The Economic and Social Life of Virginia in the
Seventeenth Century
I. - The Plantation System.
Throughout the Seventeenth century the entire
system of Virginia life rested, not upon a civil division-the township, as
in New England, but upon an economic division-the plantation. A just
conception of its economic framework, either in whole or part, may be
obtained by studying the character of a single large plantation in any
section of the colony. The community was simply a series of plantations,
differing one from another really only in size; in all, the same staple
crop was produced, the same kind of labor was employed. Practically, the
cultivation of tobacco was the only occupation. There were no towns, no
organized manufactures, few trained artizans. A perfect simplicity, an
almost complete monotony, was the universal economic keynote.
Taking the plantation as the centre of the
economic life, it is easy to follow the growth of one of these communities
from its very birth. The pressure of the advancing landowners against the
barrier of the frontier forest was, from the start, like the pressure of
an army besieging a town; the progress was step by step, but ever forward,
irresistibly though slowly. A public grant of one little corner in the
wilderness, at the outer edge of the settlements, was followed by the
grant of another corner, close at hand but slightly ahead, until what was
wild land to-day became tilled and inhabited land to-morrow. Most of these
patentees were men who had been long established in the colony, and who,
in choosing new ground, understood by experience what were the physical
conditions desirable. There were two of prime importance : first, the soil
must be rich in the elements suitable for tobacco, the best indication of
which would be a thick growth of towering trees; secondly, the land must
lie upon the banks of a stream navigable either by ships or shallops, so
as to give access to the great highway of the ocean and thereby to the
markets of the world.
Having inspected the soil, satisfied himself
as to its quality and defined its bounds, the would-be grantee petitioned
the Governor and Council to issue, in his favor, the necessary patent,
under the colony's great seal. These officers, in consenting, were
presumed to represent the King, in whom the paramount title to every acre
was supposed to be invested. This was the legal fiction even before the
Indians had been driven from the lands which they had held long before the
English throne itself had come into existence. The King's right was
thought to be as positive, absolute and exclusive as if it had descended
undisputed from a remote ancestry. But in spite of this view there was,
especially after the revocation of the charter in 1624, a disposition to
recognize the Indian's real ownership of the country back of the frontier.
This arose from a desire to avoid all causes of quarrel with those
restless and treacherous people. But whether the paramount title of the
King had been acquired by force or by treaty, the method of conferring on
the private individual title in a given area of ground was substantially
the same throughout the century-the only difference was that, in the
company's time, the governor and council issuing the patent had to
transmit it to the quarter court in London for confirmation, while, after
the company's overthrow, the patent was granted under a general law which
did away with such unnecessary delay.
There were two grounds on which the public
lands were conveyed to individuals. First, the performance of public
services which were thought to be worthy of some reward. During the
company's existence such services were generally performed only by
officers of state who had made extraordinary sacrifices of ease and
fortune to increase the prosperity of the colony. Latterly, meritorious
service usually consisted of some form of self-exposure in defending the
frontiers against Indian attack.
But by far the most important basis of
conferring title was the headright. Every person who came out to the
colony or paid the expense of some other person's transportation, whether
a member of his own family, a friend or a servant, could claim a patent
for fifty acres out of the public domain. There was but one condition
imposed : the person or persons whose importation had led to the grant
must remain in Virginia at least three years, unless in the interval
overtaken by death.
The headright was one of the most farsighted
of provisions. In that age there were no such facilities for crossing the
ocean as exist at the present day, when even the European peasant can meet
all the costs of the passage. So expensive was the voyage then that,
unless the importer had been allowed fifty acres in compensation for his
outlay for every person, including himself, brought over by him, only a
small number of the agricultural servants could have found their way to
Virginia; and without that class, the destruction of the primaeval forest
would have gone on very slowly. But in addition to this, the headright
gave the practical assurance that the appropriation of the soil would not
outstrip the growth in population. If any one could have secured a patent
by paying down a sum of money, vast tracts of land would have been
acquired in the most favored regions, to be held simply for speculative
purposes, without any attempt at seating or tilling them. Especially was
this to be deprecated in times when the proximity of a navigable stream to
every estate was considered to be indispensable. It would not have been
long before all the eligible parts of the public domain would have been
engrossed by the wealthy colonists.
The expense of the ocean passage in the
Seventeenth century was about six pounds sterling. Such was the amount
which citizens like William Fitzhugh or William Byrd had to pay for every
servant whom they imported, which would signify that each of these opulent
planters obtained the fifty acres granted in compensation, at the rate of
two and two-fifths shillings, or, in our modern currency, two dollars and
eighty-five cents. Very properly, no limit was set to the number of acres
to be acquired under the operation of the headright. If a colonist had the
means to bring in ten thousand immigrants, he was as legally entitled to
500,000 acres as the man who had brought in one was entitled to fifty
acres; but, as a matter of fact, owing to the expense of importing
servants, the size of the patent rarely ran over a few hundred acres.
Between 1630 and 1650, the average area embraced was 446 acres; between
1650 and 1700, it was 674; but there were instances of grants for as much
as 10,000 acres.
When the grant had been made, two conditions
had to be observed by the patentee to avoid a forfeiture. First, the
plantation had to be seated. A very liberal interpretation of this
requirement was permitted-it was deemed to have been fulfilled should the
patentee have erected a small cabin of the meanest pretensions on the
land; had suffered a small stock of cattle to range for twelve months in
its woods, or had planted an acre in corn or tobacco. In the greatest
number of cases, the new plantation was promptly occupied as provided by
law, since the owner, wished to erect a home of his own at once. The
second requirement was the payment to the K-ing of an annual quit rent of
twelve pence for every fifty acres in the tract. This rent continued
throughout the century to be a cause of ill-feeling in the landowners, as
they looked on it as a cloud on their titles, and they used every kind of
device either to diminish its burden or to evade it altogether.
The Two Classes of Labor.
When the patentee had acquired a complete
title, how did lie bring his new lands under cultivation? There were two
classes of laborers employed by the planters to this end: (1) white
servants bound by indentures for a term of years; (2) African slaves.
During the whole of the Seventeenth century
the first class, by its superior numbers, was the most important of the
two. When the Dutch ship, in 1619, disembarked its memorable cargo of
negroes, the earliest to be transported to the colony, the population of
all the settlements consisted largely of these indentured white servants.
In 1625 they numbered about four hundred and sixty-four, while the black
slaves numbered only twenty-two. Sixty years later the proportion of
slaves had risen-there were six thousand white servants and two thousand
Africans. During the ninth and tenth decades the proportion of negroes
rose higher still, but the white servants continued to hold the economic
supremacy as between the two classes of laborers.
There were, throughout the century, two
influences at play to swell the number of white servants in the colony-the
one in operation in England, the other in Virginia.
First as to the influence in operation in
England. The great bulk of the lower classes in that country at this time
were compelled, by the rigid trade laws, to earn a livelihood as laborers
in the fields; but the opportunities to do so fluctuated with the
prosperity or depression in agriculture. As each parish was required to
support its own poor, there was among some parishes, about 1622, a
disposition to shirk this charge by allowing their unemployed to wander
into other parishes in search of work; this led to restrictive regulations
by the parishes suffering most, and finally to the passage of a statute by
Parliament which confined the great body of the English laborers to their
native parishes, a measure that not only curtailed their personal liberty,
but diminished and even destroyed their ability to improve their
condition. But to make their state even worse, their wages were fixed at
regular intervals by the landowners. In the years in which the price of
wheat rose high above the average, as so often occurred, the agricultural
laborer's straits were deplorable because the advance in the cost of bread
was not or could not be anticipated. Confined to his native parish as to
the bounds of a prison, receiving a rate of remuneration which had been
dictated by his employer-a rate not furnishing an easy subsistence for
himself and his family even in seasons of plenty -compelled to buy his
supplies at prices set by the producers, and subject to heavy penalties
for the slightest infractions of law-was it surprising that he looked upon
emigration to Virginia as a providential opening for improving his
condition after a term of years had been served?
Powerful as was the pressure forcing him out
of England, the inducements drawing him to Virginia were more powerful
still. The only thing in the colony that was said to be dear was labor,
and this continued so throughout the century. The great and uninterrupted
demand for agricultural servants had its origin in the physical
peculiarities of the country. The very anxiety of the planters to acquire
title to the richest soil, as assuring the most profitable crops of
tobacco, increased the difficulties in opening up new land, because the
growth of timber was in proportion to the fertility of the ground. In
removing the forest-this being the supreme obstacle to be surmounted-the
settler required the aid of others to carry through the work that was
essential. The person who had obtained a patent to fifty or five hundred
acres was, in a few years, compelled to sue out a patent to an additional
tract in order to again obtain the virgin soil necessary for the
production of tobacco of the finest quality in the largest quantity,
since, in that age, no manures were used in enriching the fields. This
course of acquiring new lands was prolonged for an indefinite series of
years. Throughout the whole period he needed the assistance of laborers.
As long as there was a surplus population there could be no difficulty in
securing these laborers. The facilities for their transportation were
ample. Not a year, during the company's existence, passed that English
workingmen did not pour into the colony, and after its abolition the
stream grew larger and larger in its volume.
Proportion of Criminals.
What was the proportion of criminals among
this great class of agricultural servants? In those times there were three
hundred offenses in the English code punishable with death, but it seemed
too harsh even to the hardened judges of that age to inflict the extreme
penalty for most of these offenses. Sentence to transportation was, on
their part, a compromise with the more humane feelings of their natures.
It is doubtful whether a single convict was imported into Virginia during
the Seventeenth century whose case, when tried in the English courts, was
not marked by circumstances in mitigation of its heinousness. There are
many proofs that all attempts by the English government to impose on the
colony utterly abandoned jail-birds met with strong, and generally with
successful, opposition by the authorities at Jamestown. A large proportion
of the servants who came in as convicts were simply men who had taken part
in various rebellious movements, a class of population which, so far from
always belonging to a low station in their native country, frequently
represented the most useful and respectable elements in the kingdom. It
was no crime for Irishmen to defend their own soil against the tyrannical
intrusion of Cromwell, or for disaffected Englishmen or Scotchmen to rise
up against the harsh and cruel measures of the Second Charles or the
Second James. It was the men who loved their homes and were devoted to
their church who led these movements; and their followers, in spite of
ignorance and poverty, shared their courage, their steadfastness and their
patriotism.
The youthfulness of the great majority of the
laborers-an additional proof of the comparative smallness of the criminal
element in that class-is revealed in a number of ways: by the reports of
the early censuses, by the surviving cockets of merchantmen, and by the
entries in the county records. It is highly probable that the average age
did not exceed nineteen. A considerable section had been obtained by
felonious means; it was no uncommon thing in those times to find men and
women - "spirits," they were called - in the seaport towns of England who
earned a livelihood by alluring very young persons to their houses by
gifts of sweetmeats, and having cropped the victims' hair so as to alter
their appearance beyond recognition, disposed of them to shipmasters
engaged in the plantation trade. But there is reason to think that the
means employed even by this class were not always so criminal ; they
played on the ignorance of simple-minded adults, the restlessness of
persons in the lower walks of life who were anxious for a change, the
despair of those who were sunk in hopeless poverty, and the eagerness of
those guilty of infractions of the law to escape from the country. There
were also agents of high standing in every great port who were prepared to
supply all the servants needed by emigrants of means who intended to open
up new plantations. The most constant patron of these agents was the
merchant who made annual shipments of various kinds to Virginia, and who
exported these servants as so many bales of goods for exchange for the
principal commodity of the country. In assigning servants to the planters,
he could only dispose of their labor for the period covered by their
indentures. In the absence of indentures the length of the term was fixed
by the custom of the colony-if the servant was under nineteen years of
age, his term lasted until he was twenty-four; if he was over, it lasted
for five years. The length of service rarely exceeded seven, as it was
contrary to public policy that it should continue too long.
Frequency of Change.
A serious drawback to indentured labor was the
frequency of the change distinguishing this form of service. In a few
years the servant's time would come to an end, and his place would have to
be supplied by another. The planter might introduce an hundred industrious
workingmen who might prove invaluable to him while their covenants lasted,
but at the end of five years, when their hands had become skilful and
their bodies hardened to the change of climate, they recovered their
freedom and almost invariably left the plantation immediately to found
homes of their own. Unless the landowner had had the foresight to provide
against their departure by the importation of other servants, he would be
left without men to tend or reap his crops, or to widen the area of his
new grounds. It was not simply a desire to own vast tracts which led the
Virginian of that day to bring in successive bands of agricultural
servants, whose introduction entitled him to a proportionate number of
headrights; in the great majority of cases his object was to obtain
laborers who might take the place of those whose terms were on the point
of expiring. It was this constantly recurring necessity-which must have
been the source of much anxiety and annoyance as well as of a heavy
pecuniary outlay-that caused the planter to prefer youths to adults, for,
while their physical strength might have been less, yet the periods for
which they were bound extended over a longer time.
The Superiority of Slave Labor.
It can be readily seen that, from this
economic point of view, the slave was a far more desirable form of
property than the indentured servant. As his term was not for a few years
but for life, there was no solicitude as to how his place was to be
filled. He not only belonged to his master up to death, but generally left
behind him a family of children who were old enough to give important
assistance in the tobacco fields. In physical strength he was the equal of
the white laborer of the same age, and in power of endurance he was the
superior. Not only was he more easily controlled, but he throve on plainer
fare and was satisfied with humbler lodgings. Nor was he subject to
seasoning-a cause of much loss of time in connection with the raw white
laborers; nor could he demand the grain and clothing which, by the custom
of the country, were allowed the white servants at the close of their
terms-a heavy drain on the resources of even the wealthy planters.
In the light of the slave's economic
superiority over the white servant, it is surprising to find that African
bondsmen were not earlier imported, in great numbers, into Virginia-the
explanation of which lies in the insufficient means then existing for
their conveyance across the ocean to supply the demand. It was not until
1680 that the number brought in began to increase substantially, and this
was due to the fact that the Royal African Company, which had been
chartered in 1662, with the virtual grant of a monopoly, became, either
directly or indirectly, extremely active in the traffic. Many of the
planters after 1680 transmitted their orders for slaves to their London
merchants to be filed with the company's agents in that city, while a
large number also were bought, in Virginian waters, of vessels which had
been licensed by the company. Many were introduced in New England bottoms
straight from the West Indies. In 1649 the negro population was three
hundred, in 1671 two thousand, but by 1700 their number had probably
quadrupled.
A white agricultural laborer, with the usual
term of five years to serve, was valued at from twelve to fourteen pounds
sterling. On the other hand a raw negro, as early as 1669, was, on his
arrival in the colony, sold by the Royal African Company for twenty
pounds. Later on a native male negro adult brought thirty pounds sterling,
and a native female from twenty-five to thirty pounds, a sum, in our
present currency, equal in value to five hundred or six hundred dollars.
Having obtained all the laborers-whether white
indentured servants or black slaves-he needed to bring his new plantation
under cultivation, what were the crops which the patentee sought to
produce? During the first years following the foundation of Jamestown
there were spasmodic efforts to produce a considerable variety of
commodities. Cotton was experimented with, hemp and flax, mulberry trees
for silk and vines for wines. Wheat, also, was sown in small quantities
down to the end of the century. But the really profitable crops soon
narrowed down to maize and tobacco. Although landowners were dependent
upon maize for bread, the General Assembly was compelled to pass a law
from year to year to force them to plant a certain acreage in Indian corn.
The irresistible disposition was to produce tobacco alone. Never has any
other staple entered so deeply into the spirit and framework of any modern
community-it was to the colony what the potato has been to Ireland, the
coffee berry to Brazil, the grape to France and corn to Egypt; but it was
something more, for it was in universal use as the currency in which all
debts, from the public taxes to the grave-digger's bill, were paid.
Moreover, the whole system of large plantations was directly attributable
to the recurring need of virgin soil in tobacco culture, and from that
system arose those social characteristics of the higher planting class
which gave Virginia such unique distinction in the colonial age.
Apart from the great demand in England for the
leaf, tobacco had particular advantages over all other agricultural crops.
First, it could be produced in larger quantities to the acre than any
other, a fact of vast importance in a country where so much labor was
required to strip the surface of the thick growth of timber preparatory to
tillage. Besides, as tobacco could be shipped in a more compressed bulk, a
cargo of it was far more valuable than an equal cargo of any other
product. The freight charge was proportionately smaller because the price
at which the leaf was sold was so much higher.
New England, having practically nothing to
export to England, was compelled to exchange her timber and provisions in
the West Indies for rum, sugar, molasses and slaves as her only means of
procuring the manufactured supplies which she could not herself make at
her own hearthstones. Virginia, having a direct trade with the mother
country in a commodity always in demand there-a demand that assured its
inhabitants an abundance of manufactured supplies-was deprived of one of
the strongest motives in which local manufactures have their origin. The
English ship which carried away the planter's annual tobacco crop from his
own wharf brought back all the clothes, all the furniture, all the tools
and all the implements he needed. But while Virginia was not, in the
modern sense, a seat of manufactures, it would be inaccurate to say that
domestic manufactures in the ruder forms were unknown. There were few
homes in that colony which did not contain a spinning wheel or a weaver's
frame; there were no important plantations which did not number among its
white servants or its slaves skilful carpenters, blacksmiths, saddlers,
masons and bricklayers.
II. - Social Life Under the Plantation
System.
Such, in brief outline, was the general
economic history of each plantation in those early times. The entire
community was made up of plantations and plantations only, and, therefore,
the economic history
of the single plantation was the economic history of the entire
community-with this slight modification that, as the years passed, the
ownership of many estates changed hands either by purchase or descent.
Long before the end of the century all the lands in the older parts of the
colony had been taken up, many substantial mansions erected, influential
families founded and all the varied interests of an organized social life
created and cemented. When we come to examine the social framework of the
community in that age, we find it much more complex than the economic
framework. This was due to the existence of several distinct social
classes-there was first the African slaves standing on the lowest footing,
next the indentured white servants, and finally, overtopping all, the
large landowners.
Although for the time being the white servants
occupied a very subordinate position socially, yet it was from this class
that the ranks of the small landowners were recruited chiefly. Many men
who began in this humble character accumulated, after the close of their
terms, good estates, exercised wide influence and even filled important
offices. There is, indeed, reason to think that some of the agricultural
servants were of highly respectable social origin, and that some, like
Adam Thoroughgood, had simply bound themselves out in order to learn the
art of tobacco growing. But the most ordinary way in which the ranks of
the small landowners were swelled was by the emigration of yeomen from
England. Previous to 1650, as we have seen, the average size of the patent
was 446 acres. In most instances, perhaps, these patents were sued out by
men who had acquired the necessary headrights by the importation of their
families and a couple of agricultural servants. The social esteem in which
the yeomen, as a class, were held was undoubtedly enhanced, not only by
the restriction to landowners of the right of suffrage, but also by the
increase in the number of slaves. The presence of negro bondsmen had a
marked tendency to foster pride of race in every branch of the white
population, for, to be white, gave the distinction of color even to the
agricultural servants-to be white and also to be free combined the
distinction of color with the distinction of liberty.
The class of large planters was necessarily
small in comparison with that of yeomen, but it was they who gave charm
and elevation to the colony's social life, although, as we shall see, the
recreations and diversions of that life were shared by all freemen, and in
a measure even by the slave and indentured servant. A citizen like
Nicholas Spencer, or Richard Lee, in Westmoreland, Robert Beverley in
Middlesex, Nathaniel Bacon, Sr., in York, Adam Thoroughgood in Lower
Norfolk, or William Byrd in Henrico, occupied the position held by the
greatest squire in an English parish. He owned the principal pew in the
parish church, sat at the head of the justices on the county bench, was
colonel of the county militia, and senior warden of the local vestry. It
was these men and their fellows who, with their families, constituted the
highest social body of the colony, and reflected as such all that was most
attractive in its social character.
The Origin of the Planting Class.
What was the origin of the higher planting
class? By the end of the century a large number of the conspicuous members
of the landed gentry had been born in the country. But from 1618 down to
1700, not a year went by that this class did not receive accessions from
England of men of equal social standing, and almost equal means, if not
actual, prospective.
What were the influences which led these men
to emigrate to Virginia? First, the restless and enterprising spirit of
the English, which has made them the greatest colonizers of modern times;
secondly, the narrow chances of fortune in that age in their native land,
even for men of influential family connections. The foreign empire of
England had not then spread entirely around the globe to furnish an
enormous group of civil and military offices to be filled by the cadets of
well-known English houses, nor was the English regular army and navy yet
large enough to afford much room for the host of young men whose parents
were seeking to set them up in life, nor did trade or the professions, or
even the ordinary manual callings, supply all the employment needed. How
natural that the father of many children-and England was as noted then as
now for large families-whether landowner, clergyman, lawyer or physician,
should have turned to Virginia as offering a place of settlement for at
least some of his sons.
There were particular reasons why that colony should appeal to the English
landowner under the circumstances : first, it was firmly loyal to the
monarchy; secondly, its church establishment was modeled precisely upon
that of the mother country; thirdly, the entire power of Virginian
society, even in the period of manhood suffrage, was possessed and
directed by the landed proprietors. That society was composed practically
altogether of such proprietors and their dependents, and, therefore, on
reaching the colony, the son of the English country gentleman could take
up the same calling as his own ancestors had always followed, and would
enter upon essentially the same general life as they had led before
him-only accentuated in Virginia by the dispersion of the population.
Hardly less strong was the appeal which the
colony made to the English father who was a merchant. He saw that in
addition to the independence, refinement and heartiness of its social
life, the colony possessed in tobacco culture a means by which his son,
starting there with a fair estate, might steadily improve his fortunes. He
knew, also, how profitable trading in that commodity could be made by the
employment of capital and shrewdness combined.
Social Organization.
It was a conspicuous feature of the social
life of Virginia in the Seventeenth century that, like the political
system, it was fully organized from the beginning. There was never a
period when, as in our western communities, every social division was
submerged in a rude social equality. On the contrary, all the immemorial
social distinctions took root there at once, as if the population of some
English county had been moved bodily over sea. There was not the least
desire to leave the old privileges and customs behind. Proofs of social
divisions and distinctions were as conspicuous to the Englishman after his
arrival in the colony as if he had passed, not across the ocean, but from
Devon over into Hampshire, or from Sussex over into Surrey. For instance,
one of the most ordinary social badges was the coat of arms, to which most
of the prominent families appear to have had a legal right. In using these
badges, such families were simply doing what their fathers had done before
them in England, and what they themselves had done previous to their
emigration.
Class Distinctions.
Nowhere was there a more formal recognition of
class distinctions than in the legal documents. All the terms showing such
distinctions were there in use, such as "yeoman" and "gentleman,"
"esquire" and "Honorable." In conversation, the term "mister" was
doubtless applied equally to gentlemen and yeomen, but in documents it
appears to have been reserved for gentlemen in the ordinary sense of the
designation. So with the word "gentleman" itself-it was never in such a
document employed with inexactness, but quite invariably nicely and
advisedly. But the most valued of all titles was "esquire," now used so
indiscriminately, but in those times with such perfect precision. It seems
to have been confined to the members of the Upper House of Assembly, a
position which, as well in its social dignity as in its relation to
legislation, was comparable to that of a member of the House of Lords. The
term "Honorable" was applied only to the incumbent of the great office of
Secretary, Auditor or Treasurer.
Practically no distinction was created in the
social life of Virginia in these early times by the existence of the law
of primogeniture, as that law was very slightly in operation. When in
operation at all, it was generally so under the Statute of Descent, which
gave all the land to the eldest son should the father die intestate. But
the almost universal rule then was for that father to divide his property
among all his children, because in that century estates were composed
entirely of land, household articles and live stock, and unless the owner
provided for his younger offspring by dividing and bequeathing to them a
part of this property, he would have nothing to leave them; secondly,
there were then no arts, and practically no trades, as in England, for the
younger sons to turn to for a livelihood, nor was there room in such
professions as law and medicine for many, nor openings, as in the English
towns and cities, in mercantile life, for what mercantile life did exist
was restricted to a few stores, and to casual dealings in tobacco and
imported goods on a large scale.
Virginians and the Mother Country.
In studying the spirit of the people, one is
very much struck with the vigor of the social tie which, in those times,
bound the Virginians to the mother country. They clung with tenacity to
the habits and customs, the moral ideas and standards that prevailed and
governed there. This was chiefly due to the fact that such a large part of
the population had not left their native land over sea until long after
the age of their earliest and most graphic impressions. The children of an
emigrant, though born in Virginia, are likely to have had almost as vivid
a conception of the mother country as their father, for that father,
especially if sprung from the English landed gentry, was certain to have
omitted no opportunity of recalling for their instruction or amusement his
own childhood and youth in his native country, of describing all the
varied scenes associated with his early experiences, of picturing the old
home, of delineating the characters of the different members of the circle
of kindred, and relating an hundred interesting stories drawn from the
long annals of the family history. Members of all classes spoke of England
as "home;" even persons born in Virginia, who had never seen and never
expected to see England, always designated it by the same loving word. It
was not simply the demands of business that, during the Seventeenth
century, led so many citizens of the colony to visit the mother country-a
deep love of their native land influenced many of those who had first seen
the light there to return-while a natural curiosity to see what had been
so often described to them, and a desire to meet relatives whom they had
never met, prompted many of the native colonists to make the voyage.
The little band of sea captains were very
active in keeping up an uninterrupted communication between English and
Virginian kinsmen. Many a verbal message and letter were carried by them
from relatives in Virginia to relatives in England, or the reverse ; and
through them, also, there was a constant exchange of gifts testifying to
mutual interest, affection and esteem. Now it was an assortment of hickory
nuts or walnuts, or slips of sassafras and pawpaw; now a butt of cider, or
a caged redbird or mockingbird; now a flying squirrel, opossum or raccoon.
There were numerous bequests from the
Virginian branch of a family to the English, and a like interest, though
of a more general character, was also reflected in bequests for the
benefit of indigent persons dwelling in those English communities with
which the testators had been associated in early life. In many instances
Virginian children were recommended to the care of their kindred oversea
while receiving an education at some English school. Love of the mother
country was also disclosed in the observance of old English domestic
customs, such as gifts by last will of mourning rings to relatives and
friends ; bestowal, by the same instrument, of the distinction of
heirlooms on articles in household use, such as silver or furniture, which
had acquired certain cherished associations for one reason or another; the
naming of the family residence after the ancestral seat in England; the
burial in the chancel of the parish church of those citizens who, in their
lifetime, had occupied a very exalted place in popular esteem.
The Home Life.
Nowhere were the characteristic features of
the social life of the colony more faithfully presented than in its homes.
As early as 1675 the general community had been established long enough
for its principal residences, in their outer and inner aspect alike, to
have acquired some of the dignity distinguishing the ancient English manor
houses; and in their intimate domestic annals, much of that charm which
was thrown around the society of England in that age by ease of fortune,
refined manners, wide culture and the amenities springing from the closest
bonds of kinship and friendship.
Even these superior residences were, as a
rule, built of wood. The history of William Fitzhugh's mansion was the
history of nearly all-it had gradually spread out by the erection of wing
after wing as his family grew in size, until the whole covered a
considerable area of ground. The homes of this class of citizens
contained, in the way of halls, diningrooms and chambers, ample space for
the most generous entertainment of guests as well as for the comfortable
accommodation of the regular inmates. The different apartments were
furnished and ornamented after the most substantial and attractive
patterns afforded by England. There was every variety of handsome bed,
couch, chair and table. The floors were covered with carpets, the windows
shaded by linen curtains, the chimneys hung with printed cottons, the
bedframes adorned with gaily colored valences, the walls, in some cases,
hung with tapestry, and in all, lined above the floor with panneling. In
some houses, numerous portraits, in others, collections of books were to
be seen. Open cupboards offered a shining array of both pewter and silver.
In every drawing-room there were to be found musical instruments such as
the virginal, the handlyre, fiddle, violin, flute, recorder and hautboy.
The wardrobes of men and women alike contained
clothes of the latest English fashion. On gay occasions the men strutted
about in camlet coats, with sleeves ending in lace ruffles; in waistcoats,
black, white and blue, or adorned with patterns of Turkeyworked texture,
and in trousers made of the finest plush or broadcloth. In their shoes
they wore shining brass, steel or silver buckles, while they carried in
their hands or pockets silk or lace handkerchiefs, delicately scented. As
to the ladies' dress, there are in the inventories numerous references to
silk or flowered gowns, bodices of blue linen or green satin, waistcoats,
bonnets, and petticoats trimmed with silk or silver lace, sarsanet and
calico hoods, scarfs of brilliant shades of color, mantles of crimson
taffeta, laced and gallooned shoes, gilt and golden stomachers.
The tables of the wealthy citizens were loaded
with a most varied abundance of food. The herds of cattle which ran almost
wild supplied an inexhaustible quantity of milk, butter, cheese, veal and
beef, while the hams were pronounced by travelers to be equal in flavor to
those of Westphalia. Deer were shot in such numbers that the people were
said to be tired of venison. On every plantation a flock of sheep nibbled
the pastures; poultry abounded in every houseyard, partridges in the open
fields, wild turkeys in the forests. Clouds of wild pigeons broke down the
limbs of trees with their weight in the spring, and in autumn, countless
duck and wild geese darkened the surface of the creeks, rivers and bays.
Perch, bass, shad, pike and sheepshead were to be caught almost at the
very door, while oysters and other shell fish could be raked up by the
bushel from the bottom of the nearest inlet. Peaches, plums and apples
were produced in every orchard, and figs and grapes in every garden.
Sloes, scuppernongs and pawpaws were to be found along the banks of every
shady stream. Wild strawberries were so plentiful that the domestic berry
was neglected. Huge pumpkins and masses of peas sprang up in every
cornfield between the stalks of maize. Potatoes, artichokes, onions,
cymblins, watermelons-all were cultivated in profusion. Hickory and hazel
nuts were to be picked up by the peck in the woods. Every table was
supplied with homebrewed beer and cider. Perry was made from the juice of
pears, punch from West Indian rum. The wines in domestic use were claret,
Fayal, Madeira and Rhenish. It was a characteristic of the times that
these fine wines could be bought in all the taverns.
With such abundance prevailing, it was natural
that the people should have been extraordinarily hospitable-a feeling
further promoted by the secluded life of the plantation. By 1675 negroes
had become sufficiently numerous to furnish all the principal households
with trained servants for life. Domestic service of that kind became more
abundant still after that date, making the liberal entertainment of
friends and strangers less troublesome than ever. The spirit of
hospitality was further encouraged by the facilities for getting about
from residence to residence afforded by sail or rowboats, for, as we have
seen, every important mansion was situated on a navigable stream. The
traveler was received everywhere with distinction. Beverley declared that
the only recommendation needed by the stranger was that he was "a human
creature," and that he had but to inquire of anyone he met on the public
road the shortest way to the nearest gentleman's seat.
The Diversions of the People.
What were the popular diversions? Very free
drinking in private and public was certainly one of the most favored.
Governor Berkeley declared that "Virginia was as sober and temperate a
colony, considering their quality, as was ever sent out of the kingdom,"
by which he meant that the Virginian planters, on the whole, were less
bibulous than the English gentlemen of the same period. Whenever, however,
a little company of citizens gathered together, whether as appraisers to
value an estate, or as commissioners to accept a new bridge, or as county
justices to hear causes, a liberal supply of spirits was kept near at hand
to quench their thirst. But it was not always at their own tables, or in
taverns, or at the courthouses that the planters laid the ground for the
inroads of gout-there is at least one recorded instance of a little band
of wealthy gentlemen having built in one of the counties a large
banquetting hall.
As we have seen, there were numerous musical instruments to be observed in
the drawing-rooms. The county records show that, among the slaves and
servants, there were some who were especially valued for their skill in
performing with the fiddle, and that this skill was often called into use
at the entertainments in private houses. There is some evidence of
play-acting occurring under the same roofs, which was natural enough after
the Restoration, when the theatre had become in England a popular passion.
Governor Berkeley himself was a playwright of no mean ability, and very
probably encouraged this form of amusement in the parlors of his friends
among the planters.
The game of ninepins was played at all the
taverns and in many private residences. Equally popular was the game of
cards known as "put." These games, as well as dice throwing, led to much
gambling. Wagers were always sustained by the courts if the bet had been
first reduced to writing, and was not in its nature injurious to public
morals. But the betting was perhaps most active at the horse races, which
formed the most popular of all open-air diversions. As late as 1673 only
gentlemen were permitted to enter horses on the regular race course, and
in that year a tailor was heavily fined by court for daring to violate
this rule. The ordinary heats took place on Saturday as a half holiday,
but in some parts of the colony there were what were known as Fall and
Spring races.
It was the habit of the Virginians of every
class, from their early youth, to use the gun. During many years the laws
of the colony required that the head of every family should keep in his
house, ready to hand, at least one firearm of some sort for every person
under him able to employ such a weapon. Whether directed against wild game
or Indians, the aim of the gunners was among the surest of those times.
There was an extraordinary variety and abundance of birds for the
exhibition of quick sight and firm nerves-partridge, wild pigeon and wild
turkey on land, the wild goose and wild duck on the water, furnished
constant sport in season. And so with the game pursued with dogs only.
Though foxes were hunted, there is no surviving record of packs of trained
hounds having been used. Hares were caught in large numbers by running
them down or smoking them out of hollow trees. Raccoons and opossums were
tracked at night in the forests, while bears and panthers were killed even
in the older parts of the colony as late as 1683. Wolf driving was, in
some counties, an annual diversion, while in all, capturing wild horses
furnished a profitable amusement. Under the existing custom, all animals
of this kind without an owner's mark belong to whoever could overtake and
catch them. Another popular sport was fishing, chiefly with the rod, but
seines, cast and stationary nets, as well as gill lines, were in common
use. The most exciting form of the sport, however, was "striking," a
method adopted from the Indians. This was done after nightfall with spears
by the light of a flaming brazier fixed in the prow of the boat.
Much diversion was also derived by the people
from such public or semi-public occasions as the funeral, wedding, the
assemblage at church, court and muster days.
Having in most of the counties to travel far
to attend a funeral, the persons present were always treated by the family
of the deceased as special guests who were in particular need of
refreshment after the obsequies were concluded. Extraordinary provision
was made for their entertainment. At one funeral occurring in York county
in 1667, it required twenty-two gallons of cider, twenty-four of beer and
five of brandy to assuage the mourners' thirst. A whole ox and a half
dozen sheep were not infrequently roasted to satisfy their hunger.
The wedding was marked by a gayety that was
both prolonged and extravagant. The country neighborhoods were not so
thickly settled that an occasion of this kind occurred so frequently as,
by rapid repetition, to dull the edge of the pleasure derived from
dancing, feasting and a reunion of friends and acquaintances. Most of the
guests had to come from distant plantations, and were in no humor to
shorten the festivities. Of a more promiscuous character was the popular
assembly at the musters. From the remotest corners of the county the
people gathered, some trudging on foot, some perhaps traveling in cart and
rude carriages, but the greater number riding on horseback, with their
wives and daughters perched up behind them on pillions. The muster itself,
by varying the character of the occasion with a military display, gave a
fillip to its social pleasures. The event very probably also had its
darker side in the presence of many who were disposed to indulge too
freely in spirits. A free enjoyment of rough horseplay was also a
characteristic of the monthly court. In spite of the fact that its
principal aspects were political and business, the occasion was invariably
enlivened by drunken bouts, which were not entirely confined to the lowest
class of the population present. This was so well known that discontented
indentured servants very often took advantage of the relaxed vigilance of
that hour to make their preparations for flight.
The holding of services in the parish church
gave rise to an occasion which was as remarkable for its social as for its
religious aspects. In this edifice all the free people of the parish were
required by law to assemble every Sabbath morning. Apart from any desire
to join in public worship, the prospect of meeting friends and
acquaintances must have had a strong influence in bringing a large number
of persons together at the church door. Before and after the hour of
service, they had a full opportunity to mingle in the closest social
intercourse. For a few hours the church was the centre of overflowing
life. A spirit of social kindness, as well as of religious devotion, was
nourished from Sunday to Sunday; the bonds of mutual sympathy and
helpfulness were made more intimate ; the more innocent vanities aired;
the manners of the young improved by contact with their elders, and the
minds of the old refreshed by renewed association with their neighbors.
BIBLIOGRAPHY. - Abstracts of Proceedings of
the Virginia Company of London (2 Vols., Va. Hist. Society Publications);
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PHILIP ALEXANDER BRUCE,
Author of The Economic History of Virginia in the Seventeenth Century. |