The Outbreak of the
War—Arming For the Struggle.
Following the Ordinance of
Secession was a period of the utmost excitement. Companies, regiments,
batteries, brigades, troops of every organization were formed with the
utmost rapidity, and arming themselves as best they could hurried to the
front to take part in military operations. Those regiments which were the
first to organize went to Virginia, and were there enlisted directly into
the Confederate service. The First Arkansas Infantry, James F. Fagan,
colonel, went to Lynchburg, and were shortly sent to Acquia Creek on the
Potomac River, establishing a blockade of Washington City against
approaches by way of the river. The Third Arkansas Infantry went to
Montgomery, Alabama, and thence to Virginia. As the regiments enlisted
there was much of an effort to get the earliest numbers, so there arose a
duplication of numbers as between First infantry and First cavalry, First
in state troops and First in Confederate service, that resulted in much
confusion afterwards, and necessitated renumbering some of the regiments.
The convention took
measures to call out troops in state service for her defense, and for that
purpose created a Military Board composed, at first, of the governor,
Henry M. Rector, Benjamin C. Totten and Christopher C. Danley, to arm and
equip troops. The Board issued a proclamation that sounded like a trumpet
call. It was headed: "To arms; to arms; the enemy is invading our northern
border," and called for 10,000 volunteers in addition to those that were
already in the field. These troops, with many others, were speedily raised
and took part in the struggle. In short, it may be said that out of a
voting population of 61,198 in the race between Rector and Johnson in
1860, fully five-sixths of the number, or 50,000 men, entered the
Confederate service during the progress of the conflict.
Other regiments, as they
formed, were sent into the northern part of Arkansas, and from there were
sent to Island No. 10 and Fort Donelson, where they took part in the
battles at that place; others were moved northward into Missouri under
Gen. Ben McCullough, where they took part in that first bloody battle of
the west, called by the Federals the Battle of Wilson's Creek, and by the
Confederates the Battle of Oak Hills.
To get arms, to get
ammunition, to get clothing, were subjects of prime difficulty with the
troops as they were organized. Companies and regiments were formed with
the men carrying shotguns and squirrel-rifles. Some companies went to the
front with no arms at all, and others armed only with knives. What
ammunition was to be had came from blockade runners, but as the war
progressed, ammunition of inferior quality was supplied through home
manufacture. Cannon for artillery use was scarcely to be had, until
foundries could be brought into operation to cast rude specimens. For
clothing the homes of the people were denuded of blankets, curtains, and
even carpets for bedding, and of every species of wearing material that
could be converted into clothing, or woven for it. And for hospital
supplies women met in groups, in halls and churches and private homes, to
scrape lint and make bandages, that were all too soon to be called into
use. It was thus unprepared, and meagerly and insufficiently furnished,
that the Confederate troops of that time entered into that momentous
struggle.
Progress of the War.
The first burst of
excitement that brought home to us a realization of the stupendous nature
of the war into which the nation had been plunged was the Battle of Oak
Hill, near Springfield, Missouri, which was fought largely by Arkansas
troops, State Commanding Gen. N. B. Pearce taking part under Confederate
Commander Gen. Ben McCullough; for out of the ten regiments engaged on the
Confederate side, five of them, together with Woodruff's Battery of
Artillery, were from Arkansas. This battle took place Aug. 10, 1861, when
the intense excitement of the news of the Battle of Manassas of July 21
had but just swept over the state, and brought with it the knowledge that
the awful conflict had begun. But this was nearer home to us, and our own
men were numerously engaged in it and many had been killed, so that the
import of it was more direct than the other. In this desperate engagement,
which resulted in the defeat of the Federal army under Gen. Nathaniel
Lyon, Churchill's regiment of cavalry, and Mcintosh's, DeRosey Carrol's
and Dockery's regiments of Arkansas troops sustained the brunt of the
engagement, while Woodruff's Battery, in a prolonged artillery duel with
Totten's Battery, was the centre of the fight, and contributed in no small
degree to the ensuing victory. All of these commands lost heavily in the
engagement, and we had now begun to realize the terrible nature of war.
Many of the Confederate
regiments on enlisting did so for one year, and now that the time of
enlistment began to expire, there was a general re-enlistment and
reassignment of commands, and this time it was "for three years, or during
the war," as the phrase usually went.
The early part of 1862
witnessed a severe battle at Pea Ridge, in the northern part of Arkansas,
fought March 7, between a force of about 15,000 Confederate troops under
Gen. Earl Van Dorn, and about 20,000 Federal troops under Gen. S. E.
Curtis. The result of the battle was indecisive. The Confederates held
their ground well and drove the Federal troops back at every point, but
their movements were disconcerted by the loss of two of their best
generals, James Mcintosh and Ben McCullough, both of whom were killed in
the action. The Confederates remained in possession of the field, but next
day retreated southward. Curtis moved southeastward to Helena, where he
took a position and fortified the place. Shortly after this the
Confederate troops under Van Dorn were moved east of the Mississippi River
to the Confederate service there, so that there were no Confederate troops
in Arkansas at all for a time.
The Trans-Mississippi
Department.
At this juncture the
Confederate governmental authorities at Richmond organized the three
states of Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas into a depart^ ment to itself,
called the Trans-Mississippi Department. Its General Commander was E.
Kirby Smith, with headquarters at Shreveport, the command of the state of
Arkansas being vested in Gen. Thomas C. Hindman, of Helena. Hindman took
command in the spring or early summer of 1862, and proceeded to organize
an army. This was done with effectiveness, so that he was enabled to hold
the Federal troops in check from any considerable operations in the state.
The northern portion of the state, however, was the scene of a number of
skirmishes, advances and reconnaissances, but without any considerable
engagement until December 7, when Hindman attacked Generals Herron and
Blount near Prairie Grove in Washington county, where a sanguinary battle
was fought, resulting in the complete repulse of the Federal forces.
Herron retreated northward, and after remaining on the ground for a time
following the engagement, Hindman also withdrew. Subsequent to this
engagement Hindman was transferred to service east of the Mississippi, and
the command of the army in Arkansas was devolved upon Gen. Theophilas H.
Holmes.
Along with matters of a
military nature, there is also to be mentioned one of a civil proceeding,
in a change in the governorship. It was discovered that by a complication
in the laws from the adoption of a new constitution, the term of Governor
Rector had come to an end. In a special election to fill the vacancy,
Harris Flanagin, of Arkadelphia, who was commanding a Confederate regiment
in the field, was elected and served to the end of the war.
Hardships in Domestic
Life.
By the end of the year 1862
the rigors of war had made themselves felt in domestic life with pitiless
severity. All such articles as tea, coffee, spices and the like had become
exhausted, and for their use inefficient substitutes were resorted to. For
coffee, the substitute was parched rye, parched sweet potatoes, or parched
peanuts. These made decoctions that could scarcely be called acceptable.
Black pepper was not to be had, and only the red peppers of the garden
were made use of where admissible. Sugar was scarce, owing to so many of
the sugar plantations of Louisiana being uncultivated, or being in
possession of Federals, but to supplement its absence, farmers resorted
largely to the growing of Chinese sugar cane, from which sorghum was made.
Salt was plentiful, as the Lake Bistineau region of Louisiana was close at
hand and wagon teams brought in all that was needed. All kinds of poultry
was scarce. If meal or flour could be had, with potatoes, it was as much
of a repast as usually could anywhere be found. All cattle, sheep and the
like were rarely to be found, and if anyone had a milch cow it was
regarded as a veritable fortune. Hats, shoes and clothing of all kinds
were extremely difficult to obtain. Cloth, of both cotton and woolen, was
supplied to a considerable extent by the women weaving with old-time
looms, and the knitting of socks and comforters went on at an extensive
rate. All medicines were by this time consumed, and as substitutes for the
usual remedies, roots and herbs were made use of. For quinine in malarial
disorders, the root of a wayside herb called Vervinex was used, or the
balls of the button-willow of the swamps. For oils for medical use, that
extracted from the Palma Christi beans, crushed out by rude presses like
cider-mills, was used. And there was no direction but felt the pinch of
want and the insufficiency of immediate appliances.
In addition to this the
money of the Confederacy had steadily declined in its purchasing power, so
that it took many dollars of it to equal a dollar of gold, or other value.
A pair of boots, of the poorest of home-made leather, sold for $80; a pair
of shoes, $35; a sheep, $50; a turkey, $20. If fish could be had from the
streams, or game from the woods, it seemed like a veritable feast.
And thus with the pinch of
misery at home, and the heartache at every fireside, and with armies
contending in the field, it was a time to make the stoutest heart heavy.
The Disasters of 1863.
The year 1863 culminated in
a series of disasters for the Confederate arms. It opened darkly in
Arkansas by the assault and capture of Arkansas Post, in January, in a
combined army and navy movement against it, by a large force under command
of General McClernand, supported by the navy under Admiral Porter. The
Post was defended by Gen. T. J. Churchill, with a force of about 3,000
Confederates. After a gallant defense of the place for three days, in
which a number of desperate assaults were successfully repulsed, the
garrison surrendered and were made prisoners January 11.
July 4 marked the period of
the greatest disasters of the year for the Confederate side, for at that
date occurred the Battle of Gettysburg, with the defeat of Lee, the fall
of Vicksburg to the victorious Grant, and lastly a crushing defeat
sustained by the Confederates under Holmes at Helena. The place was
strongly fortified. The Confederates made a gallant attack and captured
portions of the breastworks, but were subsequently driven out with great
loss and compelled to retreat across the country. Holmes was shortly
afterwards relieved of his command, and was succeeded by Gen. Sterling
Price, of Missouri.
Following this defeat
General Steele, who was now in command of the Federal troops, set out from
Helena with a force of some 20,000 men for the capture of Little Rock. He
pushed through the country to White River, meeting but little opposition,
until he reached Little Rock, only being engaged in skirmishes and minor
engagements. In this way he easily reached within striking distance of the
capital.
The Confederate camp had
been established mainly on the north bank of the Arkansas River at Little
Rock, where a strong line of breastworks had been erected to defend the
city from an approach from that direction, but no defenses had been
erected upon the south side of the river, on which the city lies. Steele,
by the simplest strategy, rendered the fortifications useless by crossing
a squadron of cavalry under General Davidson to the south bank to advance
upon the city by this direction, wholly undefended as it was. This
necessitated the hasty withdrawal of the Confederate troops to the south
bank of the river, to oppose the advancing columns in that direction,
leaving their formidable breastworks untenanted and undefended. Seeing
this, Steele advanced along the north bank, passed over the undefended
breastworks, and planting batteries opposite the town began a bombardment
of it, as it lay entirely at his mercy. In the meantime the Confederates,
hastily moved to the south side, had successfully checked the advance of
Davidson from that direction. But Price realized that the situation had
become one where it was necessary to fight with an enemy in both front and
rear, or else to retreat, so he chose the latter course and evacuated the
place, which thereafter remained in Federal control to the close of the
war. The date of these movements was Sept. 10, 1863. Price, retreating
southward, pitched his camp on the Ouachita River, where he remained the
winter, and there were but few other military operations in Arkansas for
the remainder of the year.
Campaigning in 1864.
General Steele remained at
Little Rock during the winter of 1863, strongly fortifying the place, as
there were rumors that attempts would be made by the Confederates to
repossess it. In the spring of 1864 he set out with his army to follow
Price, but he met with a considerable check at Mark's Mills and Poison
Spring, and at Jenkins' Ferry in the Saline River bottom his army was so
badly worsted that he made a hasty retreat back to Little Rock. It was for
a time a question whether he would ever be able to extricate his force
from their perilous position, as the Confederate forces under Fagan were
hurrying to Little Rock to intercept him, but Steele, traveling on the
shorter line, made good his escape, and returned to the capital thoroughly
discomfited.
Matters remained in this
condition until September, when Price started from his camp in southern
Arkansas on a raid into Missouri. He marched his army as far north as
Kansas, fighting many battles, the principal of which was at Pilot Knob,
in Missouri, where his forces were repulsed with great loss. The general
result of the expedition was fruitless, and after having gone as far north
as the Marais des Cygnes, in Kansas, where they met with a considerable
reverse, the army turned back and returned to Arkansas.
This was the end of
military operations in Arkansas, for the great war, having been fought out
to the bitter end, was drawing to a close. Sherman had marched through
Georgia like a sword piercing the very vitals of the Confederacy. In
Virginia the two Titans, Grant and Lee, had struggled until the latter
fell, and the curtain was rung down upon the ghastly conflict of four
years' duration by the sheathing of his sword at Appomattox, and the
Confederacy was no more.
Thus the most stupendous
war of modern times had come to its termination. The South, exhausted in
her momentous struggle against overwhelming odds in men and material, laid
down her arms and turned to the gentler pursuits of peace. From the havoc
of the times she heroically took up the task of rebuilding her broken
fortunes, and repairing the sad ravages of a desolating war.
"When the last echo of
hostile cannon died away over her blasted fields, and left Silence
brooding in the midst of Desolation, she did not sit down in idle grief,
like Rachel weeping for her children, and refusing to be comforted because
they were not, but like David, when his son was dead, she restrained her
unavailing tears and reentered nobly upon her duties.''
Resumption of Civil
Concerns.
With the fall of Little
Rock in September, 1863, the Confederate power had entirely disappeared
from the northern half of the state, or all north of the Arkansas River,
and was concentrated in the southern portion, or below the river. Harris
Flan-agin was the Confederate governor, the state capital having, by his
proclamation, been established at Washington, in Hempstead county, at
which point also the Confederate Supreme Court sat.
In January, 1864, a
convention was held in Little Rock, attended by delegates from
twenty-three out of fifty-five counties of the state which were in Federal
occupancy, at which a constitution was drafted to be submitted to a vote
of the people therein, and at the same time officers for state and county
government and for members of Congress were to be voted for. The election,
held during three days of March, 1864, was under military auspices. The
vote cast was in the aggregate less than 12,500, being in the proportions
of 12,177 for and 266 against the adoption of the instrument. The vote, of
course, represented only a very small fragment of the people of Arkansas,
more than two-thirds of whom were still in arms against the United States,
but it was proclaimed as sufficiently establishing a state government,
which was declared to be in effect from that time. In the election of
officers held at the same time, Isaac Murphy, of Madison county, who had
been the only delegate in the Secession Convention who had cast his vote
against withdrawing from the Union, was chosen as governor, and was
inaugurated as such in April following, and with him a full complement of
officers for a state government were inducted into office.
In the year 1864, also, the
Federal court was reestablished at Little Rock through the appointment, by
President Lincoln, of Henry C. Caldwell, of Ot-tumwa, Iowa, as United
States district judge for the eastern district of Arkansas, with Charles
P. Redmond, of Dubuque, Iowa, as district attorney; Robert J. T. White, of
Virginia, clerk, and W. 0. Stoddard, of Missouri, marshal.
Thus the machinery of state
and Federal government was set in operation over one-half of the state,
and when the collapse of the Confederacy occurred in the following year,
their jurisdiction embraced all.
The former members of the
Confederacy now had a new and serious situation to face, in addition to
their poverty in a monetary sense. This was through the action of the
authorities in power instituting proceedings to confiscate the property of
prominent property owners who had taken part in the war on that side,
providing that lawyers should not practice in courts until they had taken
what was called the "test oath," which was to the effect that they had not
aided or abetted the Confederacy, nor been engaged in disloyalty to the
Federal government; and lastly, by causing many persons to be indicted and
arrested on the charge of treason.
Under the first-named of
these proceedings the dockets of the courts were loaded with confiscation
cases. The property of many citizens was sold under condemnation
proceedings, and the owners dispossessed in favor of purchasers, who were
usually mere adventurers.
In the matter of the "test
oath" for lawyers, its operation was a practical exclusion of the entire
fraternity of the state, for all had been unanimous in their support of
the Confederacy. The validity of this requirement was tested by Augustus
H. Garland, afterwards governor, senator and attorney-general of the
United States, in a case entitled "Ex parte Garland,'' in the Supreme
Court of the United States. In a masterly argument there, Garland
established his fame as a great lawyer and succeeded in overturning the
test oath requirement, thus setting the matter at rest for the whole
country.
Proceedings against
citizens on the charge of treason were more numerous still. At the session
of the Federal grand jury of April, 1865, indictments for treason were
returned against 243 prominent persons, who had been active in the cause
of the Confederacy. Most of these cases were disposed of by the parties
obtaining and pleading a pardon from the President, under the amnesty
policy which was being pursued in the administration of national affairs.
Other cases not disposed of in this way were never brought to trial. In
general, it may be said that no man was punished by trial through court of
law for his participation in the war on the Confederate side. In all the
body of the law no statute could be found to incriminate any man for
having obeyed the commands of the law-making power of his state; so
closely were the rights of the state interwoven with the fabric of the
general government in the governmental plan devised by the fathers of the
Republic, and so complex and paramount was the duty owed by the citizen to
his state, as compared with the duty he owed to the Federal organization
in the nation's texture and plan.
Reconstruction and
National Affairs.
If the people of Arkansas
had been permitted to work out their own destiny under the beginning which
had been made, the course of subsequent events would have been far less
distressing. But the turn of affairs at the national capital bore heavily
and ruinously upon the destinies of Arkansas. From having been bitter and
vindictive towards the people of the South, President Andrew Johnson,
successor to the lamented Lincoln, had now become conciliatory, and had
issued proclamations of pardon and amnesty to very nearly all who had cast
their fortunes with the Confederacy, and providing for the return of the
seceding states to the Union on the simplest and easiest conditions. His
policy in this respect was not satisfactory to the extremists of his
party, who raised the cry that "the fruits of the war were being lost,''
and that "treason must be made odious." This finally led to a rupture with
the President and an attempted impeachment of him, and resulted in the
passage by Congress of a drastic act entitled "An act for the more
efficient government of the Rebel States,'' reciting that no legal state
government existed in said states, nor was there adequate protection for
life and property therein.
As far as Arkansas was
concerned this statement was wholly false, for a state government
inaugurated by their own party had been in operation for four years.
Everything was peaceable, and was beginning to show recovery from the
devastating effects of four years of warfare. The laws were administered,
progress was in vogue, and the entire governmental machinery was moving
along smoothly, with a Republican governor at the helm and many of the
same party holding office under him.
Under this Act the states
of the South were divided into five Military Districts, each district to
be governed by a military appointee. Arkansas and Mississippi were joined
as the fourth district, under Gen. E. 0. C. Ord, Arkansas being made a
sub-district under Gen. Alvan C. Gillem. The substitution of the military
power for the civil resulted in the ouster from office of those holding
through regular elections, held in pursuance of the provisions of the
constitution in force under which the Murphy government existed, and the
substitution of selected favorites as appointees, according as caprice or
favor dictated. It was the overturning of the entire civil list and the
supplanting it by military appointees, selected with little regard for
either fitness or qualification.
It is now known that the
sentiment of the dominant party of the time was not united on the
propriety of these proceedings, but that the coolest and wisest of them
denounced the provisions of the act as sheer political madness. But the
sedate counsels of the minority could not prevail against the white heat
of passion which was in the air, and the thirst for revenge swept the
majority into measures as reprehensible as this one was.
Of course neither Arkansas
nor any of the Southern states had any voice in the enactment of this law,
as none of them had been accorded admission to Congress, although three
full years had elapsed since the entire cessation of hostilities. They
simply lay prostrate and supine, awaiting the stroke of the headsman's
axe, without a voice to raise a cry of protest in their behalf.
In his dilemma President
Johnson took the opinion of Attorney-General Stansberry as to the validity
of the Reconstruction Act, and the opinion being in the main against its
validity, the opinion was issued to department commanders for their
guidance.
The act provided for
registration of voters as a prerequisite for voting, but gave the
registration boards the privilege of striking from the list any names that
they saw fit, and for no other cause than as their own will and pleasure
dictated. Under these features many citizens applying to register were
rejected because they had participated in the "rebellion." Others applying
were received, but their names were afterwards secretly stricken off, and
their applications to vote were refused because the name did not appear on
the list. Many declined to attempt to register, holding the entire
proceedings null and void, in the line of Attorney-General Stansberry's
opinion. In this way, the election for delegates to a constitutional
convention and for state officers at the same time was no better than a
farce. Nearly 20,000 registered votes were not cast because the law, as
originally enacted, required a majority of all the registered voters,
hence, not to vote was equivalent to voting in the negative; but within
three days of the election an amendatory act was passed in Congress,
making the result of the election to be governed by the vote of a majority
of the votes cast, and not by a majority of those registered. The approval
of this act making it a law was telegraphed the day before election to all
Republican sources, but the Democratic vote was kept in ignorance of it,
so that by this trick the strength of their registered vote was thrown
away. The polls, which were opened and kept under military auspices, were
held open for five days, March 13 to 18, 1868, and where a definite number
of votes was lacking to make majorities in one county they were freely
supplied in the count of some other county. More votes were cast in some
counties than there were registered votes in the county, voters voted in
one county being registered in another, one ballot box would be
substituted for another, and so on. But notwithstanding these glaring
conditions, which were fully shown and unavailingly contested, the new
constitution, filled with disfranchising features for as much as half of
the entire Democratic vote of the state, if not more, was declared
carried, and with it a new set of state officers, headed by Gen. Powell
Clayton, who had been a Federal cavalry officer of Kansas troops, as
governor, and with him a full complement of state and county officers who
were new and strange to the people. This election was the first at which
the negro vote was cast in Arkansas.
Martial Law and
Republican Control.
The inauguration of
Governor Clayton and those with him gave the entire control of affairs
into Re-publican hands, with fully 30,000 Democrats disfranchised and
denied any voice in governmental affairs. Republican control introduced an
element which was alien and strange to Arkansas. They were in the main an
element attracted by the opportunities of the times, imbued with the idea
of gathering in all that could be had, and wholly unscrupulous as to
methods of doing so; or as the unconcealed phrase of the times expressed
it, intending "to squeeze Arkansas as dry as a sucked orange." Their local
designation was that of "Carpet-baggers," as, having no interest in
Arkansas or local habitation therein, they came with no other possessions
than what they could bring with them in a carpet-bag grip-sack. It goes
without saying that they were generally of an adventurous class, or, as a
prominent politician expressed it, "had no interest in the state or the
people beyond the office they held, and expected to depart as soon as it
ran out, after having made out of it all that was possible by fair means
or foul."
With this condition
existing, political supremacy opened the way for a series of bond issues
for funding purposes, for alleged railroad and levee aid, which was
reckless in extent, and so scandalous in nature as to receive the merited
rebuke of Congress, through a report on the subject made by an
investigating committee sent by that body for the purpose of examining and
reporting as to the legality of the government established under the
constitution of 1874. All the bond issues of the past, including the
disputed Holford Bonds, were gathered into a Funding Act and reissued;
railroads were granted aid bonds for roads that were never built, and for
issues far in excess of that allowed by law. Issues of bonds were made
where rails had been laid in one direction, and a second issue where the
same rails had, after being taken up, been laid in another direction.
Levee aid was issued to railroads for embankments near streams, to which
roads railroad aid had been given for the same embankments; county bonds
were issued for the building of court houses and jails that were never
built, and so on. In these and similar ingenious ways a bonded
indebtedness of near $10,000,000 was fastened on the state, of which
probably not a tithe was for actual public improvement, and proportionate
indebtedness upon many of the counties thereof, under the burden of which
both state and counties struggled for years, and which the counties
generally paid, or are even now still paying; but the state, by means of
an amendment to the constitution, known as the Fishback Amendment, refused
to pay the disputed Holfords and the railroad aid and levee bonds to the
extent of near $9,000,000, as having been fraudulent in their issue and in
their application. The railroad aid and levee bonds had previously been
declared illegal and void by the Supreme Court of the state because the
act under which they were issued had never been passed by the legislature,
and the Holfords had been declared by the state, before the war, to have
been illegally put forth by the bank holding them, and to have been
fraudulently converted by their holders.
To add to the discomforts
of the times, Republican control brought with it negro ascendancy,
described in semi-humorous publications as "the bottom rail on top," and
"black heels on white necks," and the like; sayings that were far too true
to be relished. The negro vote formed the bulk of electoral strength, and
through this means the appearance of the negro as a public official was as
frequent as it was exasperating. There were negro legislators for the
making of laws, negro sheriffs, negro clerks, negro constables, negro
justices of the peace, with the ballot, for which they were wholly
unprepared, thrust into their hands, too ignorant to use it intelligently,
or in any way except as dictated by their radical white bosses; ignorant
and insolent, overbearing and insulting, lording it over the whites, while
the best and highest of the Southern people stood disfranchised, denied
and deprived of the privileges accorded to the lowest and most degraded of
the blacks, making a situation trying, indeed, and hard to be borne.
Nor was it long until, with
a devilish ingenuity, the burdens on the already heavily laden Southern
people were made all the greater by augmented taxes through the medium of
higher rates and increased assessments. The Southern whites were the
landed property owners. Hence, any burden of taxes inaugurated rested not
upon the shoulders of the newcomers, but upon a people already
impoverished by the results of the war, just as to-day, the burden of the
tax for the education of the negro rests not upon him, but upon the white
Southern property owner. And not only were assessments on real estate
doubled and thribbled, but the same was done with the rate of taxation
until, between the two, the amount of the tax was so enormously increased
that it was no longer taxation, but downright confiscation itself; so that
lands and homes were lost without number, while the proceeds wrung from
the distressed and overburdened people were squandered among government
favorites and through extravagant appropriations. And this on top of
another unbearable burden in the shape of a direct tax, levied and
collected in the states of the South by authority of Congress herself; a
tax so manifestly oppressive and unjust that forty years later a returning
sense of fairness caused Congress to refund to those States, to be
distributed to whom it belonged, the amounts that had been wrung from
them. Restitution made; after those from whom the tax had been extorted
and who had felt the burden the keenest, had so long ago fallen into that
sleep undisturbed by tax-gatherers, that in many instances even their most
remote heirs could not be found.
Registration and Martial
Law.
It was reserved for
Republican control in Arkansas to resort to a more high-handed measure in
the matter of registration than had been anywhere conceived of. The
peculiar structure of the prevailing laws made registration a prerequisite
for voting, and, as we have seen, gave the registration boards full power
to strike off in secret any names they pleased; but not content with this
despotic and unlimited resource, when the Presidential election of 1868
was approaching, Governor Clayton, by proclamation, declared invalid and
set aside at one fell swoop the registration in twelve Democratic
counties, with a registered vote of 13,750, and in which majorities of
2,865 had been cast against the constitution of 1868, and only a majority
of forty-three for it in one of the counties, and no vote was cast in, or
received from, those counties. There is but small cause for wonder under
such tactics the vote of the state should be given to the Republican
candidate.
Following this
unprecedented move, Governor Clayton, although it was a time of profound
peace and the laws were being executed without hindrance, declared martial
law to exist in the fourteen counties of Ashley, Bradley, Columbia,
Lafayette, Mississippi, Woodruff, Craighead, Greene, Sevier, Little River,
Fulton, Drew, Conway and Crittenden. The entire state was divided into
four Military Districts, under commanders specially selected for carrying
out the governor's proclamations. Bodies of militia, composed of the most
reckless and desperate personnel, were sent into those counties, with
orders to forage off the county, but to pay for what they took "on proof
of loyalty." To the inhabitants of those counties it was a veritable reign
of terror, as it was made the occasion of widespread killing and
plundering of the people. Much that was taken was never paid for, houses
were burned, many citizens were killed and other crimes committed, with
the civil law suspended and martial courts substituted in their stead.
Altogether it was the very darkest period of the state's history, and is
remembered with terror by any who knew of its incidents.
As a sequel to this
horrible condition of affairs an act of the legislature was passed by
Republican representatives, absolving all persons who had served in the
state militia from accountability for any act done while in such service.
This was tantamount to acquitting, in advance of legal proceedings, any
person who, while so engaged, had committed any crime, however great, and
whatsoever its nature might be. Certainly criminality must be wholesale
when it calls for wholesale defense!
The existence of martial
law in these instances was pronounced by the Federal Military Commander of
the District to be entirely unnecessary, and to possess no justification
for its existence. It was nothing other than overawing the people with the
heavy hand of military power, and with all the horrible aspects of a
condition worse than war.
The Brooks-Baxter War.
Every political party
having undisputed sway is liable, in time, to fall apart from internal
dissensions, and that is what befell the Republican control in Arkansas of
the period of reconstruction. In time there grew to be a division styling
themselves Reform Republicans, disagreeing with the methods of the
leaders. Their chief exponent was Joseph Brooks, a man of strong
personality, fearless in courage, powerful in debate, with a voice and
physical strength unwearying in duration. From his disagreements with the
Clayton faction he had become the head of a considerable following of his
own party, and, in his candidacy for the office of governor, by his
promises of reform in existing political conditions, had drawn to his
support much of the Democratic strength, which turned to him as their hope
of securing justice and fair dealing. His opponent was Elisha Baxter, of
Batesville, for long time a resident of Arkansas, who was put forward as
the candidate of the regular, or radical wing of the Republican party. In
his canvass Baxter likewise promised reforms, particularly in restoring
the ballot to disfranchised Democrats, and principles of the kind were
inserted as pledges in his platform. In the contest that followed the
Democratic vote was generally given to Brooks, and the Republican vote to
Baxter. When the count was made Baxter was declared elected, and was
inaugurated as governor before the legislature, which tribunal was, by
law, the sole and only tribunal made competent to determine the subject.
Brooks made a contest before this body, and elsewhere, but unavailingly.
Finally he brought a suit in the Pulaski circuit court, claiming the
office. Baxter, in his administration as far as conducted, had shown a
disposition to be fair to all and to carry out the pledges of his
candidacy, and had resolutely refused to do the bidding of his radical
backers in the issue of more railroad bonds, in consequence of which they
forsook him and took up the cause of Brooks, seeing which the Democratic
feeling rallied to Baxter, whom it had previously opposed. While matters
were in this condition things were brought to a crisis by Whytock, judge
of the Pulaski circuit court, upon a trifling plea in the case requiring
further pleading, rendering a full decision declaring Brooks the rightful
governor and entitled to the office. At once Brooks proceeded to the state
house with a handful of his followers, and entering Baxter's rooms
forcibly ejected him therefrom, took the oath of office and issued a
proclamation styling himself governor of Arkansas.
His supporters seized all
the arms in the state armory, and prepared to maintain themselves by
force. Baxter withdrew first to St. John's College in the outskirts of the
city, but next day established himself at the Anthony House, within two
blocks of the Brooks forces, and issued a proclamation calling out the
military forces of the state. Answering his call a vast uprising of the
people flocked to him from all parts of the state and were speedily
enrolled as state militia, under command of Generals Robert C. Newton and
T. J. Churchill. The thirty days in which this embroglio lasted was filled
with conflicts in which many persons lost their lives, both participants
and bystanders. It was a time of terror at the capital, where no man's
life was safe, and where bystanders and spectators were killed as
frequently as participants. Finally Baxter called a session of the
legislature, which, upon assembling, recognized him as the lawful
governor, and upon this being laid before President Grant, he issued a
proclamation recognizing Baxter as the legitimate governor and calling
upon the Brooks forces to disperse.
Thus came to an end this
flurry of strife, but its results were far-reaching. The legislature
called a convention to frame a new constitution to be submitted to the
vote of the people, and upon its submission, wearied of the strife and
maladministration which had prevailed for the past six years, the popular
vote for its adoption was a majority of nearly 54,000. Augustus H. Garland
was elected governor under it by a vote of 76,453, and the other officers
with him by about the same. Baxter was tendered the Democratic nomination
for governor at this election, as they looked upon him as the Moses who
had led them through the wilderness of their past sorrows and
perplexities, but he declined, and Garland was nominated in his stead. As
a recognition of the great service he had rendered his people, the
legislature put upon record a concurrent resolution declaring that
Governor Baxter was entitled to the eternal gratitude of the people of the
state, for his resolute and manly course.
And thus the people of
Arkansas, after weary years of contention and strife, at last came unto
their own. It was, it is true, to find the state bankrupted in finances
and heavily in debt, with not sufficient money in the treasury "to buy
enough wood to make a fire in the governor's office," as Garland
humorously expressed it, but it was liberty for the people, and in this
rejoicing they addressed themselves with vigor to the task of working out
their own destiny under the new conditions.
State Governments Under
Democratic Control.
The constitution of 1874
had hardly been proclaimed as in effect, and Governor Garland had hardly
begun his administration before the Republican managers made an
ineffectual attempt to seize the reins of government. Their programme was
to regard the constitution as a nullity and to declare that Baxter, having
abdicated the office of governor, it descended to Volney V. Smith, the
lieutenant-governor under the former constitution. Accordingly, as soon as
Garland was inducted into office, Smith issued a proclamation declaring
himself the successor of Baxter, and as such the rightful governor of
Arkansas. The proclamation, however, produced nothing but a momentary
sensation. Governor Garland at once ordered the arrest of Smith as an
insurgent. Smith was never, in point of fact, arrested, but being
appointed by President Grant to office in the Island of St. Thomas,
repaired thither for a time, but returned to Arkansas and became clerk of
Lafayette county.
But a farther effort still
was made to reverse the verdict of 1874, and that was taken at the
national capital. President Grant sent a special message to Congress
relative to the Arkansas case, giving his opinion that all the testimony
showed that "in 1874 the constitution of the state was by violence,
intimidation and revolutionary proceedings overthrown, and a new
constitution adopted, and a new state government established," and asking
Congress to take action on the matter "to relieve him from acting on
questions which should be decided by the legislative branch of the
government." Upon this.
Governor Garland himself
invited an investigation on the part of Congress into the legality of the
state government of Arkansas, and a committee for the purpose was
appointed, with Hon. Luke P. Poland, of Vermont, as chairman. The
committee visited Little Rock to take testimony, and personally inspected
the condition of affairs. Becoming satisfied as to its legality in all
respects, they returned to Washington and reported the result of their
investigations.
The committee made a report
to Congress setting out their conclusions strongly, which was adopted as
satisfactory, and proved to be a conclusion of the whole matter. The
Garland government was not further molested by attempts to uproot it, and
from that time the state government under the constitution of 1874 has
stood upon a solid and enduring foundation, "broad-based upon the people's
will," and undisturbed by further attempts to unsettle them.
After the perturbed
condition of affairs which had previously existed, public matters settled
down to a condition of calmness and peace, the beneficial effects of which
were seen in a revival of business, in immigration and in progress in
public enterprises. In the state administration succeeding that of
Garland, there is little needing to be chronicled in an individual way.
One after another they went by, with the state witnessing a steady growth
in population, in resources and material. At times flitting disturbances
arose, but in the main there was growth and peace. Only to the
administration of Gov. Dan W. Jones did there come the particular
excitement of the outbreak of the "War with Spain, and to his active
efforts is due much of the credit that the Arkansas troops were put into
the field speedily and efficiently. These regiments were held in reserve
camps at Chickamauga and other points in the United States, and were not
sent into active service in Cuba, though they showed themselves efficient.
A Retrospect of General
Advance.
In the sketch of the
thirty-four years that have elapsed since Arkansas passed back into
Democratic control, the state has experienced her noblest progress. The
laws have been conscientiously and prudently administered, wise and
competent governors have been at the helm in conducting public affairs,
and able and skilful assistants have upheld their hands therein. Her
finances have been economically and prudently managed, old encumbrances
have been wiped out and reduced, burdens of debt in both county and state
have been paid off and discharged, until only the merest fragment of any
public debt remains, and with abundance of resources wherewith to
discharge it. Great railroads thrusting through her midst have built up
towns and cities alike. Capital flowing into her borders has set in
operation mills and machinery, workshop and factory. Her mines and
minerals have been developed to become a centre of attraction to the whole
world. Her stone quarries have been uncovered to bring forth building
material which is sought for from far and near. Her forests are drawn upon
to supply the depletion elsewhere. Her fruits and products overtop the
best of the earth's gleanings when brought into competitive exhibition,
and the quality and bounty of her harvests elicit unbounded praise.
Population has increased from less than half a million to be a million and
a half, and the public revenues, gathered through moderate taxation, have
been largely augmented by vast increase of values in property and
possessions. The public school system has been developed to be the peer of
any in the South, and the cause of education has been put upon a high and
advanced plane—a source of pride and satisfaction.
Public buildings have
arisen for her state institutions, for churches, schools and colleges,
that vie with the best in any section, and at her capital there stands,
nearing completion, for the housing of her departments and her state
officials, a structure comparing well with those of a similar nature
anywhere. Her capital city itself has taken rank as one of the fairest and
finest cities in the entire Southwest, and others of her cities have grown
to splendid proportions and with corresponding attractiveness.
And certainly the eminence
of sons of hers has given her a world-wide prestige. Augustus H. Garland,
governor and senator, stood at the head of the law department of the
United States as attorney-general; U. M. Rose, great in his fame as a
lawyer, president of the American Bar Association, served as a
representative of the United States in the Peace Congress at the Hague;
James K. Jones acted as chairman and the executive manager of the
Democratic party in presidential elections in two campaigns, and Albert
Pike, by the greatness of his literary achievements earned a fame as wide
as the world. From what has come this advance, the fruits of which we, of
the present hour, enjoy?
It is because, rejoicing in
the existence of a beneficent government, economically administered, the
people at large have put forth their efforts for self-advancement, while,
attracted by her advantages of soil and climate, and by her varied
products and their abundant yield, many have cast their lot in among us,
imbued with the same desire to push onward to a higher rank, and bring out
in their fullest strength her manifold possibilities. In this march of
progress the patriotic spirit of the people has at all times been in
unison. When the conflict with Spain was imminent and the tocsin pealed
the dreadful note that spoke the rising war, at the call of the President
of the United States the troops asked of Arkansas were speedily raised and
equipped, and with alacrity took the field in the Nation's defense. If
doubt existed in the minds of any that the men of the state would rally to
the Nation's call, that doubt was forever set at rest by the manner in
which her sons, and especially those who had worn the gray, enlisted under
the flag of our reunited country.
Conclusion.
What, then, may we claim
for Arkansas has contributed to the building of the Nation in this central
fragment of her history which has been under consideration? In brief:
brave men who fought her battles when the Nation was involved, gallant
commanders who won imperishable renown, statesmen who graced the halls of
legislation, diplomats who widened the borders of our public domain,
orators of eloquence "to melt the waxen of men," writers who have enriched
the pages of literature with their gems. This she shows for her sons,
while she herself, through this particular portion of her existence,
pushed on the car of progress unto an enviable plane of advancement.
May she, beginning with a
zealous few, Rise in importance; 'till her influence through All spheres
of heightened thought and sense be found; Her seeds of Wisdom fall in
favored ground; The light she backward flingeth serve to stead The feet
that grope in darkness as they tread; And growing strong and stronger, may
she stand A lofty beacon, seen through all the land; 'Till last she shines
in Fame's high-towering crest, Like that large star that glitters in the
West. Bibliography.—For details and minor particulars see Hempstead's
History of Arkansas.
Fay Hempstead,
Author of Hempstead's History of Arkansas. |