of Moray and Walter Comyn
about the year 1230, where the streams “Kyllene et Petenachy” are
mentioned as bounding the church lands of Logykenny. The Kyllene is
still remembered in Camus-Killean, the bay of Killean, where the inn is.
The Kyllene must have been the present Allt Lairig, or as the map has
it, Allt Buidhe; while Petenachy represents Pattack, which in Blaeu’s
map appears as Potaig. The initial p proves the name to be of non-Gaelic
origin ultimately, but whether it is Pictish, pre-Celtic, or a
Gaelicised foreign word we cannot say.
Alt Lowrag lies between
Lochan na h-Earba and Loch Laggan. It means the “ loud-sounding (labhar)
one.”
The Spean; in Gaelic
Spitkean. See under Spey.
We have now exhausted the
leading rivers, but before going further we may consider the names of
one or two tributaries of these. Feshie, for instance, has three
important tributaries, one of which, Allt Mharkie, we have already
discussed. Passing over Allt Ruaidh as being an oblique form of Allt
Ruadh, “red burn,” we come to the curious river name Femadale; in Gaelic
FeamasdaiL The farms of Coramstil-more and Corarnstil-beg, that is, the
Corrie of Femsdale, are mentioned in 1603, as Corearaistaill Moir and
Corearinstail Beige, and in 1691 the name is Corriamisdaill. Blaeu’s map
gives the river as Faimstil. The first portion of the name is easy; it
is Feama, alder. But what of sdail or asdail? The word astail means a
dwelling, but “ Fern-dwelling” is satisfactory as a name neither for
river or glen. The tributary of the Femsdale is called Cdmhraig; in
Blaeu Conrik. Comhrag signifies a conflict; but in Irish and early
Gaelic it signified simply a meeting whether of road and rivers, or of
men for conflict. There are several Irish place names Corick, situated
near confluences. Doubtless this stream took its name from its
confluence with Femsdale.
On Feshie we meet further
up with Allt Fheamagan, the stream of the alder trees; then Allt Gh&bhlach,
which the Ordnance map etymologises into Allt Garbhlach, the stream of
the rugged place. This may be the true deviation ; it is a big rough
gully or corrie with a mountain torrent tumbling through it.
Allt Lorgaidh is named
after the mountain pass or tract which it drains (lorg, lorgadh, track,
tracing), and which also gives name to the prominent peak of Cam an
Fhidhleir Lorgaidh, the Fiddler’s Caim of Lorgie, to differentiate it
from the Fiddler’s Cairn which is just beyond the Inverness-shire
border, and not far from the other one.
The Eidart, Blaeu’s
Eitart, with the neighbouring streamlet of Eindart, is a puzzling name.
The Gaelic is Eidird and Inndird according to pronounciation.
We now come to the lochs
of Badenoch. Loch Alvie is bound up with the name of Alvie Parish,
discussed already. Loch Insh is the Lake of the Island, just as Loch-an-eilein,
in Rothiemurchus, takes its name from the castle-island which it
contains ; but eilean is the Norse word eyland, Eng. island, borrowed,
whereas innis of Loch Insh is pure Gaelic. In Gaick, along the course of
the Tromie, there are three lakes, about which the following rhyme is
repeated :—
Tha gaoth mhfrr air
Loch-an-trSeflich,
Tha gaoth eiT air Loch-an-Diiin;
Ruigidh mise Loch-a’ Biunodainn,
Mu’n teid cadal air mo shiiil.
The rhyme is supposed to
have been the song of a hunter who escaped from demons by stratagem and
the help of a good stallion on whose back he leapt. The first loch is
called Loch-an-t-Seilich, the lake of the willow, and the third of the
series is Loch-an-Dmn, the loch of the Down or hill, the name of the
steep crag on its west side. The intermediate lake is called Loch
Vrodain, Gaelic Bhrodainn, which Sir R. Gordon in Blaeu’s map spells as
Yrodin. The Ordnance map etymologises the word as usual, and the result
is Loch Bhradainn, Salmon Loch; but unfortunately the a of bradan was
never o, so that phonetically we must discard this derivation. There is
a story told about this weird loch which fully explains the name
mythically. A hunter had got into possession of a semi-supernatural
litter of dogs. When they reached a certain age, all of them were taken
away by one who claimed to be the true owner, who left with the hunter
only a single pup, jet black in colour, and named Brodainn. Before
leaving it with the hunter, the demon broke its leg. Brodainn was
therefore lame. There was a wonderful white fairy deer on Ben Alder, and
the hunter decided he should make himself famous by the chase of it. So
he and Brodainn went to Ben Alder, on Loch Ericht Hide; the deer was
roused, Brodainn pursued it, and was gaining ground on it when they were
passing this loch in Gaick. In plunged the deer, and after it Brodainn
dashed ; he caught it in rnid-lake, and they both disappeared never more
to be seen t Hence the name of the lake is Looh Vrodin; the lake is
there, the name is there, therefore the story is true! The word brodan
means a small goad or prod, but how it can have given its name, if at
all, to the lake is a mystery : “ lake of the prod ” suits the phonetics
admirably. Loch-Laggan takes its name from the lagan or hollow which
gave the parish its name, that is, from Laggan-Chainnioh or Lagan-Kenny,
at the northern end of the loch. There are two isles in the lake
connected with the old kingly race of Scotland. King Fergus, whoever he
was, had his hunting lodge on one, called Eilean an Righ, and the other
was the dog-kennel of these Fenian hunters, and is called Eilean nan
Con. The considerable lake or lakes running parallel to, and a mile to
the southeast of Loch Laggan are called Lochan na h-Earba—the lakes of
the roe. Looh Crunachan, at the mouth of Glen-Shirra, has an artificial
island or crannog therein; the word is rather Crunnachan than Crunachan
by pronounciation. A Gordon estate map of 1773 calls it the “ Loch of
Sheiromore,” and distinctly marks the •craonog. Taylor and Skinner’s
Roads maps, published in 1776 by order of Parliament, give the name as
L. Crenackan. The derivation, unless referable to crannog, is doubtful.
Loch Ericht, the largest lake in Badenoch, is known in Gaelic as Loch
Eireachd. Blaeu calls it Eyrachle (read Eyrachte). The lake is doubtless
named from the river Ericht, runing from it into Loch Rannoch. Another
river Ericht flows past Blairgowrie into the Isla, nor must we omit the
Erichdie Water and Glen Erichdie in Blair Athole. The word eireachd
signifies an assembly or meeting, but there is an abstract noun,
eireachdas, signifying “ handsomeness,” and it is to this last form that
we should be inclined to refer the word.
Let us now turn to the
hills ahd hollows, and dales of Badenoch. Many of these place names are
called after animals frequenting them. The name of the eagle for
instance is exceedingly common in the form of iolair, as Sr6n an Iolair,
eagle’s ness, (fee. We shall begin at the north-east end of the
district, and take the Monadh-lia or Grey Mountain range first.
“Standing fast” as guard between Strathspey and Badenoch is the huge
mass of Craigellachie, which gives its motto to the Clan of Grant— u
Stand fast: Craigellachie!” The name reads in Gaelic as Eileachaidh,
which appears to be an adjective formed from the stem eilec.h, or older
ailech, a rock, nominative ail. The idea is the stony or craggy hill—a
thoroughly descriptive adjective.
The Moireach; Gaelic, A’
Mhorfhoick} is an upland moor of undulating ground above Ballinluig. On
the West Coast, this term signifies flat land liable to sea flooding. It
is also the real Gaelic name of Lovat.
Cam Dubh ’Ic-an-Dedir is
on the Strathdeam border, and is wrongly named on the map as “ Cam Dubh
aig an Doire.” It means—The Black Cairn of the Dewar’s (Pilgrim) Son.
An Sguabach.—There is
another Sguabach south of Loch Cuaich, a few miles from Dalwhinnie, and
a Meall an Sguabaich west of Loch Ericht. It means the “sweeping” one,
from sguab, a besom. The people of Insh—the village and its
vicinity—used to speak of the north wind as Gaoth na Sguabaich, for it
blew over that hill.
Cnoc Fraing, not Cnoc an
Fhrangaich as on the Ordnance map —a conspicuous dome-shaped hill above
Dulnan river. There is a Cnoc Frangach a few miles south of Inverness,
near Scaniport.
Fraoch frangach means the
cross-leaved heather, of which people made their scouring brushes. The
brush was called in some parts fraings' in Gaelic
Easga ’n Lochain, with
its caochan or streamlet, contains the interesting old word for “ swamp”
known as easg, easga, or easgaidhy with which we may compare the river
name Esk.
A’ Bhuidheanaich, in the
Ordnance maps etymologised into Am Buidh ’aonach, “ the yellow hill or
steep,” occurs three times in Badenoch—here behind Kincraig and
Dunachton, on the north side of Loch Laggan, and on the confines of
Badenoch a few miles south of Dalwhinnie. The idea of “ yellowness ”
underlies the word as it is characteristic of the places meant. The root
is buidhe (yellow); the rest is mere termination and has nothing to do
with aonachy which, in Macpherson’s “ Ossian,” is applied to a hill or
slope.
Coire Bog, &c.—Here we
may introduce a mnemonic rhyme detailing some features of the ground
behind and beside Buidh-eanaich.
Allt Duinne ’Choire Bhuig,
Tuilnean agus Feithlinn,
Coire Bog is Ruigh na h-Eag,
Steallag is Bad-Earbag.
“The Burn of Dun-ness in
Soft Corry, Dulnan and Broad Bog-stream, the Reach of the Notch, the
Spoutie and Hinds’ Clump ” —that is the translation of the names.
An Suidhe means the
Seatit designates the solid, massive hill behind Kincraig.
Craig High HaraiU means
King Harold’s Hill, on the side of which his grave is still pointed out.
As already said, it is udknown who he was or when he lived.
Coire Neachdradh: Glac an
t-Sneachdaidh, <fcc. This corrie at the end of Dunachton burn after its
final bend among the hills. Sneachdradh means snows, or much snow—being
an abstract noun formed from sneachd.
Ruigh an Roig: the Reach
of the Roig (?) is eastwTard of Craig Mhor by the side of the peat road.
The map places it further along as Ruigh na Ruaige—the Stretch of the
Retreat.
Bad Each is above Glen
Guinack: it is mis-read on the Ordnance map into Pait-an-Eich—a
meaningless expression. It means Horses’ Clump, and a famous local song
begins—
Mollachd gn brath aig
braigh Bad Each; curses ever more on upper Bad-each, where the horses
stuck and they could not extricate them.
Rhymes about the various
place names are common, and here is an enumeration of the heights in the
Monadh Liath between Kingussie and Craig Dhubh :—
Creag-bheag Chinn-a’-ghinbhsaich,
Creag-mh6ir Bhail’-a’-chrothain,
Beinne-Bhuidhe na Sr6ine,
Creag-an-16in aig na croitean,
Sithean-m6r Dhail-a’-Chaoruinn,
Creag-an-abhaig a’ BhaiT-shios,
Creag-liath a’ Bhail’-shuas,
’S Creag-Dhubh Bhiallaid,
Cadha-’n-fheidh Lochain-ubhaidh,
Cadh’ is mollaicht’ tha ann,
Cha’n fh&s fiar no fodar ann,
Ach sochagan is dearcagan-allt,
Gabhar air aodainn,
Is laosboc air a cheann.
Glen Balloch; in Gaelic
Gleann Baloch. This name is stymologised on the Ordnance map into Gleann
a Bhealaich—the Glen of the Pass ; but the word is baloch or balloch,
which means either speckled or high-walled. To the left the Allt
Mhadagain discharges into the Calder ; this name is explained on the map
as Mada coin, which may be right, but it certainly is not the pro-nounciation,
which our Madagain reproduces. There are two corries in Gaick similarly
named (Coiy Mattakan, 1773).
Sneachdach Slinnean, or
Snow Shoulder, is away on the Moy border.
Meall na h-Uinneig,
behind Gask-beg considerably, means the Mass or Hill of the Window.
There are other places so named— UinneagCoire-an-Eich (Glen-balloch),
Uinneag Coir Ardar, Uinneag Coir an Lochain, Uinneag na Creig Moire,
Uinneag Coire Chaoruinn and Uinneag Mh\n Choire, the latter ones being
all near one another on the north side of Loch Laggan. The meaning of
the name is an opening or pass, or a notch in the sky-line.
Iarlraig is the rising
ground above Garva Bridge, and is mis-written for Iolairig, place of the
eagles. There is here a rock where the eagle nests or nested. Compare
Auld Cory na Helrick of 1773 with the Allt Coire nah-Iolair of the
Ordnance map, both referring to a stream on Loch Ericht side. There is
an Elrick opposite Killyhuntly. The name is common in North Scotland.
Coire Yairack ; Allt
Yairack ; in Gaelic Earrag, as if a feminine of Errach (spring). It is
spelt Yarig on the 1773 estate map. Perhaps it is a corruption of
Gearrag, the short one, applied to a stream.
Shesgnan is the name of a
considerable extent of ground near the source of the Spey, and it means
morals land, being from seasgann, fenny country, a word which gives
several place names both in Scotland and Ireland. The most notable in
Scotland is Shisken in Arran, a large, low-lying district, flat and now
fertile.
We now cross Spey, and
work our way down the south side.
Dearc Beinne Bige, the
Dearc of the Little Hill. The pro-nounciation is dire; in the 1773 map
it is spelt Dirichk. It is an oblique case of dearc, a hole, cave,
cleft; it is found in parly Irish as derc (a cave), and several places
in Ireland are called Derk and Dirk therefrom. It occurs at least three
times in Laggan— as above ; and in Dire Craig ChcUhalain, the 1773
Dirichk Craig Caulan, or cleft of the Noisy Rock, from Callan, noise ;
and in Dearcan-Fheama.
Coire ’Bhein, the 1773
Cory Vein, is a puzzling name. It looks like the genitive case of bian,
skin.
Coire Phitridh, at the
south comer of Lochan na h-Earba, is given in the map as Corie na
Peathraich. The word is probably an abstract noun from pit, hollow.
Beinn Eibhinn, the 1773
Bineven, the “pleasant hill,” is a prominent peak of 3611 feet high, on
the borders of Badenoch and Lochaber, from which a good view of Skye can
be got.
Ben Alder, Blaeu’s Bin
Aildir, in modem Gaelic Beinn Eallar (Yallar). The word is obscure.
Beinn Udlaman, the Uduman
of the 1773 map, on the confines of Badenoch and Perthshire, east of
Loch Ericht, seems to take its name from the ball and socket action, for
udalan signifies a swivel or joint. Some suggest udlaidk, gloomy,
retired.
The Boar, An Tore, of
Badenoch is to the left of the railway as one enters the district from
the south. The “Sow of A thole” is quite close to the “Boar of Badenoch.”
We are now at the ridge of Drumochter, in Gaelic, Drumruachdar, or ridge
of the upper ground.
Coire Bhoite, or rather
Bkoitidk, the Vottie of 1773, is two or three miles away, and finds a
parallel in the name Sron Bhoitidh at the top of Glenfishie, where the
river bends on itself. The word boitvdh means “pig,” or rather the call
made to a pig when its attention is desired.
Coire Suileagach, behind
Craig Ruadh and Drumgask, means the Corrie full of Eyes, so named from
its springs doubtless. The term suileach (full of eyes) is usually
applied to streams and corries with whirlpools therein.
Creag Chr dean, not nan
Crdcean as on the map, is near the above corrie, and is named from the
deer’s antlers which crdc meana. Similary we often meet with cabar (an
antler or caber) in place names.
The hill of Bad na
Deimheis, the Bad na Feish of 1773, overlooks Dalwhinnie to the east.
The name means the “Clump of the Shears,” a curious designation. We now
pass over into the forest and district of Gaick, in Gaelic Gdig, which
is the dative or locative of ghg, a cleft or pass. It is considered the
wildest portion of Badenoch, and the repute of the district is far from
good. Supernaturally, it has an uncanny reputation. From the days of the
ill-starred and ill-disposed Lord Walter Cornyn, who, in crossing at
Leum na Feinne—the Fenian Men’s Leap—to carry out his dread project of
making the Ruthven women go to the harvest fields to work unclothed and
naked, was torn to pieces by eagles,4 to that
last Christmas of last century, when Captain John Macpherson of
Ballachroan and four others were choked to death by an avalanche of snow
as they slept in that far-away bothie, Gaick has an unbroken record of
dread supernatural doings. Duncan Gow, in his poem on the Loss of Gaick
in 1799, says :—
G&ig dhubh nam feadan fiar,
Nach robh ach na striopaich riamh,
Na bana-bhuidsich ’gan toirt ’san lion,
Gach fear leis’m bu mhiannach laighe leath’.
Which means that Gaick,
the dark, of wind-whistling crooked glens, has ever been a strumpet and
a witch, enticing to their ‘destruction those that loved her charms. How
near this conception is to that mythological one of the beauteous maiden
that ^entices the wayfarer into her castle, and turns into a savage
dragon that devours him! The following verses showing the respective
merits of various places have no love for Gaick :—
Bha mi’m Bran, an Cuilc’s
an G&ig,
’N Eidird agus Leum-na-L&rach,
Am Feisidh mh6ir bho ’bun gu ’br&ighe
’S b’annsa leam ’bhi ’n Allt-a’-Bh&thaich.
*S m6r a b’fhearr leam ’bhi *n Drum-Uachdar
Na ’bhi ’n Gkig nan creagan gruamach,
Far am faicinn ann na h-uailsean
’S iubhaidh dhearg air bharr an gualain.
The poet prefers
Drumochter to Glen-Feshie and Gaick of the grim crags. The Loss of Gaick
is a local epoch from which to date : an old person always said that he
or she was so many years old at Call Ghaig. So in other parts, the
Olympiads or Archons-or Temple-bumings which made the landmarks of
chronology were such as the “Year of the White Peas,” “the Hot Summer”
(1826?), the year of the “ Great Snow,” and so forth.
A’ Chaoimich, the
Caorunnach of the Ordnance map, but the Ckoumich of 1773, stands beside
Loch-an-Diiin to the left. The-latter form means the “caimy ” or “ rocky
” hill; the other, the “rowan-ny” hill, which is the meaning doubtless.
The steep ascent of it from the hither end of the lake is called on the
map Bruthack nan Sp&idan, a meaningless expression for Bruthach nan
Spardan, the Hen-roost Brae.
Meall Aillig, in the
Gargaig Cory (1773), or Garbh-Ghaig (Rough Gaick as opposed to “Smooth ”
Gaick or Minigaig as in Blaeu’s map), appears to contain aill (a cliff)
as its root form. Some refer it to aileag, the hiccup, which the
stiffness of the climb might cause.
Coire Bhran, the Coryvren
of Bleau, takes its name from the river Bran, a tributary of the Tromie,
and this last word is a well-known river name, applied to turbulent
streams, and signifies “raven.”
Caochan a Chaplich, a
streamlet which falls into Tromie a little below the confluence of the
Bran, contains the word caplach, which seems to be a derivative of
capiill (a horse). There is a Caiplich in the Aird—a large plateau, the
Monadh Caiplich in Loch Alsh, and a stream of the name in Abernethy.
Croyla is the proment
mountain on the left as one enters Glentromie—a massive, striking hill.
It is sung of in the Ossianic poetry of John Clark, James Macpherson’s
fellow Badenoch man, contemporary, friend, and sincere imitator in
poetry and literary honesty. Clark’s (prose) poem is entitled the “ Cave
of Creyla,’ and in his notes he gives some topographical derivations.
Tromie appears poetically as Trombia, and is explained as Trom-bidh,
heavy water, while Badenoch itself is etymologised as Bha-dianachy
secure valley. The Ordnance map renders Croyla as Cruaidhleac, a form
which etymologises the word out of all ken of the local: pronounciation.
Blaeu’s map has Cromlaid, which is evidently meant for Croyla. The
Gaelic pronounciation is Croidh-la, the la being pronounced as in
English. It is possibly a form of cruadhlach or crvmdhlach (rocky
declivity), a locative from which might have been cruaidhlaigk.
Meall-an-Dubh-catha is at
the sources of the Comhraig river* It should be spelt Dubh-chadha, the
black pass, the word cadha being common for pass.
Cute Mhairearaid or
rather Ciste Mhearad, Margaret’s kist or chest or coffin, is part of
Coire Fheamagan, above the farm of Achlean. Here snow may remain all the
year round. It is said that Margaret, who was jilted by Mackintosh of
Moy Hall, and who cursed his family to sterility, died here in her mad
wanderings.
Meall Dubhag and not
Meall Dubh-ackaidk (Ordnance map) is the name of the hill to the south
of Ciste Mairead, while equally Creag Leathain(n), broad craig, is the
name of the hill in front of Ciste Mairead, not Creag na Leacainn.
Further north is Creaq Ghinbhsachan, the craig of the fir forest.
Creag Mhigeackaidh stands
prominently behind Feshie Bridge and Laggan-lia. There is a
Dal-mhigeachaidh or Dalmigavie in Strathdeam, a Migvie (Gaelic,
Migibhidh) in Stratherrick, and the parish of Migvie and Tarland in"
Aberdeenshire. The root part is mig or meig, which means in modem Gaelic
the bleating of a goat.
Creag Follais, not Creag
Phulach (sic) as on the maps, means the conspicuous crag. Similarly
wrong is
Creag Fkiaclack, not
Creag Pheacach(l), on the borders of Rothiemurchus, which means the
serrated or toothed crag, a most accurately descriptive epithet.
Clack Mhic Cailein, on
the top of Creag Follais. The Mac-Cailein meant is Argyle, supposed to
be Montrose’s opponent, though it must be remembered that Argyle had
also much to do with Huntly at Glenlivet and otherwise.
Sgdr Gaoithe (wind
skerry) is behind Creag Mhigeachaidh.
We have now exhausted the
natural features of the country so far as the explanation of their names
is necessary, and we now turn to the farm and field names—the bailes and
townships and other concomitants of civilisation. Commencing again at
Craig Ellachie, we meet first after crossing the crioch or boundary the
farm of Kinchyle, Cinn-Choille, wood’s-end. Then
Lynwilg, the Lambulge of
1603, Lynbailg (Blaeu), signifies the lane or land of the bag or bulge.
Ballinluigy the town (we
use this term for baile, which means “ farm” or “ township”) of the
hollow.
Kinrara, north and south,
on each side of the Spey. This name appears about 1338 as Kynroreach ;
1440, as Kynroraytk ; and Kynrara (1603). The kin is easy ; it is head”
or “end” as usual. The rara or roraJth is difficult. Morath, like
ro-dhuine, (great man), might mean the great or noble (ro) rath or
dwelling-place (the Latin villa).
Dalraddy, Dalreadye
(1603), and Dalrodie (Blaeu). The Gaelic is Dail-radaidh, the radaidh
dale. The adjective radaidh is in the older form rodaidh, which is still
known in Gaelic in the force of “ dark, sallow.” A sallow-complexioned
man might be described as “ Duine rodaidh dorcha.” The root* word is
rod, iron scum or rusty-looking mud; it is a shorter form of ruadh
(red). In Ireland, it is pretty common, and is applied to ferruginous
land. The adjective rodaidh (dark or ruddy) might describe the Dalraddy
land. It is in connection with Dalraddy that the great Badenoch
conundrum is given :—
Bha cailleach ann
Dailradaidh
’S dh’ ith i adag’s i marbh.
(There was a wife in
Dalraddy who ate a haddock, being dead). With Dalraddy estate are
mentioned in 1691 the lands of Keanintachair (now or lately KingtkchsXr,
causeway-end), Knock-ningalliach (the knowe of the carlins), Loyninriach,
Balivuilin (mill-town), and the pasturages Feavorar (the lord’s
moss-stream), Riocbnabegg or Biachnabegg, and Batabog (now Bata-bog,
above Ballinluig, the soft swampy place.) Another old name is
Gortincreif (1603), the gort or field (farm) of trees. Croftgowan means
the Smith’s Croft.
Delfour, Dalpkour in
1603, and older forms are Dallefowr (1569). The del or dal is for dale,
but what is four t The Gaelic sound is fur. The word is very common in
names in Pictland, such as Dochfour, Pitfour, Balfour, Letterfour,
Tillyfour, Tillipourie and Trinafour. These forms point to a nominative
pur, the p of which declares it of non-Gaelic origin. The term is
clearly Pictish. The only Welsh word that can be compared is pawr
(pasture), pori (to graze), the Breton peur. F&r has nothing to do with
Gaelic fuar, for then Dalfour would in Gaelic be Dail-fhuar, that is
Dal-uar.
Pitchum, in 1603
Pettechaeme, in Gaelic Bal-chaorruinn, the town of the rowan. The
Pictish pet or pit (town, farm), which is etymologically represented by
the Gaelic cuid, has been changed in modern Gaelic to baile, the true
native word.
Pitourie, in 1495
Pitwery, in 1603 Pettourye, in 1620 Pettevre, <fec.; now BaiVodharaidh.
The adjective odhar means “ dun,” and odharack, with an old genitive
odharaigh, or rather odharach-mkullach, is the plant devil’s bit. The
plant may have given the name to the farm.
Baldow means the black
town.
Kincraig, Kyncragye
(1603), means the end of the crag or hill, which exactly describes it.
Leaulty Gaelic Leth-allt
or half-burn, a name which also appears in Skye as Lealt, may have
reference rather to the old force of allt, which was a glen or shore.
The stream and partly onesided glen are characteristic of the present
Leault.
Dunachton ; Gaelic
DiXn-Neackdain^ n J, the hill-fort of Nechtan. Who he was, we do not
know. The name appears first in history in connection with the Wolf of
Badenoch. St Drostan’s chapel, below Dunachton House, is the cepella de
Nachtan of 1380. We have Dwnachtan in 1381, and Dunachtane in 1603. The
barony of Dunachton of old belonged to a family called MacNiven, which
ended in the 15th century in two heiresses, one of whom, Isobel, married
William Mackintosh, cousin of the chief, and afterwards himself chief of
the Clan Mackintosh. Isobel died shortly after marriage childless.
Tradition says she was drowned in Loch Insh three weeks after her
marriage by wicked kinsfolk. Mr Fraser-Mackintosh has written a most
interesting monograph on Dunachton, entitled “ Dunachton, Past and
Present.”
Achnabeachin ; Gaelic
Ach1 nam Beathaichean, the field of the beasts. Last century this land
held eight tenants.
Keppochmuir ; Gaelic An
Sliabk Ceapanach ; Ceapach means a tillage plot.
Coilintuie or Meadowdde.
The Gaelic is Coill-an-t-Suidhe, the Wood of the Suidh, or sitting or
resting. Some hold the name is really Ciiil-an-t-Shuidh, the Recess of
the Suidh.
Croftcamoch ; Gaelic
Croit-ckamach, the Caimy Croft.
Belleville is, in its
English form, of French origin, and means, “beautiful town.” The old
name in documents and in maps was Raitts, and in the 1776 Roads’ Map
this name is placed exactly where Belleville Would now be written.
Gaelic people call it Bail’-a’-Bhile, “ the town of the brae-top,” an
exact description of the situation. Mrs Grant of Laggan (in 1796) says
that Bellavill “ is the true Highland name of the place,” not
Belleville; and it has been maintained by old people that the place was
called Bail’-a’-Bhile before “ Ossian ” Macpherson ever bought it or
lived there. Whether the name is adopted from Gaelic to suit a French
idea, or vice versa, is a matter of some doubt, though we are inclined
to believe that James Macpherson was the first to call old Raitts by
such a name. James Macpherson is the most famous— or rather the most
notorious—of Badenoch’s sons ; but though his “ Ossian ” is a forgery
from a historical standpoint, and a purely original work from a literary
point of view, yet it is to him that Celtic literature owes its two
greatest benefits—its being brought prominently before the European
world, and, especially, the preservation of the old literature of the
Gael as presented in traditional ballads and poems, and in the obscure
Gaelic manuscripts which were fast disappearing through ignorance and
carelessness.
Lackandhu, the little
loch below Belleville, gives the name to Sir Thomas Dick Lauder’s novel.
Raitts—the English plural
being used to denote that there were three Raitts—Easter, Middle, and
Wester. In 1603 the place is called Reatt, and Blaeu has Rait. The
Gaelic is Rett, and this, which is the usual form in Highland place
names, is a strengthened form of the older rath or rdith of Old Irish,
which meant a residence surrounded by an earthem rampart. It, in fact,
meant the old farm house as it had to be built for protective purposes.
For the form rht (from rhth-d), compare Bialaid, further on, and the
Irish names Kealid from cool and Croaghat from cruach, which Dr Joyce
gives in his second volume of Irish Place Names to exemplify this
termination in d.
Chapel-parh ; Gaelic
Pairc-an-t-Seipeil. This is a modem name, derived from the chapel and
kirk-yard that once were there, which was known as the chapel of Ma Luac,
the Irish Saint. The older name was the Tillie or Tillie-sow, where an
inn existed, whose “ Guidwife” was called Bean-an-Tillie. Some explain
Tillie-sow as the Gaelic motto that used, it is said, to be over the
olden inn doors, viz., “ Tadhailibh so ”—“ Visit here.”
Lynchat is now
BaiP-a’-Chait, Cat-town, instead of Cat’s field (loinn).
An TJaimh MhMr, the Great
Cave, is a quarter of a mile away from the highway as we pass Lynchat.
It is an “ Erd-house,” the only one of this class of antiquarian remains
that exists in Badenoch. It is in the form of a horse-shoe, which has
one limb truncated, about 70 feet long, 8 feet broad, and 7 high. The
walls gradually contract as they rise, and the roofing is formed by
large slabs thrown over the approaching walls. Tradition says it was
made in one night by a rather gigantic race : the women carried the
excavated stuff in their aprons and threw it in the Spey,
while the men brought the
stones, large and small, on their shoulders from the neighbouring hills.
All was finished by mom-t ing, and the inhabitants knew not what had
taken place. From this mythic ground we come down to the romantic
period, when, according to the legend, MacNiven or Mac Gille-naoimh and
his nine sons were compelled to take refuge here—some say they made the
cave, and long they eluded their Macpherson foes. There was a hut built
over the mouth of the cave, and at last it was suspected that something
was wrong with this hut. So one of the Macphersons donned beggar’s
raiment, called at the hut, pretended to be taken suddenly ill, and was,
with much demur, allowed to stay all night. There was only one woman in
the hut, and she was continually baking; and he could not understand how
the bread disappeared in the apparent press into which she put it and
which was really the entry into the cave. He at last suspected the
truth, returned with a company of men next night, and slew the MacNivens.
It is said that this man’s descendants suffered from the ailment which
he pretended to have on that fateful night.
Laggan, the hollow, now
in ruins. Here dwelt the famous Badenoch witch, Bean-an-Lagain.
Kerrow; in Gaelic, An
Ceathramh, the fourth part—of the davoch doubtless—the davoch of
“Kingussie Beige” (1603), with its “ four pleuches.”
Kingussie. Already
discussed under the heading of Kingussie parish.
Ardvroilach: Gaelic
Ard-bhroighleach; in 1603, Ardbrelache. The form broighleach seems a
genitive plural from the same root form as broighleag, the whortleberry.
The word broighlich (brawling) scarcely suits with ard, a height.
Pitmain. The Gaelic is
only a rendering of the English sounds: Piodme’an. In 1603 it is
Petmeane. The reason for their being no Gaelic form of this word is
simply this. The great inn and stables of the Inverness road were here,
and the name? Pit-meadhan, “middle town,” was adopted into the English
tongue. The Gaelic people, meantime, had been abolishing all the pet or
pit names, and changing them to Bals, but this one was stereotyped in
the other tongne, and the local Gael had to accept the English name or
perpetuate an offending form He chose to adopt the English
pronounciation.
Balachroan; Bellochroan
(1603); Gaelic Baile-Chrothain, the town of the sheepfiold. Above it was
Coulinlinn, the nook of the lint, where an old branch of MacpheraoDS
lived.
Aldlarie; Gaelic
Allt-Lhirigh, the stream of the Idrach or gorge.
Strone means “ nose.”
Newtonmore is the new
town of the Moor—An Sliabh.
Clune and Craggan of
Chine. The Gaelic cluain signifies meadow land, whether high or low, in
dale or on hill.
Benchar, Bannachar
(1603), Beandocher (1614), and now Beannachar, Irish beannchar (horns,
gables, peaks), Welsh Bangor. It is a very common place name. The root
is beann or beinn (a hi11).
Betillid, in 1603 Ballet,
in 1637 Ballid, now Bialaid, so named from being at the mouth of
Glen-banchor—bial (mouth), with a termination which is explained under
Raitts. A “ pendicle” of it, called Corranach, is often mentioned, which
probably means the “ knowey” place.
Cladk BhrjHd and Cladh
Eadail, Bridget’s and Peter’s (?) Kirk-yards, are the one at Benchar and
the other along from Beallid, the latter being generally called
Cladh-Bhiallaid. Chapels existed there also at one time.
Ovie, in 1603 Owey (and
Corealdye, now Coraldie, corrie of streams or cliffs), Blaeu’s Owie, now
Ubhaidh, appears to be a derivative of ubh, egg : it is a genitive or
locative of ubhach, spelt and pronounced of old as ubhaigh. Mrs Grant
describes Lochau Ovie as beauty in the lap of terror, thus suggesting
the derivation usually given of the name, viz., uavnhaidh, dreadful.
Some lonesome lakes of dread near Ballintian are called Na h-uath
Lochan> the dread lakes.
Cluny, Clovnye (1603),
now Cluainidh. The root is cluain (meadow), and the termination is
doubtless that in A’ Chluanachy a cultivated plateau behind Dunachton,
and the dative singular of this abstract form would give the modem Cluny
from the older cluanaigh.
Balgowan, Pettegovan
(1603), now Bair-a-Gkobhainn, the town of the smith.
Gask-beg, Gask-more,
Gargask, Drumgask—all with Gash, and all near one another about Laggan
Bridge. There is an older Gasklone, Mud-Gask, the Gascoloyne of 1603,
Gasklyne (1644), and Gaskloan (1691). The form Gash appears in the
Huntly rental of 1603. The name Gask is common; there is Gask parish in
Strathearn, Perthshire, and there is a Gask in Strathnaim, a Gask Hill
in Fife, and Gask House near Turriff. The name Gaskan appears more than
once, and in one instance applies to a rushy hollow (Gairloch). We have
Fingask in four counties —Aberdeen, Fife, Inverness (in the Aird, but
the Gaelic is now
Fionn-uisg1), and Perth.
Colonel Robertson, in his “Topography of Scotland,” refers Gask to
gasag, diminutive of gas, branch ; but this hardly suits either
phonetically or otherwise. The word gasg seems to have slipped out of
use : it belongs only to Scotch Gaelic, and may be a Pictish word. The
dictionaries render it by “ tail,” following Shaw, and mis-improving the
matter by the additional synonym “appendage,” which is not the meaning;
for the idea is rather the posterior of an animal, such as that of the
hind,which Duncan Ban refers to in this case as “white”—“gasganan
geala,” and which makes an excellent mark for the deer stalker. The
dictionaries give gasgan, a puppy ; gasganach, petulant; and gasgara
(gasgana?), posteriors ; all which Shaw first gives There is also the
living word gasgay, a stride, which no dictionary gives. These
derivations throw' very little light on the root word gasg, which seems
to signify a nook, gusset, or hollow. The Laggan gasgs are now “rich
meadows, bay shaped,” as a native well describes them. It was at Gaskbeg
that the gifted Mrs Grant of Laggan lived, and here she sang of the
beauties of the Bronnach stream—the Gaelic Bronach, the “ pebbly”
(?)—which flows through the farm.
Blargie, in 1603 Blair
ovey, in Bleau Blarihi, and in present Gaelic Blkragaidh. The
termination agaidh appears also in Gallovie, which, in 1497, is Galowye,
and now Geal-agaidh, the white agaidh. The word appears as a prefix in
Aviemore and Avielochan, both being agaxdh in Gaelic. The old spelling
of these words with a v, as against the present pronounciation with g,
is very extraordinary. The meaning and etymology of agaidh are doubtful.
Shaw gives aga as the “ bottom of any depth,” and there is a Welsh word
ag, a “ cleft or opening.” The word may be Pictish.
Coull, in Gaelic Ciiil,
means the “ nook, corner,” which the place is.
Ballmishag means the town
of the kid, mlseag or minnseag.
Crathie, in 1603 Crathe,
in Blaeu Crachy, now in Gaelip Craichidh. The name appears in the
Aberdeenshire parish of Crathie. The form Crathie possibly points to an
older Gaelic Crathigh.
Garvabeg and Garvamore,
the Garvey Beige and Garvey Moir of 1603. The word at present sounds as
Garbhath, which is usually explained as garbh-hth, rough ford, a very
suitable meaning and a possibly correct derivation.
Shirramore and Shirrabeg,
the Waster Schyroche and E*Ur Schiroche of 1603. Sheir o-m ore, in 1773,
is in Gaelic Siorrath Mor.
With these names we must
connect the adjoining glen name, Glenshirra, Gaelic Glenn Sloro, a name
which appears also in Argyleshire, near Inverary, as Glenshira,
Glenshyro (1572), traversed by the Shim stream. The root word appears to
be sir or sior, long. Some suggest siaradh, squinting, obliqueness.
Aberarder, Blaeu’s
Abirairdour, Gaelic Obair ardur. There is an Aberarder (Aberardor in
1456, and Abirardour in 1602) in Strathnaim, and another in Deeside, and
an Auchterarder in Stratheam. The Aber is the Pictish and Welsh prefix
for “confluence,” Gaelic inver. The ardour is etymologised in the
Ordnance map as Ard-dhoire, high grove. The word may be from ard dobhar,
high water, for the latter form generally appears in place names as
dour.
ArdveriJde has been
explained correctly in the “ Province of Moray,” published in 1798, as
“Ard Merigie, the height for rearing the standard.” The Gaelic is Ard
Mheirgidh, from rrveirge, a standard.
Gallovie.—See under
Blargie.
Muccoul is from Muc-cuil,
Pigs’ nook.
Achduchil means the field
of the black wood.
Dalchully, Gaelic
Dail-chuilidh. The word cuilidh signifies a press or hollow. It means
the “ dale of the hollow or recess.”
Tynrich is for
Tigh-an-Fhraoich, house of the heath.
Catlodge, in 1603
Cattelleitt, and in 1776 Catleak, is in present Gaelic Caitleag, the
Cat’s Hollow. The form cait is unusual; we should, by analogy with
Muc-ciiil and other names where an animal’s name comes first in a
possessive way, expect Catlaig rather than Caitleag.
Breakachy, Brackachye
(1603), is usually explained as Breac-achaidh, speckled field ; but the
latter part in achaidh is as likely to be a matter of affixes, viz.,
ach-aigh. We shall now cross the hills into Glentruim and up Loch Ericht
side. There at Loch Ericht Lodge we have
Dail-an-Longairt, in 1773
Rea Delenlongart, and on the other side of the ridge is
Coire-an-Longairt (Cory Longart 1773), while there is an Eilean Longart
above Garvamore bridge and “ Sheals of Badenlongart” in Gaick above the
confluence of Bran, according to the 1773 map. * Longart itself means a
shealing, the older form being longphort, a harbour or encampment.
Dalhwinnie, in Gaelic
Dail-chuinnidh, is usually explained as Dail-choinnimhy Meeting’s Dell;
but the phonetics forbid the derivation. Professor Mackinnon has
suggested the alternative of
the “narrow dail”
Dalwhinnie was a famous station in the old coaching days, and the
following verse shows how progress northwards might be made :—
Brakbhaist am
Baile-chloichridh Lunch an Dail-na-ceardaich Dinneir an Dail-chuinnidh
’S a’ bhanais ann an R&t.
Presmuckerack, not the
Ordnance Presmocachie, is in 1603 Presmukra, that is Preas-Mucraigh,
bush of piggery or pigs.
Dalannach, which the
Ordnance map etymologises into Dail-gleannach or Glen-dale, was in 1603
Dallandache, and is now Dail-annach. The old form points to the word
lann or land, an enclosure or glade. The Irish Annagh, for Eanack, a
marsh, will scarcely do, as the name appears in Loch Ennich in its
proper Gaelic phonetics.
Crubinmore, Crobine
(1603), now Crhbinn. The names Crubeen, Cruboge, Slievecroob, <fcc.,
appear in Ireland, and are referred by Dr Joyce to crab (a paw, hoof),
cruibin (a trotter, little hoof). The Gaelic crkbach (lame), and cruban
(a crouching), are further forms of the root word, a locative case from
the latter form being possibly our Crubin, referring to the two “much
back-bent hills there.”
Etteridge, Ettras (1603),
Etrish (1776), is in Gaelic Eatrais. The name of Phoineas canuot be
disconnected with Etteridge, for the former in Gaelic is Fothrais or
Fotharais, with the Pictish prefix fother, while Etteridge has the
proposition eadar (between) as its first part. The terminal part ais, is
common in place names, such as Dallas, Duffus, and Forres, the latter
being practically our Phoness; and this Lachlan Shaw explains as being
uis (water). It seems to be first for an older asti, this for osti, and
this again for Celtic vostis, a town or baile. The word fois (rest) is
from this root.
Nessintullich,
Nerintuliche (1603), now Niosantulaich, is probably for Neasan-tulaich,
the place beside the hillock, neasan, the next place, which is an Irish
word, from neasa (nearer).
Phoines, Foynes (1603),
has already been discussed. How the n comes to stand in the English for
Gaelic r is very puzzling.
Invemahavon, Invernavine
(1603), means the confluence of the river, that is, of the Truim with
Spey.
Balia, Gaelic Rath-liath,
means the grey rath or dwelling-place.
Ifuide, Nuid (1603), Noid
(1699), now Noid. The derivation suggested for the name is nuadh-id, a
topographic noun from the adjective nuadh or nodhct, new; of old, “ Noid
of Ralia.”
Knappach, in Gaelic A’
Cknapaich, the hilly or knobby land. It is a common place-name,
especially in Ireland, appearing there as Knappagh and Nappagh.
Ruthven, which is also
the first form the name appears in in 1370, when the “Wolf” took
possession of the lordship of Badenoch. It was here he had his castle.
In 1380 the name is Rothven and Ruthan. The name is common all over
Pictland, mostly in the form Ruthven, but also at various times and
places-spelt Ruthfen, Ruwen, Ruven, Riv(v)en, &c. The modern Gaelic is
Ruadhinn, which simply means the “ red place,” from ruadhany anything
red. The v of the English form lacks historic explanation. jBrae-ruthven
gives the phonetically interesting Gaelic Bre-ruadhnach.
Gordon Hall (so in 1773
also) is in Gaelic Lag-an-Ndtair, the Notary’s Hollow, for it is a
hollow. The name and its proximity to Ruthven Castle mutually explain
one another: Gordon Hall was doubtless the seat of the Gordon lords of
Badenoch, when the castle of Ruthven was changed to barrack purposes.
Here the rents used to be “ lifted” for the Gordon estates.
Killiehuntly,
Keillehuntlye (1603), Blaeu’s Kyllehunteme, in present Gaelic
Coille-Chuntainn, the wood of Contin. Huntly is. in Gaelic Hundaidh, and
M‘Firbis, in the 16th century, has Hundon; hence arises the English
form. The popular mind still connects it with the Huntlies. Contin is a
parish in Ross-shire, and there was a Contuinn in Ireland, on the
borders of Meath and Cavan, which is mentioned in connection with
Fionn’s youthful exploits. It has been explained as the meeting of the
waters, con-(with) and tuinn (waves), but the matter is doubtful.
Inveruglas, Inneruglas
(1603), in Gaelic Inbhir-illais, the inver of Ulas, although no such
stream exists now, receives its explanation from the old Retours, for in
1691 we have mention of Inveru-glash and its miH-town on the water of
Duglass, which means the stream passing the present Milton. Hence it
means the inver of the Duglass or dark stream, dubh (black), and glais
(stream).
Soillierie, in Gaelic
Soileiridh, means the “ bright conspicuous place,” on the rising beyond
the Insh village.
Lynchlaggan stands for
the Gaelic LoinnrChlaiginn, the Glade of the Skull, possibly referring
to the knoll above it rather than to an actual skull there found; the
name is applied in Ireland to such skull-like hills.
Am Beithe means the
Birch.
Farletter is the old name
for Balnacraig and Lynchlaggan, and it appears in 1603 as Ferlatt and
Falatne (1691). It took it& name from the hill above, now called Craig
Farleitir. The word Farleitir contains leitir, a slope or hillside, and
possibly the preposition for (over), though we must remember the
Fodderletter of Strathavon with its Pictish Fotter, or Fetter, or Fother
(?).
Forr is situated on a
knolly ridge overlooking Loch Insh, and evidently contains the
preposition for (over), as in orra for /orra, on them. The last r or ra
is more doubtful. Farr, in Strath-•deara, is to be compared with it.
Dalnaverty in 1338 and
1440 Dalnafert, in 1603 Dallavertt, now in Gaelic Dail-a’-bheirt, which
is for Dail-an-bheart, the dale of the grave or trench, from feart, a
grave, which gives many place names in Ireland, such as Clonfert,
Moyarty* &c.
Gromaran is possibly for
Crom-raon, the crooked field.
Balnain is for Beal an-hthain,
the ford mouth.
Ballintian, the town of
the fairy knoll, was called of old Countelawe (1603) and Cuntelait
(1691), remembered still vaguely as the name of the stretch up the river
from Ballintian, and caplained as Cunntadh-l&id, the counting (place) of
the loads ! Perhaps, like Con tin, it is for Con-tuil-aid, the meeting
of the waters, that is, of Feshie and Fernsdale, which takes place here.
Balanscritlan, the town
of the sgriodan or running gravel.
Bulroy, for
Bhuaill-ruaidh, the red fold.
Tolvah, the hole of
drowning.
Achlean, for
Ackadh-Uathainn, is broad field. Beside it is Achlum, for Achadh-lium,
the field of the leap.
Ruigh-aiteachain may
possibly be a corruption for Ruigh Aitneachain, the Stretch of the
Junipers.
Ruigh fionntaig, the
Reach of the Fair-stream.
In the Dulnan valley is
Caggan, the Gaelic of which is An Caiginn, and there is “a stony hill
face” in Glen-Feshie of like name.
The Spirit of Badenoch
Draft version by Judy McCutcheon (pdf) |