Purchase from Spain.
Spain ceded the Floridas to
the United States on Feb. 22,1819; but the final ratification and
proclamation of the treaty was delayed two years, and did not take place
until Feb. 22, 1821. By the terms of this treaty, the high contracting
parties relinquished all claims for damages against one another, and his
Catholic Majesty ceded to the United States "all the territories which
belong to him situate to the eastward of the Mississippi, known by the
name of East and West Florida." (Article 2.)
In consideration of this
cession, the United States agreed to assume and satisfy the private claims
of its citizens against Spain " to an amount not exceeding $5,000,000
(Article 11), and to "cause satisfaction to be made for the injuries, if
any, suffered by the Spanish officers and the individual Spanish
inhabitants by the late operations of the American Army in Florida."
(Article 9.) Under these provisions, the United States paid to its own
citizens, in settlement of their claims against Spain, the full sum
stipulated in the treaty, $5,000,000, and to Spanish subjects, in
settlement of their claims against the United States, the sum of
$1,024,741.44.
On March 3, 1821, Congress
authorized the President to take possession of the territory and to
appoint such an officer or officers as he should deem necessary for its
proper government. There being no time to legislate adequately for the new
possessions, they were left under the common and existing laws, with the
exception of the Federal revenue laws and those governing the slave trade.
The First Territorial
Governor (1821).
Andrew Jackson was
immediately appointed governor, with powers practically unlimited, except
in the matter of levying taxes and granting land. To him the Spanish
governor, Don Jose Callava, surrendered his authority at Pensacola, the
capital of the western territory, July 17, 1821. On July 10 preceding,
Col. Robert Butler, as representative of General Jackson, had received the
surrender of East Florida at St. Augustine from the Spanish governor
Coppinger; and on March 25, 1822, Lieut. Matthew Galbraith Perry, of the
United States navy, took possession of Key West.
Governor Jackson divided
the new territory into two counties, Escambia on the west of the Suwannee
River, and St. Johns on the east, and issued ordinances providing for the
proper administration of justice, and regulated the sale of liquors and
the practice of medicine. He did little else during the brief period of
his governorship, save display some of the worst traits of his character
in high-handed treatment of the retiring Spaniards and the civil
authorities of the territory. He soon tired of his new position, and
resigned in the autumn of 1821, after a little more than six months in
office.
Congress now had an
opportunity to take the necessary steps to give Florida proper laws and
proper standing as a territory; and in the spring of 1822 a territorial
government was organized with legislative and executive powers vested in a
governor and legislative council, consisting of "thirteen of the most fit
and discreet persons of the territory." All the officers of the territory,
together with the territorial delegate in Congress, were appointed by the
President.
Governor Duval
(1822-1834).
William P. Duval, a native
of Virginia, but having been long a resident of Kentucky, was appointed
governor, and George Walton, of Georgia, was appointed secretary of the
territory. John C. Bronaugh was the first president of the Legislative
Council.
Governor Duval held office
for twelve years, until 1834. He was a man of great ability, wit and
courage, and a famous raconteur. His long administration is full of almost
romantic interest, and many measures of great importance to the state,
some of which are still subjects of discussion, were inaugurated during
his tenure of office.
At the beginning of his
administration the white population of the territory consisted of a few
old but feeble settlements along the seacoast, the chief of which was St.
Augustine on the east, with a population of about 2,000 souls, and
Pensacola on the west, with a population (lately much reduced by an
epidemic of yellow fever) of about 1,400. These two regions of white
settlements were separated in fact by nearly 400 miles of Indian-infested
wilderness, and in tradition and sentiment by the old division into two
Floridas, with their separate capitals, governors and interests. One of
the first problems, therefore, that confronted the new government was that
of bringing together the two sections, and creating in them a sense of
territorial unity and homogeneity. This could not be done until (1) a
common centre of official life could be established; (2) means of safe and
convenient communication could be opened between the east and west; and
(3) the Indians, who held the middle districts, could be disposed of. To
these tasks the authorities of the new territory addressed themselves with
promptness and vigor.
The first Legislative
Council was held at Pensa-cola in June, 1822, and the second at St.
Augustine in June the following year. At this meeting commissioners were
appointed "to select the most eligible and convenient situation for the
seat of government." These commissioners made their explorations during
October and November of that year, and selected, as the site of the
permanent capital of the territory, a point about midway between St.
Augustine and Pensacola, in what was known as Gadsden county. There was a
group of Indian towns here, known generally as the Fowl Towns, one of
which was called Cahallahatchee, or New Tallahassee, and another Old
Tallahassee. The Indians occupying the district agreed to relinquish it;
and the governor issued a proclamation on March 4,1824, calling upon the
members of the Council to assemble at this site of the new capital for the
next meeting. The Indian name Tallahassee was retained, and the first
council meeting was held there in November, 1824.
In his message to this
Council, the governor alludes with high approval to the appropriation made
by Congress of $23,000 "for opening a high road from Pensacola to St.
Augustine." This measure had been agitated in the territory from the
beginning of Duval's administration. It had been authorized by Congress in
the spring of 1824, and was rapidly pushed to completion.
In the beginning of Duval's
administration, the Seminoles ranged freely from the extreme south to the
Georgia line, and from the Atlantic to the Gulf. Their numbers at this
time were variously estimated from 3,000 to 10,000. Sprague, whose
estimate is most reliable, reckons them at 3,899 Indians, besides 800
negro slaves. Jackson had already notified some of the chiefs (1821) that
their possessory rights were uncertain and that their liberties would be
restricted, and Duval held that their concentration within rather narrow
and prescribed limits "was indispensable to the settlement of Florida and
to a free communication between the east and west of the territory."
It was pretty generally
realized that both for their own interests and for that of the whites they
must be disposed of, either by a complete removal from the territory, or
by a concentration within a 'restricted area. The latter policy, which
might even then have been recognized as an impossible one, prevailed for
the time being; and consequently Governor Duval, James Gadsden and
Bernardo Segui, acting as commissioners for the territory, secured an
unwilling consent from the chiefs to be "concentrated and confined" within
a region running northwest and southeast in the middle of the peninsula,
about 120 miles long, and sixty miles in average width, and embracing some
of the most desirable land in the territory. This reservation as at first
assigned embraced the present site of the cities of Lakeland, Leesburg,
Eustis, and others; and was afterward extended northward so as to embrace
also the site of the present city of Ocala.
The treaty by which this
reservation was determined is known as the treaty of Fort Moultrie, and
was signed by the minor chiefs on Sept. 18, 1823. Six of the principal
chiefs, however, refused to sign the treaty or to give up their homes, and
then an "additional article" was added by which they received four special
reservations on the Apalachicola and Chattahoochee rivers.
Trouble arose almost
immediately. The whole treaty was an effort to compromise between the
rights of the aborigines and the progress of white settlement and
civilization. It would have been impossible, with the best of intentions
on both sides, to have dealt with the Indians according to the provisions
of such a treaty. Racial amalgamation (which was advocated in an
interesting article in the Pensacola Gazette of the day) was the only
possible solution of the situation if the Indian and his descendants were
still to occupy the land; but this was impossible, while at the same time
neither the red man nor the white man was of a character or temperament to
give the treaty even temporary efficacy. The land greed of the white man
could not consent to see the Indians in peaceful possession of this fair
and fertile country, while the roving habits and disposition of the red
man frequently carried him beyond the ill-defined boundaries of his
reservation. Runaway slaves and roaming stock were a constant source of
friction, which contraband whiskey and swindles, violently avenged, did
not tend to allay.
At last, through the
influence and work of Col. James Gadsden, of Florida, the Indians, brought
to it by constant pressure and persuasion, consented to make a treaty for
their removal to Arkansas. The treaty of Payne's Landing, which they were
brought to sign after great difficulties on May 9, 1832, provided that the
Indians should send a delegation to investigate the Trans-Mississippi
country proposed for their occupancy, and "should they be satisfied with
the character of that country" the nation would migrate thither. The
delegates, after some three months of exploration, expressed themselves as
satisfied, and consequently on March 28, 1833, entered into the additional
treaty of Fort Gibson, Arkansas, which made effective the terms of removal
tentatively agreed upon by the treaty of Payne's Landing. Apparently the
Indians at home had not intended to vest their delegates with such full
powers, but expected to receive their report in council before such final
action should be taken. "When the delegates returned to Florida they found
the sentiment of the people such that they deemed it wise to repudiate
their act at Fort Gibson and refused to leave the country. Consequently
Duval's administration, which had begun with promising negotiations with
the Indians, closed after twelve years of bickering and friction with the
Indian situation worse than at the beginning and with another crisis
impending in that inevitable and universal war of white civilization and
progress against colored rights and wants.
Despite this constant
friction and uncertainty concerning the Indians, there was great activity
during Duval's administration in the organization and improvement of the
territory.
The settlement of the
country proceeded rapidly. A writer in the Pensacola Gazette (May 13,
1826), basing his estimate on the number of votes cast in the preceeding
election, calculated the population at 10,000 souls; but in 1828 Governor
Duval said in his message to the Council: "Such has been the tide of
immigration that it is believed that the census of 1830 will entitle us to
admission as a state in the great National Union." The new settlers were
mainly from Alabama, Georgia, the Carolinas, Tennessee and Virginia, and
the larger number settled in the middle section of the state, which was at
this period the most populous and influential in the territory. Foreigners
also entered into the constitution of the growing population — the
Spaniards who remained after the cession, especially in the old
settlements; settlers of Scotch descent, who occupied the Euchee regions,
and Frenchmen who, under the influence of Lafayette, who had received a
grant of a township near Tallahassee at the time of his visit to this
country, came into that section to make their homes. [The most notable of
these was Achille Murat, who stood for election to the Legislative Council
in 1829, but withdrew before the election.]
While the governor's
estimate of growth proved too sanguine, the census of 1830 showed a
population of 34,720, of whom about one-third were slaves. There was
still, however, a great lack of the sense of unity in the territory, and a
strong sentiment existed for the annexation of West Florida to Alabama. As
early as 1821-22 a memorial was presented to Congress by the citizens of
West Florida calling for such an annexation. East Florida also favored it;
and in 1838 a meeting of the citizens of St. Augustine demanded it. This
sentiment appeared again at the time of admission of the territory into
statehood, and was recognized in the bill for the admission of the state
as first presented in Congress. It appeared again in the fifties, and did
not finally die out until the close of reconstruction.
This early cosmopolitan
society possessed more than the average degree of learning and refinement
for a new state; and the vices that marred it were rather characteristic
of the period than of the people. Gaming, the lottery and the duel had
their place and flourished. The duel and its lewder counterpart, the
brawl, seem to have been especially common, and a goodly number of the
leading men of the territory took part "with credit" in these affairs of
honor. In 1828 Judge Randall devoted the major part of his charge to the
grand jury of Leon county to a discussion "of the frequent private
rencontres and sanguinary conflicts which have repeatedly taken place in
this community." Its virtues, however, were stronger than its vices.
Hospitality and chivalry, courage and patriotism were there in liberal
measure, at once to temper the crudeness of pioneer conditions and to
afford a substantial basis for social and civic progress.
The subject of popular
education, both higher and lower, began to receive attention almost
immediately after the cession of the territory. The Legislative Council in
1824 memorialized Congress to assign one or more townships of land "in the
middle district" of the territory for the establishment of a territorial
university; and the following year Acting-Governor George Walton
recommended to the Council the establishment of a university "and of such
institutions connected with it as may effectively provide for popular
education." In 1836 Congress authorized the sale of lands for the support
of the University of Florida, of which the territorial delegate, Joseph M.
White, the governor, Richard K. Call, and others were named as trustees.
But nothing came of this movement, and there was no University of Florida
until long after the War of Secession.
In 1823 Congress set aside
two townships of land, one in East Florida, the other in West Florida,
"for the use of a seminary of learning"; but the matter rested there for
nearly thirty years. The territory had received from Congress its
sixteenth section of public lands for the common schools, and in 1828 the
Council undertook to lease these lands to begin the establishment of an
educational fund for primary and secondary education; but there were few
renters and nothing was accomplished.
An agricultural society was
established in East Florida as early as 1824 and took an active and
intelligent interest in the affairs of the territory for a few years.
Another similar society is mentioned at Tallahassee in the following year.
In 1831 the Florida educational society was organized at Tallahassee and a
branch established at St. Augustine. An effort was also made at the same
time for a free school at St. Augustine. There were also private schools
at these places and in several other interior towns.
These various movements for
the education of the people created at the time considerable interest and
enthusiasm; but conditions in the territory were too unsettled and the
population was too sparse for any concerted and successful educational
movement; and the real history of education in Florida does not begin
until many years after Governor Duval's administration.
The financial affairs of
the territory during this period were in most unsatisfactory shape. The
citizens were not compelled to support the territorial government, but
expenses had to be derived from Federal sources, and the small receipts
from customs at Pensacola and Key West were entirely inadequate for that
purpose. As early as 1824 the Council passed bills incorporating the banks
of Pensacola and St. Augustine. They proposed to establish what would be
perpetual corporations, with no state supervision or control, and with no
restrictions as to the amount the directors might lend themselves, and no
guarantee of specie payments. These bills the governor vetoed, much to the
disgust of a strong minority of his Council. Four years later, over the
governor's veto, the Council authorized the incorporation of the Bank of
Florida, at Tallahassee, with a capital of $500,000 and a charter to run
fourteen years. The following year, nothing having been accomplished
meanwhile, the charter was amended so as to increase the capital to
$600,000 and extended to 1850, but this bank was the subject of much
complaint, and the charter was revoked in 1844. Numerous other banks were
incorporated about this time — the Bank of West Florida in 1829, that of
St. Augustine in 1831, that of Pensacola in 1832, that of Jacksonville in
1835, and others.
The young territory also
fell into the same financial pit into which fell Alabama and Mississippi.
In 1833 the Council incorporated the famous Union Bank of Tallahassee,
whose capital stock of $1,000,-000 was to be sold to the holders of
productive real property or slaves in the territory on mortgages on their
property. On the security of these mortgages the territory issued
$1,000,000 in bonds to provide cash capital for the enterprise. These
bonds, pledging the credit of the territory, were known as "faith bonds"
and played an interesting part in the subsequent political history of
Florida. One-half of the bank's proceeds, after setting aside a sum equal
to the capital stock, was to go to the stockholders, the other half to the
territory. Of this latter portion, one-half should be devoted to
educational purposes — a device not then new and not now unknown. This
bank suspended specie payments in the panic of 1837, when the territory
issued $2,000,000 of additional bonds to tide it over. Three years later
it defaulted on its bond interest and proceeded slowly to wind up its
affairs. This was not the only venture of the kind to which the territory
lent its name. It endorsed bonds for $500,000 for the bank of Pensacola in
1835, and guaranteed the notes of the Southern Life Insurance and Trust
Company about the same time. Some of these notes and bonds were provided
for by the territory; but those outstanding were not recognized after the
territory became a state.
Governor John B. Eaton
(1834-1835).
Duval's administration
closed before Congress ratified the treaty of Payne's Landing with the
Indians. His successor in office was John B. Eaton, a North Carolinian,
and a strong supporter of Andrew Jackson, who made him successively
secretary of war, governor of Florida and minister to Spain. In his brief
tenure of office the treaty of Payne's Landing and the additional treaty
of Fort Gibson were signed (April 9, 1834), though the governor himself
had grave doubts as to the legality of the ratification and wrote to the
secretary of war, saying: "Avoid the exercise of force as long as possible
and let it be the only last sad alternative; and then, let not by any
means the militia be appealed to — they will breed mischief." But his
discreet and pacific advice was not followed. Congress proposed to effect
the fulfillment of the treaty by force if necessary; and General Thompson
was sent as Indian agent, and General Clinch was put in command of the
military, to see that the treaty was carried out.
Governor Call (1835-39,
1841-44); Florida a State.
At this juncture Governor
Eaton was succeeded by Richard Keith Call, a native of Virginia, who had
served with great distinction in all of Jackson's Indian campaigns, had
commanded the territorial militia, and was one of the most able and
distinguished men in the early history of the territory and the state.
Governor Call fell heir to the Indian difficulties, and his two
administrations were largely taken up with the Indian war which followed.
The effort of Congress to
enforce the treaty and remove the Indians brought the trouble to an issue.
The chiefs had repudiated their agreement to emigrate, with the exception
of Charley Emathla, who was soon murdered for his attitude. Further
negotiations and more friction followed their refusal. The young chief
Osceola, or Powell, came to the front and dominated the councils of his
people. Murder, rapine and arson closed the door to any possible pacific
settlement, and the inevitable Indian war began.
On Dec. 28, 1835, four days
before the day set for the final removal of the Indians, while the whites
were eagerly waiting for the first chance to rush into and occupy their
country, General Thompson, the agent, and Lieut. Constantine Smith were
killed from ambush at Fort King, and the sutler and his companions were
murdered and the store burned. The same day two companies of troops under
Major F. L. Dade were waylaid by the Indians on the road to Fort King in
what is now Sumter county, not far from Sumterville, and out of a total of
110 officers and men only three escaped.
During the following year
the war was continued under Generals Clinch, Scott, Call and Jesup. The
militia was called out, and Governor Call himself took the field and
served with great distinction throughout the year, especially at the
battle of Wahoo Swamp in November.
Early in the next year
(March 6,1837) the Indians capitulated to General Jesup, agreeing to
withdraw immediately south of the Hillsborough River, and to emigrate in
full force, as soon as arrangements could be made, to the territories west
of the Mississippi River. Hostages were given by them, and the whites
believed that the war was over. Troops were discharged, and old settlers
returned to ruined homes and new settlers sought locations. Large numbers
of Indian,s gathered at a camp near Fort Brooke (near Tampa) for
embarkation and drew rations and clothing from the government. Everything
seemed propitious for their removal, when suddenly, under the influence of
Osceola, every Indian left camp and disappeared.
Hostilities were
immediately resumed. Osceola was captured by treachery in October, 1837,
and was sent with seventy-two others to Fort Moultrie, S. C, where he
died. General Jesup began his winter campaign in October (the normal
season of campaign was reversed in this war, by reason of the Florida
climate), and the battle of Okechobee was fought on Christmas Day of that
year (1837), Col. Zachary Taylor commanding. In this action, the last
important pitched battle and the most sanguinary of the war, the whites
lost twenty-seven officers and men killed and 111 wounded. At the close of
the campaign General Jesup reported 2,400 Indians captured, surrendered
and killed, including 700 warriors. In May, 1837, 1,229 were sent to
Arkansas and 330 the following month. The war continued during the next
two years; but in May, 1839, Gen. Alexander Macomb was sent to Florida "to
make an arrangement with the Seminoles." He had a talk with the chiefs,
and assigned them to a temporary location in the far southern part of the
peninsula in which they agreed to remain "until further arrangements are
made." Clothing and supplies, including a liberal amount of liquor, were
issued to the Indians, and Macomb announced on May 18 that "he had that
day terminated the war with the Seminole Indians."
This pompous peace lasted
two months, when hostilities were renewed. Loud demands for more drastic
measures followed. Governor Call had been removed from office and Gov.
Robert Raymond Reid, who was appointed in his stead and held office from
1839 to 1841, said in his message to the Territorial Council in December,
1839: "We must fight fire with fire; the white man must, in a great
measure, adopt the mode of warfare pursued by the Indian. * * * It is high
time that sickly sentimentality should cease. 'Lo, the poor red man' is
the exclamation of the fanatic pseudo-philanthropist; 'Lo, the poor white
man' is the ejaculation which all will utter who have witnessed the
inhuman butchery of women and children and the massacres which have
drenched the territory in blood." The Council, therefore, sent to Cuba for
bloodhounds with which to track the Indians to their hiding-places in
swamps and hammocks. This expedient was a failure, though it created a
great stir among humanitarians away from the seat of conflict.
Throughout the year 1840
and the early months of 1841 the Indians roamed widely, and massacres
occurred in various sections of the territory. In the spring of 1841 (May
31), Col. W. J. Worth was put in command of the troops in the field. He
adopted the Napoleonic policy of ignoring the seasons, and pursued the
Indians remorselessly summer and winter; and by seizing and holding all
that he came in contact with he soon brought them to dire straits. One by
one the chiefs gave up the fight, until the total number left in the
territory was a mere handful. These were estimated by Colonel Worth at
301; and, in the spring of 1842, he proposed to leave them at liberty in
the extreme southern portion of the territory so long as they gave no
cause for further action. This suggestion, which had been put forward by
General Jesup, but then repudiated, was finally accepted by the
government, and on Aug. 14, 1842, Worth was able to announce, this time
more modestly and truthfully than a former similar announcement, "that
hostilities with the Indians within this territory have ceased." At the
same time he assigned those who remained a location south of the Pease
River.
Thus ended the longest and
most stubbornly con-tested of all of the Indian wars. It had lasted seven
years, and had kept in the field an average of nearly 5,000 troops per
year, running as high as 8,800 in 1837. It had enlisted over 20,000
volunteers, drawn from Florida and other Southern states, and even as far
north as Pennsylvania and New York. It had cost the lives of 1,500
regulars, to say nothing of many volunteers and settlers massacred
throughout the territory, and had entailed the expenditure of $20,000,000.
Governor Call, who had been
removed from office in 1839 by Van Buren, had been reappointed by
President Harrison, and his administration, in addition to its war
history, is conspicuous for the progress of the territory towards
statehood.
In 1837, upon the
recommendation of Governor Call, the Council decided to call for a vote of
the people on the question of a constitution looking to the admission of
Florida as a state. The voters favored the movement, and the first
constitutional convention in Florida was held at St. Joseph in December,
1838. There were fifty-five members of the convention, and Judge Robert
Raymond Reid was elected its president. This convention drafted a
constitution, saying in the preamble that "the people of Florida formed
themselves into a free and independent state by the name of the State of
Florida," and claiming admission into the Union on that footing. [Among
the provisions of this constitution, in addition to the usual distribution
of authority among the various branches of the government, it was
specified that no bank officer should be elected governor or sit in the
legislature, and that no minister of the Gospel should he either governor
or a member of the legislative body.] The acts of the convention were then
referred to the people, and the constitution was adopted by a small
majority.
But the matter was by no
means settled, even in so far as the territory itself was concerned. The
freeze of 1835, followed by many and widespread storms in 1841 and 1842,
combined with the financial trouble of 1837 and the confusion and terror
of the Indian War, made many citizens oppose the movement on the ground
that the state was not able to conduct its affairs without Federal
patronage and support.
Consequently the Council of
1843 reversed the action of the Council of 1838 in so far as to urge the
delegate in Congress to work against the admission of the territory. The
question of division into East and West Florida again came to the front,
as has already been shown, and found support in the large and populous
middle section. Despite opposition from the various elements at home, the
territory was admitted to the Union as one state on Feb. 13, 1845; not
because it was prepared for statehood (the population in 1840 was 54,477,
including slaves), but because Iowa wanted admission as a free state, and
the balance of power demanded the simultaneous admission of one and no
more than one slave state at the same time. Iowa was unwilling to stay
out, and Florida had to come in; and as Iowa had to come in as one state,
Florida had to come in as one state also.
Upon the admission of the
state, the St. Joseph constitution came into effect and continued in
operation until the War of Secession.
Governor John Branch
(1844-1845).
John Branch, a native of
North Carolina, and a former governor of that state, was the last governor
of the territory, and held office from 1844 to 1845.
Governor William D.
Mosely (1845-1849).
On May 16, 1845, William D.
Mosely, another North Carolinian, was elected the first governor of the
state, after a vigorous campaign against former Governor Call. Mosely held
office for four years, and the affairs of the new state proceeded quietly
during his administration. He was a strong and outspoken champion of the
Southern interpretation of the constitution, and was in the habit of
speaking of the Union as a "confederacy" of supreme and separate states.
During his administration the capitol was completed, and the sale of
public lands progressed rapidly. Governor Mosely was also a strong friend
of education, and urged upon the legislature the establishment of a system
of common schools "that would bring an institution to every man's door";
but the result of his active interest along this line became more apparent
in the administration of his successor.
Governor Thomas Brown
(1849-1853).
Governor Mosely was
succeeded by Thomas Brown, a native of Virginia, who was elected governor
by the Whigs in 1849 and held office until 1853. Governor Brown was an
active and energetic man, to whom the progress, "if it may be called
progress," of the state seemed very slow. He was a staunch and active
friend of public education and an advocate of such fair and just dealing
with capital and its rights as would have earned for him to-day the
mob-judgment of a "corporation governor."
On the admission of Florida
state, Congress had added two additional districts of land to those set
apart under Governor Duval for seminaries of learning, and had specified
the location of the seminaries east and west of the Suwannee River
respectively. The state legislature, in accordance with these acts, passed
a bill in 1851 establishing the seminaries, and specified that they should
give instruction to both sexes "in the art of teaching all the various
branches that pertain to a good common school education, and * * * in the
mechanic arts, in husbandry and agricultural chemistry, etc."
These two seminaries were
known as the seminary east and the seminary west of the Suwannee River;
or, popularly, as the East and West Florida Seminaries. The East Florida
Seminary was located at Ocala in 1852, and opened for the students the
following year. In 1866 it was removed to Gainesville. The West Florida
Seminary was located at Tallahassee in 1856. These two were the only
higher institutions of learning established in Florida prior to the war;
and they could be called "higher" at that time only in comparison with the
very feebleness and fruitlessness of the general educational movement in
the state.
In 1839 the legislature had
provided for township school trustees; and in 1844 the townships were
incorporated for school purposes, and the control of the sixteenth
sections came into the hands of the local trustees. In 1849 a common
school fund was created which was to include, besides the regular proceeds
of school lands, 5 per cent, of the net proceeds of the sales of other
public lands granted by Congress "and the proceeds of escheated estates
and property found on the coast"; and the same act established the first
crude system of common schools for the state. Local taxation for the
support of schools was authorized the following year, but met with a cold
reception. The people did not care to tax themselves for education, and
what little was paid was regarded as a charity for the education of the
poorer classes.
In 1840 there were
fifty-one common schools and eighteen seminaries and academies in the
territory, with an enrollment of 1,657 pupils out of a white population of
about 30,000. By 1850 the number of schools had increased to seventy-nine
(sixty-nine common schools), and the number of pupils to 3,129 — this out
of a total white population of 47,000. In 1860 there were 6,500 pupils in
the schools of the state, of whom only 2,000 were enrolled in the
ninety-seven public schools, while 4,500 were enrolled in the 138 private
academies. At this time the white population of the state numbered 77,000
people. Thus the beginning of public education was involved in great
difficulties, and its progress was extremely slow.
From 1855 to 1857 more
Indian difficulties occurred. Indeed, but for the weakness of the Indians
and the great increase in white population and strength, there would have
been a repetition of the Seven Years' War. As it was, great excitement was
created, especially in the southern and middle sections of the state.
Regulars and volunteers were called into the field, $30,000 was
appropriated for the campaign, and rewards running as high as $500 each
were offered for the capture of the Indians. Several skirmishes took place
in 1856-57, in which the Florida volunteers played a brave and conspicuous
part and several gallant and promising young officers were killed. In 1857
a delegation of Semi-noles was brought from the west to persuade their
former associates and fellow tribesmen to cease hostilities and abandon
the country. Their mission was partially successful, and Billy Bowlegs, a
survivor of the Seven Years' War and the moving spirit in later
disturbances, with about 160 others was removed to the west. After their
removal, in 1857, hostilities again ceased, and have never been renewed,
though a remnant of the Seminoles, estimated in 1880 at 205, and at the
present time at about 350, still remains in the Everglades.
The discussion of slavery
and of the nature of the Union was carried on in Florida with warmth and
vigor as in the other Southern states at this time. The St. Joseph
constitution, still in force, contained two clauses which indicated the
attitude of the leaders in Florida from territorial days towards the
negro. They were as follows: "The General Assembly shall have power to
pass laws to prevent negroes, mulattoes and other persons of color from
emigrating to this state, and from being aboard any vessel in any of the
ports of Florida"; and, "The General Assembly shall have no power to pass
any law for the emancipation of slaves." By the latter of these provisions
it will be seen that slavery was imbedded in the very constitution of
Florida, and nothing short of a constitutional amendment, always difficult
to pass, could destroy its hold. And the sentiment expressed by Governor
Perry, in his message of 1859, that slavery was "that institution which
lies at the basis of Southern prosperity, power, civilization and
happiness," generally prevailed among the leaders of the day. Consequently
Florida could not fail to view with alarm both the growth of abolition
sentiment and the increasing influence of non-slavery or anti-slavery
forces in Congress by the admission of additional free states into the
Union. As has been previously shown, Florida had served as a balance at
the time of the admission of Iowa, and there had been a strong sentiment
in favor of dividing Florida so that it might later be admitted as two
slave states; but Florida's effectiveness as a balance was consumed at the
time of her joint admission with free Iowa, so that there was no other
device left to the state but one of clamor and legislative opposition to
the admission of other free states. The legislature of 1849, protesting
against proposed anti-slavery legislation in the District of Columbia, and
in regard to the status of California, New Mexico and Arizona, declared
that Florida would not "recognize as binding any enactment of the Federal
government which had for its object the prohibition of slavery south of
the line of the Missouri Compromise," and asserted Florida's readiness to
take any necessary steps to defend her rights. In his message to the
legislature in 1850 Governor Brown took a very serious view of the
situation, and requested authority to summon the Southern states into
convention should the fugitive slave law be repealed by Congress. But
there was strong opposition to any hasty or hysterical action both among
the people at home and in the legislature, and the more radical leaders
were not able to precipitate the crisis at this time.
Governor Joseph E. Broome
(1853-1857).
In 1852 Joseph E. Broome, a
native of South Carolina, was elected governor on the Democratic ticket
with a majority of only 300 over the opposing Whig candidate. He held
office from 1853 to 1857, and the period of his administration is
characterized chiefly by the work of internal improvement in the state.
On the admission of Florida
into the Union, the state bad received 500,000 acres of public lands for
the purpose of internal improvement, under the act of Congress of 1841.
Nine years after (1850), Congress assigned to the state for a like purpose
its "swamp and overflowed lands," which later amounted to nearly
20,000,000 acres. The first important act looking to a wide and
progressive employment of these resources was passed in 1855. This act,
known as the "Internal Improvement Act," vested these public lands in a
board of trustees, and specified that a railroad from Jacksonville to
Pensacola, with suitable branches, and another from Amelia Island
(Fernandina) to Tampa, with a branch to Cedar Keys, together with a canal
to connect the St. Johns and Indian rivers, should be considered as
"proper objects of improvement." These railroads were therefore
immediately projected, and the trustees of the internal improvement fund
undertook to guarantee interest on their bonds amounting to $3,500,000.
The following year Congress set aside for these railroads "every alternate
section of land for six sections in width."
These liberal provisions of
the internal improvement board and Congress led to great activity in
railroad work, and numerous roads, in addition to the ones specified
above, were incorporated.
Though progress in this
direction was checked by the war and the disturbances immediately
preceding it, the road from Fernandina to Cedar Keys, from Jacksonville to
Tallahassee, from Pensacola to the Alabama line, and two other short roads
were completed, a total of 416 miles, by the beginning of the war — an
unusually creditable record, at least in so far as mileage is concerned,
considering the population and wealth of the state.
The finances of the state
were in bad shape. During the first decade of state history a deficit of
$90,000 had accumulated, the revenue having averaged only about $50,000
per year. In 1856 a bond issue of $500,000, the only state issue before
the war, was authorized in an effort to place the finances upon a
satisfactory footing. Despite this fact, the deficit of the state,
exclusive of the outstanding bonds, was $97,000 at the beginning of the
war. There was, however, no repetition of such legislation as gave birth
to the Union Bank and other wildcat enterprises of an earlier day. Indeed,
the Constitution of 1839 had laid considerable restrictions upon the
privilege of incorporation. No papers of incorporation could be issued
without the consent of two-thirds of both houses of the legislature and
three months prior publication of intention to incorporate. In the case of
banks, the constitution required that there should be twenty
incorporators, the majority residents of the state, and that the life of
the charter should be twenty years; and it prohibited any further pledge
of the credit of the state, such as had issued in the "faith bonds" of the
Union Bank. As a consequence of these restrictions there was no Florida
bank in operation in the state for the first ten years of state life, and
there were only three Florida banks — the Bank of the State of Florida, at
Tallahassee, the Bank of Fernandina and a bank in Jacksonville — in the
state in 1860, though the banks of other states had branches in Florida
and their notes had free circulation in the state.
Governor Broome's
administration was not free from the agitation and excitement precedent to
the War of Secession; but the governor himself seemed to entertain the
interesting notion that the balance of power in the Union might be
maintained by a process of annexation of territory further south, when
Cuba and other West Indian Islands, with the states of Mexico and Central
and South America, may be added to this confederacy, and these vast and as
yet undeveloped countries be socially, commercially and politically
identified with the institutions of the South."
Governor Madison S. Perry
(1857-1861).
In the following
administration, however, war filled the thought of the state. Madison S.
Perry, a native of South Carolina, was elected governor by the Democrats
in 1856, though his majority over his opponent was less than 400 out of
10,400 votes. He held office from 1857 to 1861 and was largely
instrumental in hastening the secession of the state. In 1859 he said, in
his message, "there are good grounds for the hope that most of the
Southern states will not consent to see the general government pass into
hands avowedly hostile to the South"; and in his message to the
legislature of 1860 he said, "the crisis, long expected by men of
observation and reflection, has at last come. The proper action is
secession from our faithless, perjured confederates."
It is not to be supposed
that these sentiments were the unanimous sentiments of the people of
Florida at that time. As in many other states of the South, there was a
very large element of the population, including many men of great ability
and prominence, who either opposed the secession movement outright or held
that the time had not yet come for any such action. In Florida the radical
candidate for governor, Perry, had been elected in 1856 by an extremely
small majority, and in 1860 the Democratic majority was only 1,700 out of
12,000 votes. But the radical element among the people was noisy, active
and determined, and active opposition to the attempted dissolution of the
Union was gradually reduced to an ineffective protest, and finally
silenced in the noise of the war.
The legislature of 1860
assembled on November 26 and on the 28th called for a convention of the
people to consider the situation. Delegates were elected the following
month, and the convention met at the capital on Jan. 3, 1861. Even now an
effort was made to delay rash and radical action. When the resolution was
introduced into the convention declaring that it was necessary to secede,
an effort was made to modify the resolution by adding the words "at a
proper time without harmful delay." Out of sixty-nine votes cast,
twenty-four were for this restrictive clause; and so on Jan. 10, 1861,
with a minority of seven still protesting, the convention adopted the
following ordinance:
"We, the people of the
state of Florida in convention assembled, do solemnly ordain, publish, and
declare, That the state of Florida hereby Withdraws herself from the
Confederacy of States existing under the name of the United States of
America, and from the existing government of the said states; and that all
political connection between her and the government of said states ought
to be and the same is hereby annulled, and said union of states dissolved;
and the state of Florida is hereby declared a sovereign and independent
nation; and that all ordinances heretofore adopted, in so far as they
create or recognize said union, are rescinded; and all laws or parts of
laws in force in this state in so far as they recognize or assent to said
union, be and the same are hereby repealed."
And Florida withdrew from
the Union; and in April ratified the constitution of the Confederate
States of America.
Biblioqraphv. — General.
Fairbanks, Geo. R.: History of Florida, to 1842 (1871); Rerick, R. H.:
Memoirs of Florida (2 vols., South. Hist. Ass'n, Atlanta, Ga., 1902); to
which the writer of this article is under special obligations.
Indians. — Sprague, John T.: The Florida War (1848) (the best; used
freely); Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1885 (pt. 2; for an excellent
discussion of Spanish, French, English, American and Colonial policy
toward the Indians; and map No. 14 of reservations in Florida).
Education. — Bush, G. G.: History of Education in Florida (Gov. Print,
1889); Biennial Report of State Superintendent W. N. Sheats, 1892-4.
Andrew Sledd,
President of the University of the State of Florida. |