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Reorganization of State
Government, 1865-1868.
In according military
honors to the Mississippi troops surrendered by Gen. Richard Taylor, Gen.
E. R. Canby had followed the example of General Grant in his magnanimous
policy of conciliation, and his generosity and manly bearing had favorably
impressed the gallant men who had made an heroic struggle for Southern
independence. Both officers and men returned to their desolated homes with
the full determination to accept in good faith the results of the war, and
to meet the responsibilities which they had assumed.
The governor of Mississippi
at this time was Charles Clark, a native of Ohio. When Governor Clark was
informed by General Taylor of his intention to surrender, he decided that
the proper course to pursue was to issue a call for a meeting of the
legislature, to recommend that the people accept in good faith the results
of the war, and to send a commission to Washington to consult the
President as to the necessary steps for the restoration of the state to
the Union. On May 6, 1865, the governor issued a proclamation calling the
legislature to meet in Jackson on May 18. The legislature responded to the
call and met May 20, 1865. The governor sent in a message in which he
recommended calling a constitutional convention, repealing the ordinance
of secession, remodeling the state constitution and appointing a
commission to consult the President on the subject of the restoration of
the state to the Union.
After the message of the
governor had been read, the legislature was informed by General Osband,
the commander of a brigade of negro troops stationed at Jackson, that the
members would be arrested if they attempted to exercise the functions of a
law-making body. This threat of interference by the military authorities
caused the legislature to adjourn after a brief session, at which it
provided for a convention to be held July 3; and the appointment of three
commissioners "to consult with President Johnson as to a plan for
restoring the State of Mississippi to harmonious relations with the
Federal Government, on such a basis as will tend to perpetuate the liberty
and prosperity of the American people." Resolutions were adopted deploring
the assassination of President Lincoln and the attempt on the life of
Secretary Seward, and repudiating the charge that Jefferson Davis and
Jacob Thompson were implicated.
After the adjournment of
the legislature, General Osband notified the governor that he could not
recognize the civil government of Mississippi, placed a guard over the
departments in the state house, demanded the custody of public buildings
and archives, and fixed May 22, 1865, as the date for delivery.
The last official act of Governor Clark, as recorded in his official
journal, bears date of May 22, 1865, and is the appointment of William L.
Sharkey, William Yerger and Thomas J. Wharton as commissioners to consult
the President concerning the speedy restoration of Mississippi to the
Union. On the same day the governor was arrested in the executive office
by General Osband, and was soon after imprisoned in Fort Pulaski,
Savannah, on a charge of treason. This action of the military authorities
deprived the state of even a semblance of a government, and created a
feeling of dismay and apprehension in the minds of the people. This state
of uncertainty and fear was somewhat relieved by the President's
proclamation of May 29 regarding the restoration of North Carolina, which
revealed his policy toward the states of the Southern Confederacy. A short
time after their appointment William L. Sharkey and William Yerger went to
Washington to consult the President ; the third commissioner was unable to
go. While the people of the state had been somewhat reassured by the
North. Carolina proclamation of the President, the interregnum which began
with the arrest of Governor Clark left them without any of the forms of
civil government, and this state of affairs continued until June 13.
The selection of Judge
Sharkey and Judge Yerger to represent the interests of the state at
Washington was wise, and could not have been improved upon. They had been
eminent members of the high court of errors and appeals, both were
old-line Whigs with decided leanings to the Union, and both had the
confidence and good-will of the people. On arriving in Washington they met
with a cordial reception from the President, but he informed them that
they could not be received officially as commissioners representing the
state of Mississippi. In replying to their representations, the President
asked if the plan for the reorganization of North Carolina would be
acceptable to them and to the people of Mississippi. After expressing a
preference for the plan adopted by the legislature, the commissioners
accepted the plan proposed by the President. On June 13 President Johnson
issued a proclamation, as commander-in-chief of the army, appointing
William L. Sharkey provisional governor of Mississippi.
The appointment of Judge
Sharkey removed much of the doubt and depression which were universal at
the time throughout Mississippi. He belonged to that school of Whig
statesmen of which Henry Clay, John Bell and John J. Crittenden were the
best types. He was, by nature, a pacificator, and his long service as
chief justice of the high court of errors and appeals had given him a
place in the confidence and affections of the people which even the
bitterness and disasters of war could not shake. In order to promote a
return of confidence he directed the county and municipal judges, and
other officials in office on May 22, to resume their duties. He ordered an
election for August 7 for delegates to a constitutional convention to meet
August 14, and made some necessary appointments of state officials.
Soon after the inauguration
of the provisional government a conflict arose with the military
authorities over the enforcement of the criminal laws. A judge issued a
writ of habeas corpus to a military officer who had arrested a citizen of
the state on a charge of murder, and the officer not only refused to obey
the writ but arrested the judge for issuing it.
The constitutional
convention met in Jackson August 14. The political affiliation of its
members is interesting to show the trend of public opinion as compared
with 1861. In the convention of 1861 there were eighty-four Democrats and
twenty-five Whigs; the convention of 1865 was composed of seventy Whigs
and eighteen Democrats; seven delegates of the convention were members of
the convention of 1861, only one of whom voted for secession.
The convention, regardless
of party, was divided into two sections—those in favor of accepting the
results of the war, and those who proposed to contend for emancipated
slaves on the ground that depriving the Southern people of property
without compensation was a great public wrong. The convention was the
first one in the South held under the President's reconstruction policy,
and its attitude was anxiously watched by the people of the entire
country. The two questions to decide were: first, should the abolition of
slavery be recognized, and, second, what place should the negro occupy
under the laws? The sentiment of the convention was in favor of
acquiescing in emancipation, and leaving the status of the negro as a
citizen to be determined by each state. By a vote of eighty-seven to
eleven this policy was adopted by the convention, and was incorporated in
the constitution. The convention also declared the ordinance of secession
to be null and void, and further provided for a general election on the
first Monday in October, the legislature to meet on the third Monday. The
work of the convention met the approval of the President, and he expressed
the confident hope that the example of Mississippi would be followed by
the other Southern states.
The result of the election
in October, on the whole, indicated a willingness to abide by existing
conditions. Gen. Benjamin G. Humphreys, late of the Army of Northern
Virginia, but a Union man before the war, was elected governor ; the
congressmen elected had all opposed secession, and the three judges of the
high court of errors and appeals had favored it.
The legislature met October
16, and after an address by Judge Sharkey the governor-elect took the oath
of office, delivered his inaugural address and was declared governor of
the state of Mississippi. Judge Sharkey in his address said that he was
"proud to say that Mississippi had taken the lead in the work of
reorganization, and that without any light for her guidance, she had set
an example to her sister states that is being deemed worthy of emulation,
and with the most beneficial results to the South." Governor Sharkey was
not regularly relieved of his duties until December 14, when he was
notified that he could give way to the governor elected by the people.
In his inaugural address,
Governor Humphreys said that emancipation had imposed a great duty upon
the state. "Several hundred thousand of the negro race, unfitted for
political equality with the white race, have been turned loose upon
society; and in the guardianship she may assume over this race she must
deal justly with them and protect them in all their rights of person and
property. The highest degree of elevation in the scale of civilization to
which they are capable, morally and intellectually, must be secured to
them by their education and religious training, but they cannot be
admitted to political or social equality with the white race."
During the first eight
months of Governor Humphrey's administration about 9,000 negro troops were
retained for duty in Mississippi. There was little discipline among them
and they were allowed to go about fully armed and were permitted to assist
authority in a way most offensive and humiliating to their former masters.
It was not possible for such men to perform the duties assigned them
without exciting resentment. They terrorized the weak and helpless of both
races, defied the civil authority and advised the people of their race not
to work.
The legislature refused to
ratify the Thirteenth amendment, on the ground that the amendment to the
state constitution covered the same subject and further action was
unnecessary. At a special session of the legislature, 1866-67, it also
refused to ratify the Fourteenth amendment, on the ground that "the voting
class should not be swollen by sudden and large infusions of ignorance and
prejudice."
In the meantime Congress
refused to recognize the Mississippi senators and representatives selected
under the Johnson plan of reconstruction, and on March 2, 1867, adopted
over the President's veto the military reconstruction act, which had for
its purpose the control of the Southern states by negro votes. Under the
act Mississippi was made a subdistrict, under the military orders of Gen.
Alvan C. Gillem, his immediate superior being Gen. E. 0. C. Ord, in
command of the fourth district. Under his order an election was held for
delegates to a constitutional convention to be held Jan. 9, 1868, the
delegates to be elected by the male citizens of the state, twenty-one
years old and upwards, "of whatever race, color or previous condition of
servitude," residents for one year, and not disfranchised. The
registration of voters under the reconstruction acts was the duty of the
military commander. As the registration proceeded, it was shown in
September that 60,167 negroes and 46,636 white men had been allowed to
qualify as voters. This was a startling demonstration of the folly and,
stupidity of negro suffrage in Mississippi.
The constitutional
convention assembled in Jackson Jan. 9, 1868, and adjourned May 17. It was
controlled completely by men representing the basest element of the
population, and seventeen of its members were negroes. It was necessarily
a crude and revolutionary body, and the constitution it formed, on being
submitted to the people June 22, 1868, was defeated, 56,231 votes being
cast for and 63,860 against it. At the same election Humphreys was
reelected governor by 8,000 majority, according to the official report of
the result given out by General Gillem. As the defeat of the constitution
required the continuance of existing conditions with Governor Humphreys in
charge of civil affairs, its friends attempted to overthrow the result as
declared by Gillem by appealing to Congress.
On June 4 General Gillem
was succeeded in command of the fourth district by Gen. Irwin McDowell,
who, a few days later, issued an order for the removal of Governor
Humphreys and Attorney-General Hooker on the ground that they were
obstructing the enforcement of the reconstruction laws. Gen. Adelbert Ames
was ordered to assume the duties of provisional governor, and Capt. Jasper
Myers was detailed to fill the office of attorney-general. Ames went to
Jackson and notified Governor Humphreys of what had been done. The
governor replied that he regarded the proposed removal as an usurpation
and in violation of the constitution of the United States, and that
President Johnson had disapproved the order. "I must therefore," said he,
"in view of my duty to the constitutional rights of the people of
Mississippi, and of the disapproval of the President, refuse to vacate the
office of governor, or surrender the archives and public property until a
legally qualified successor under the constitution of Mississippi is
appointed." On the next day, June 15, 1868, the governor was forcibly
ejected from his office in the capitol by a detail of soldiers under
orders from Colonel Biddle, post-commandant at Jackson. By such methods
was the civil authority violently overthrown by the military.
Military Government,
1868-1870.
The civil government of
Mississippi, which was overthrown by the force of military authority, had
been in operation nearly three years.
Under conditions as they
existed for three years after the war, local government in Mississippi was
under the control of natives to the soil. These men were making a faithful
effort to adjust their institutions to conditions without a parallel in
the experience of civilized communities. A reasonable degree of success
had attended their efforts, some mistakes had been made and some wrongs
had been committed by the less responsible element, but nothing had been
done to justify the passage of a law which disfranchised honest,
intelligent men, and enfranchised those who were ignorant, depraved and
vicious.
The reconstruction act was
passed possibly without a full knowledge of its terrible results, as the
debates seem to indicate that the effect of negro rule, which was the
inevitable outcome of such legislation, was not the subject of discussion.
The members of Congress knew nothing of the real situation in the South,
and made no effort to gather reliable information. It was the opinion of
some of the best men in the North that there was nothing in the situation
of affairs which justified even military rule. Governor Andrew, of
Massachusetts, advised that the burden of responsibility be placed on the
Southern people. "They have," he said, "the brain and the experience and
the education to enable them to understand the exigencies of the present
situation." Louis Agassiz, the great scientist, looked with loathing upon
the enfranchisement of an ignorant, servile and alien race. In their
frenzied zeal for the elevation of the negro who was incapable of
self-government, such men as Sumner and Stevens forgot the rights of a
race that had been self-governing for centuries.
The effect of the
reconstruction act, as construed by General Ames, was the complete
annihilation of all civil government as it had existed during the
administrations of Sharkey and Humphreys ; and in the exercise of his
powers he assumed all the functions of the executive, legislative and
judicial departments, of government. During the first seven months of
military rule the county officers were allowed to continue to discharge
their duties ; but this policy did not meet the approval of the
carpetbaggers who clamored for the "rebels" to be turned out. Congress had
been urged by a committee of these men to declare all offices vacant, that
they might be filled by "loyal citizens." In response to the demands of
the committee, Congress passed a joint resolution declaring that all
office-holders of Mississippi who could not take and subscribe to the oath
of July 2, 1862, should be removed and the vacancies filled by the
military commander. On March 23, 1869, General Ames issued General Orders
No. 16, declaring that "all civil offices in this District which have been
held by persons whose legal disabilities have not been removed, and who
cannot take the oath prescribed by the Act of Congress of July 2, 1862,
are vacant." The result of this order was the summary removal of officials
from governor to constable. These positions had been filled by men
selected by the people, they had qualified under the laws of the state,
and held the respect and confidence of the communities in which they
lived. Under the terms of the order, the respectable and responsible
native whites could not hold office, hence it was impossible to fill the
vacated offices with honest, capable men. It was necessary to appoint
2,000 officials from the motley crowd that remained after the exclusion of
the intelligent, influential men of the state. There could only be one
result from such a policy—the handing over of the government to alien
whites who were not citizens of the state, and to a horde of ignorant
negroes who were taught to believe that the property was to be turned over
to them by their new-found friends. General Ames excused his appointments
by claiming that it was the best he could do under the circumstances. The
great majority of his appointees were incompetent and dishonest, and were
more intent upon gain than duty. Even after the appointment of "loyal
citizens" to all the public offices of the state, the governor would
frequently remove them when they refused to support all his measures. In
other cases, where his friends whom he had appointed to office were guilty
of dishonest practices, he showed a desire to shield them. In the summer
of 1869 President Grant, by proclamation, designated Tuesday, November 30,
for the re-submission of the constitution which had been defeated by
popular vote. At the same time there was to be a general election for
state officers, members of the legislature and representatives in
Congress. This precipitated the first political contest of the military
rule. The re-submission of the rejected constitution of 1868 enabled the
voters to cast their ballots for or against the proscriptive clauses and
the clause forbidding the loaning of the credit of the state, and the vote
for the constitution meant the rejection of those clauses.
Two factions of the
Republican party contended for the control of the state. One under the
name of the National Union Republican party, with a platform of
"toleration, liberality and forbearance," had as its candidate for
governor Judge Lewis Dent, a brother-in-law of President Grant. The
platform was conservative and was made to appeal to the native white vote.
The Radical Republicans nominated James L. Alcorn as their candidate for
governor, and made a strong bid for the negro vote. The election resulted
in the ratification of the constitution with the proscriptive clauses
stricken out, and the state credit clause was adopted. In the contest for
governor, Alcorn was elected by a large majority. Congress passed a bill
readmitting the state to the Union Feb. 23, 1870, and on the 26th General
Ames proclaimed the termination of his military command, and left the
state to take a seat in the Senate, to which he had been elected by the
legislature.
Reconstruction and
Revolution, 1870-1876.
The state had been
reconstructed according to the congressional plan, under the provisions of
which its interests were placed in the keeping of white aliens and
ignorant negroes. Its advocates professed to believe that under the new
conditions the return of peace and plenty was assured. Governor Alcorn in
his inaugural address condemned what he termed the evils of the
patriarchal system, and spoke in congratulatory words of the blessings
which were to come from the new order of things.
The first election held
under congressional reconstruction clearly foretold the influence of the
negro vote. In the legislature of 1870 there were thirty-five negroes,
five in the senate and thirty in the house. One of them was elected a
senator of the United States. A negro held the office of secretary of
state, and almost every county having a black majority had negro
officials. The leaders of the race very soon awoke to the fact that the
Republican party depended upon the negro vote for success at the polls,
and they were not slow in demanding a full share of the spoils.
The failure of the governor
to control the legislature in the direction of economy was made apparent
early in the session. Its leaders were carpetbaggers with no interests in
the state, their names did not appear on the tax-books, and most of them
were citizens and office-holders for revenue only. It was their purpose to
create as many additional offices as possible and pile up taxes as high as
the people would bear. The governor, on the other hand, had been a citizen
of the state for twenty-five years and was a large property-holder and
taxpayer. He knew how poor the people were, and he went into office with
the expressed intention of administering the government on a basis of
rigid economy. While he was very unpopular with the white people, they
preferred him to a carpet-bagger.
Before the meeting of the
legislature, it leaked out that the party in power had determined to elect
Governor Alcorn a United States senator for the full term beginning March
4, 1871. The election of Alcorn to the Senate required his resignation,
and this would leave the government entirely under the control of the
carpet-baggers and negroes. Such a prospect greatly alarmed the taxpayers
of the state, and public meetings were held at which resolutions were
passed requesting the governor not to resign his office, but his election
early in the session of the legislature indicated his willingness to turn
the state over to the tender mercies of his hungry followers. His
acceptance at the hands of the legislature of the office of United States
senator necessarily tied his hands and prevented the exercise of his
extensive powers for the protection of the taxpayers.
The legislature continued
in session six months, and its expenses were three times as great as those
of 1865. That the per diem plan of compensation had much influence in
prolonging the session is undoubted. An expensive official organization
was provided, new offices created and salaries increased. A new judicial
system was organized which greatly increased the number of judges. In
order to throw these appointments to the carpet-baggers, the first circuit
judges were not required to be residents of the state. There was in all
departments an elaboration of government which was entirely unnecessary,
and which was more expensive than the state could bear. Appropriations
were made with little or no knowledge of the revenues from which they were
to be paid. The legislature made the offices, the governor filled them
with his appointees, the party leaders had to be provided for at the
expense of the public, the appointed officials were generally incompetent
and dishonest, hence financial ruin and bankruptcy were inevitable. The
receipts in 1870 were $436,000, the disbursements $1,061,294. The cost of
the legislative session of 1870 was more than half of the entire revenue.
In 1871 the expense of the judiciary was $377,000. These figures show that
Governor Alcorn's recommendations of conservative expenditures were not
effective. He retired from office Nov. 30, 1871, to take his seat in the
Senate.
Governor Alcorn was
succeeded by Lieut.-Gov. R. C. Powers, and although the latter tried to
arrest the prevailing corruption in the legislature and in the
administration of county offices, conditions continued to grow worse.
Expenditures were still in excess of the receipts. At the end of the first
four years of reconstruction the expenditures had exceeded the receipts by
$871,987, and the state indebtedness had increased from $1,178,175, in
1870, to $3,443,189 in 1874. During the Powers administration the people
were in great distress on account of general corruption in the government,
short crops and the financial stringency brought on by the panic of 1873.
It was under these
distressing conditions that the gubernatorial election came on. The
contest was between two factions of the Republican party, both of which
were bidding for the negro vote. One of the factions was led by Alcorn,
the other by Ames, and both contested the nomination for governor. Alcorn
had denounced Ames in the Senate as an interloper, and said that he was
not a citizen of the state he represented, and did not even have the right
to claim a technical residence there. In his heart Alcorn had all the
contempt for the carpet-bagger which was felt by the native whites, and it
found expression in his contest with Ames. At the Republican convention
the support of the negroes went to Ames, and his friends controlled by a
majority of about five to one. On the ticket with Ames were three negroes,
two of whom were notorious rascals and criminals. The convention was a
rabble of disorderly negroes, who demanded the offices for their race on
the ground that they supplied the votes. The friends of Alcorn bolted and
put out a full ticket in opposition to Ames. This split in the Republican
ranks gave the Democrats and Whigs the balance of power, and an attempt
was made to throw that vote to Alcorn. But by this time both Ames and
Alcorn were regarded by the white people as enemies of good government,
and the effort failed. Ames had the solid support of the negroes and was
elected by a substantial majority.
The election of 1873 was
the culmination of the evil effects of reconstruction. The rule of the
alien and the negro was complete, with the latter holding the lion's share
of the offices. The lieutenant-governor, secretary of state,
superintendent of education and commissioner of immigration and
agriculture, all were negroes; both houses of the legislature had negro
presiding officers; in the senate ten negroes held seats ; of the
seventy-seven Republicans in the house, fifty-five were negroes and
fifteen were carpet-baggers ; the majority of the county offices were
filled by negroes, 90 per cent. of whom could neither read nor write. The
governor had declared, on the floor of the senate and during his campaign
for election, that he alone was the guardian of the negroes' rights, and
after his election the negro leaders were apparently his chief advisers.
Davis, the negro lieutenant-governor, and Cordoza, the negro
superintendent of education, as the bosses of the negro machine, were very
influential with the governor, and as both were notoriously corrupt, such
counselors made the administration odious to the best elements of all
parties.
At the beginning of 1874
the burden of taxation was so great that it threatened the confiscation of
all property. The tax levy ranged from 21/2 to 5 per cent. Over 6,000,000
acres of land, out of a total area of 30,000,000 acres in the entire
state, were forfeited for taxes. In some counties the land tax amounted to
$4.50 per acre. Such conditions led to the calling of taxpayers'
conventions with members from all parties. The state grange resolved that
"taxation in Mississippi has become a burden so large and extensive that
the vital energies and industries of our state are becoming sapped,
paralyzed and destroyed, and ruin inevitable and irretrievable stares us
in the face." Memorials were sent to the legislature urging a reduction in
the tax rate, and the governor attempted to bring it about.
The local elections of 1874
resulted in large gains for the Democrats and Whigs, who had combined for
the purpose of rescuing the state from the spoiler. They gained control of
an increased number of counties with a corresponding increase in members
of the legislature. Under these encouraging conditions the Democratic
members of the legislature held a meeting March 3, 1875, and appointed a
state committee to organize the Democratic-Conservative party for the
campaign of that year. A convention representing the combined Democratic
and Whig voters of the state was held August 3, and a general campaign
inaugurated for the control of the legislature, with Gen. J. Z. George in
active control of its management. The contest in reality was one in which
the whites were practically all on one side and the blacks on the other.
White Republicans, led by Governor Alcorn, were in open opposition to Ames
on the ground that he had yielded everything to the worst element of the
party. The campaign was one of intense feeling on the part of the white
people ; they believed that a supreme effort should be made to save their
civilization from destruction.
After the meeting of the
Democratic convention the white people devoted all their time to the
organization of political marching clubs in every community. Both parties
organized their clubs with military features. The legislature at its last
session had appropriated $60,000 for the organization of two regiments of
militia, a part of which could be used for the purchase of Gatling guns
and small arms. As the campaign progressed, there were frequent collisions
between the whites and blacks, and the governor called for Federal troops.
When these were refused he began to organize two regiments of negro
troops.
As the time for the
election drew near, it became evident that the Republicans were losing
ground. The anti-Ames wing of the party had gained the ear of the
President; a number of influential negroes advised their people to vote
the Democratic ticket or remain away from the polls, and the leaders who
were loyal lost hope. During the campaign there was intimidation on both
sides. Many negroes were pledged to vote the Democratic ticket, and had to
be protected from violence. Their preachers charged the members of the
church to vote the Republican ticket, and those who refused were turned
out. On the other hand, the whites terrorized the negroes with their
military organizations, refused them employment unless they voted the
Democratic ticket, and announced that it would be best for them to stay at
home on election day.
The election was held Nov.
3, 1875, and was more orderly and free from disturbances than any since
the war. The Democrats carried the state by over 30,000 majority, elected
four congressmen, a state treasurer, a majority of both houses of the
legislature and local officers in sixty-two of the seventy-four counties.
The election marked the downfall of corrupt government, based on negro
suffrage, in the state of Mississippi.
Restoration of Home Rule,
1876-1890.
The revolution at the
ballot-box was soon followed by a session of the legislature, and a
general investigation of all branches of the state government was
immediately taken up. It was the avowed purpose of the Democrats, in the
event of success, to investigate the official conduct of Ames, Davis and
Cordoza, with a view to their impeachment and removal from office. It was
known that Davis and Cordoza were guilty of almost every form of official
corruption. Ames, on the other hand, had, in the opinion of the Democrats,
been guilty only of illegal, arbitrary and tyrannical official acts, and
was held to be culpable in condoning wholesale dishonesty in those over
whom he held control and for whose official honesty he was responsible.
Davis was impeached and convicted; Cordoza was allowed to resign while the
impeachment was pending, and Ames, after the articles of impeachment were
dismissed, resigned. On March 29, 1875, the date of Governor Ames'
resignation, John M. Stone, president pro tempore of the senate, was
inaugurated governor of the state.
The legislature made a
searching investigation of every department of the state government, which
resulted in unveiling the extravagance, fraud and corruption that pervaded
it in all directions. It was, perhaps, the ablest body of legislators that
had ever assembled in Mississippi. The legislature remained in session
three and a half months, and the laws enacted had in view a readjustment
of the administrative and financial system which had been in operation
under the Republican regime. These laws were wise and wholesome, and were
based upon the theory that rigorous economy was necessary for the
rehabilitation of the state. The economic condition of the people was as
bad, if not worse, as at the close of the war. There had been very little
recuperation in the ten years which had passed; the lands of the people,
which were about the only sources of revenue left to them, had borne the
burdens of taxation; millions of acres had been forfeited to the state,
and the farms remaining in the hands of the owners were heavily encumbered
with mortgages. It was therefore the wisest statesmanship to reduce the
expenses of the state to a minimum, and this was the task which the
legislature of 1876 accomplished.
The total expenditure of
1875, the last year of the Ames administration, was $1,430,000; in 1876,
the first year in which the taxpayers were in control, the total
expenditure was $547,000. At the beginning of 1876 state warrants were
selling as low as eighty cents on the dollar; before the legislature
adjourned in April they stood at ninety-five cents, and before the close
of the year were at par. In addition to the policy of economy established
by the legislature, there was a complete revolution in the methods of
conducting the public business. Under the rule of the non-taxpayers,
public office was regarded as an opportunity for securing the largest pay
for the least service, and the holders of petty county offices secured
large fortunes in a few years. Under the rule of the taxpayers honest
methods and honest service marked the administration of public offices.
The wise and economical conduct of public affairs by Governor Stone was
rewarded in 1877 by his election to a full term of four years. In his
message of January, 1878, he reported that the laws had been impartially
enforced, and that all the blessings of good government had been secured
to the people. The total receipts from all sources in 1877 were $865,000,
disbursements $562,000. The last years of the Stone administration brought
in a new prosperity; there was a "boom" in railroad building; the
Agricultural and Mechanical College was founded, and the census of 1880
showed an increase of 40 per cent. in the population of the state. In his
last message to the legislature Governor Stone urged the establishment of
an institution for the higher education of young women.
After six years of honest,
economical government the state showed many evidences of improvement; its
public debt was small—and in this particular it had a decided advantage
over the other Southern states, this favorable condition being secured by
the constitution of 1869, which prohibited pledging the state's credit;
confidence in its financial integrity had been restored by a prompt
payment of all its obligations, and there had been a steady improvement in
the relations between the two races. After 1876 the negro took little or
no part in politics, and the change was good for him, as it gave him more
time to find out that industry and right dealing were better for him to
strive for than political control. But even after the revolution of 1875
the negro was not without representation in the political life of the
state ; they served as members of the legislature as late as 1894, and
held county offices up to 1890.
From 1880 to 1890 there was
a complete readjustment of race relations from both political and
industrial standpoints. The negroes devoted themselves more to their
duties as farm laborers and mechanics, and less to the occupations of the
politician. The white people, relieved of the burdens which had prevented
advancement, had more time to give to the upbuilding of the state.
In 1882 there was a change
of administration. Governor Stone was succeeded by Gen. Robert Lowry, who
continued the general policies of his predecessor; during his
administration the state made great advances along the lines of
educational development, the establishment of manufacturing enterprises
and the building of railroads.
The year 1886 was notable
for the adoption of an effective public school law and the passage of a
local option act which submitted the question of the sale of intoxicating
liquors to the counties. In his message of 1888 Governor Lowry said that
signs of individual and general prosperity were more manifest in
Mississippi than at any time of the decade.
The Constitutional
Convention of 1890.
The Mississippi
constitution of 1868 had, ever since its adoption under the reconstruction
regime, been regarded with distrust by the best citizens. It had been
amended four times, but the changes wrought in it had not satisfied the
people. As early as 1879 an agitation was begun for a new constitution.
The objections urged against the existing charter were its origin, its
suffrage provisions, which had given the state over to negro control for
seven years, its unequal provision for representation in the legislature,
the appointment instead of election of judges by popular vote, too
frequent elections, an objectionable system for the registration of
voters, and need of greater powers for the control of corporations and for
the limitation of legislative power. While all these objections were urged
as reasons for a change, the most vital and popular demand came from the
advocates of radical changes in the regulation of the suffrage. Although
the negroes had largely given up the right to vote, they were still
entitled to cast their ballots under the law. This was a constant menace
to good government, and in some counties a small minority of greenbackers
and independents had, by the aid of negro votes, gained control of local
affairs. In 1881 these elements had united in the gubernatorial campaign
and cast over 50,000 votes. Good government, under existing conditions,
depended on a suppressed negro vote. This was gradually undermining the
political morality of the people, and it was feared by some of the most
thoughtful and far-seeing men that it would, if continued, be a source of
endless trouble.
By 1886 the demand for a
change in the organic law caused the legislature to adopt a resolution
calling a constitutional convention, but it was vetoed by Governor Lowry.
At the session of 1888 a resolution was adopted by which the calling of a
convention was made an issue in the gubernatorial campaign of 1889. In
that contest John M. Stone favored a new constitution and was nominated by
the Democratic convention for governor. In the campaign for the
convention, Senator J. Z. George led those favoring it, and the success of
the movement, as well as the good results afterwards obtained, were due to
his wise and statesmanlike leadership. . The opposing forces were directed
by Senator E. C. Walthall, who based his opposition on the general ground
that it was best to accept the situation with all its evils rather than
take the risk of disrupting the political harmony of the white race, which
might be endangered by the disfranchisement of large numbers of white
voters. The popular vote at the November election was favorable to a
convention, and the legislature, at the session of January, 1890, made
provision for it; Governor Stone approved the act Feb. 5, 1890, and on
March 11 issued a proclamation calling an election of delegates July 29,
for a constitutional convention to be held Tuesday, Aug. 12, 1890.
According to the act of the
legislature the convention met at the state house Tuesday, Aug. 12, 1890,
and organized by the election of Judge S. S. Calhoon, of Hinds county, as
its presiding officer. On taking the chair Judge Calhoon said that the
colossal fact confronting the convention was "that there exists in this
state two distinct and opposite types of mankind. We find ourselves
together and we must live together, and the question is how shall it be
arranged so that we may live harmoniously." He gave expression to the
question which was uppermost in the minds of the delegates, for every
thoughtful man in the convention knew the terrible results of placing
political power in ignorant and incompetent hands. It was conceded that
good government was impossible under universal suffrage where 60 per cent.
of the electors were ignorant and semi-barbarous. How to restrict the
suffrage without coming in conflict with the provisions of the Federal
constitution by the elimination of ignorant voters, was the great task of
the delegates. There were two men in the convention who were its
recognized leaders—James Z. George and Wiley P. Harris—both of whom were
constitutional lawyers of great acumen and learning, and had been selected
as the best authorities in the state on the questions which were pressing
for solution. These two men largely dominated the thought and action of
the convention.
The franchise regulations
of the constitution were based upon the report of the judiciary committee
drawn by Judge Harris. There had been many propositions referred to the
suffrage committee, the most important of which are here given as
indicating the range of sentiment. Judge S. S. Calhoon proposed as a
limitation on the suffrage one year's residence and poll-tax payment for
two years; Hon. R. B. Campbell, a property qualification ; Judge J. B.
Chrisman, a property qualification and the oath of the voter that "I have
read and comprehended the article of the constitution of this state which
prescribes the qualifications of voters," and am not debarred ; Judge H.
F. Simrall, a Republican member, residence in the state two years, in the
county one year, payment of poll-tax on the day of payment preceding
election, and the Australian ballot ; Hon. R. H. Taylor would require the
voter to "read this constitution in the English language and write his
name"; Judge Samuel Powell would make the disqualifications "convictions
of any felony, petit larceny or unlawful cohabitation or failure to pay
taxes for last year"; Hon. R. G. Hudson proposed the admission of both men
and women to suffrage under a property qualification and ability to read
and write. The delegates from the black counties generally favored an
alternative educational or property qualification; the majority of the
delegates from the white counties were unalterably opposed to a property
qualification.
The question of the
constitutional effect of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the
Federal constitution, and the act of Congress of Feb. 23, 1870,
readmitting the state to representation, was submitted to the judiciary
committee, and the committee submitted its report through Judge Wiley P.
Harris, its chairman, on the tenth day. The report set out "that the
Fourteenth amendment in terms recognizes the right of the state to
determine who shall vote—by those clauses which reduce the representation,
if any male citizen of the United States and of the state are excluded
from the franchise as a class"; clauses which are interpreted by
contemporary history as giving the state the right to elect between giving
the negro full franchise or submitting to a reduction of representation in
Congress. "The Fifteenth amendment has but one operation, and was
engrafted in the constitution for the single purpose of laying an
inhibition on the state of discriminating against the colored man because
of race or previous condition of servitude. The state has just as large
discretion in regulating the franchise as it had before its adoption, with
the single limitation that the regulations which it prescribes shall apply
alike to both races." In dealing with the act of Congress readmitting the
state to representation, the committee reported that the act of Congress
readmitting Mississippi into the Union, in 1870, limiting the right of the
state to impose certain restrictions upon the right of franchise and
otherwise prohibiting the state from changing the constitution of 1869,
was of no effect, so far as it made the state unequal with other states in
self-government.
There was a strong element
in the convention which was opposed to any restriction of the suffrage
which would disfranchise any considerable body of white men. It was
estimated that an educational qualification would disfranchise 5,000
whites out of a voting population of 130,000, and a property qualification
would disqualify a larger number. On the other hand, there was a very able
element which contended that effective qualification should be thrown
round the franchise, and that if white men were disfranchised, however
deplorable it might be, it was their duty to submit for the public good.
After long and patient discussion this idea prevailed, and the franchise
clause adopted operated to disfranchise the illiterate of both races. In
its final form it provides, after excepting idiots, insane persons and
Indians not taxed, that an elector must reside in the state two years and
in the election precinct one year. All taxes, including a poll-tax of $2,
for the two years preceding the one in which the elector offers to vote,
must have been paid on or before the first day of February of that year,
and an elector must also have been registered at least four months prior
to the election at which he offers to vote. In addition the voter must "be
able to read any section of the constitution of the state, or he shall be
able to understand the same when read to him, or give a reasonable
interpretation thereof." The franchise regulations were reenforced by the
passage of an ordinance adopting the Australian system of ballot. The
constitution, as a whole, was adopted Nov. 1, 1890, it being the
seventy-second day of the session.
Mississippi was the first
of the Southern states to solve the problem of disfranchising the ignorant
voter by legal constitutional means, and the example it set was soon
followed by other states of the South.
While the primary object of
the constitutional convention of 1890 was the elimination of ignorance
from the electorate, the constitution it adopted contained many other
admirable provisions, and the charter, as a whole, will compare favorably
with the greatest systems of organic law which have been promulgated by
Americans. These features cannot be elaborated in one brief chapter,
neither is there space for mention of the many notable men who were
delegates to the convention.
Economic, Social and
Educational Conditions, 1865-1908.
The economic condition of
Mississippi at the close of the war was appalling. The struggle had
resulted in the financial ruin of the people ; every family was
impoverished and starvation confronted all alike ; the farms which had
been the main sources of wealth in the past were barren wastes with fences
gone, buildings destroyed and implements practically worthless ; all forms
of business were at a standstill; what little money the people had was
wholly without purchasing power; all forms of transportation had failed;
the negroes were idle and could not be induced to work; the productive
energy of the white people had been reduced to such an extent that the
remaining resources of the state could not be utilized, and all the usual
factors in the production of wealth were unequal to the task of economic
reorganization. In 1866 it was estimated that there were 10,000 dependent
and indigent widows of Confederate soldiers in Mississippi; and estimating
three children to each, it is a conservative estimate to place the number
of dependents at 40,000. There were few families that were not mourning
the loss of one member or more, and it was the frequent comment of
newspaper correspondents visiting the South, in 1866, that it seemed as if
one-half of the men were gone.
The actual economic loss of
the state of Mississippi from 1861 to 1865 is difficult to estimate; some
items of loss can, however, be approximately determined. In 1860 the
number of slaves in the state was 436,631, valued at $218,000,000; the
realty was assessed at $157,836,737; in 1870 the assessment was
$118,278,460. The Hinds County Gazette of Feb. 2, 1866, estimates the
actual loss of Hinds county at $25,926,000 as follows:
22,352 slaves emancipated
$11,176,000
200 buildings burned
600,000
Growing crops destroyed
500,000
10,000 bales of cotton burned
3,000,000
Vehicles, furniture, etc., destroyed
200,000
Stocks, bonds, etc
250,000
Live Stock carried away
2,000,000
Depreciation in value of lands
10,000,000
It is safe to presume that
this is a conservative estimate, as it does not include the loss arising
from the destruction of railroads and rolling stock, public bridges,
factories, grist and lumber mills, and other forms of wealth. It is
impossible to estimate, with any claim to accuracy, the loss in the other
sixty-one counties in the state.
But in spite of all these
discouraging conditions the returning soldiers determined to repair the
losses of the war, and plunged with energetic enthusiasm into the tasks
which were before them. Men who had never before labored in the fields
undertook the daily toil of the farm, and women accustomed only to direct
the labor of others took up the menial drudgery of the household. On
account of the unreliable character of the negro under new conditions,
there was little or no advancement from 1865 to 1876. The freedmen paid
more attention to politics, "protracted meetings" and secret societies
than to the cultivation of the fields ; many of them believed that every
adult member of the race would be presented with forty acres of land and a
mule by the Federal government, and most of their time was occupied in
"staking off" the richest acres in the localities in which they lived.
In the social life of the
people there had been a complete revolution ; the same love of hospitality
remained, but the wealth which had made it possible was gone. The manner
of living was completely changed; under the old conditions life on the
plantation was pleasant, under the new the head of the family felt that it
was dangerous for the unprotected members of his household to be left
alone. Where the question of daily bread was the absorbing thought, there
was little time for social pleasures. Every home had been bereaved through
the death of father or son, and the hearts of the people were sad. So that
the years immediately succeeding the war were devoted to the simple life
in which the maidens helped their mothers with household duties and the
young men toiled to build up the waste places. As time went on and as
conditions improved, the old habits and customs of the people were
renewed; the old books which remained in the family library were read and
reread; the chess-board and card-table were brought forth again and the
house party was revived. After the revolution of 1875, when the horror of
negro rule had departed, the return to normal conditions was still more
marked, every form of activity took on new life and the future was bright.
During the first decade
after the war large sums of money were spent on negro education. There was
a general sentiment among the white people in favor of the education of
the dependent race; at a The appropriation for common schools for the
years 1908 and 1909 was $2,500,000; for higher education, $768,500.18. In
1907 the valuation of realty was $222,386,593.35; personality,
$106,572,223; railroads, telegraph and telephone lines, express and
sleeping-car companies, $45,629,244, making a total of $374,588,060.35;
the amount invested in banks was $22,438,070.05.
State Politics and Party
Leaders, 1865-1908.
Before the war political
lines were closely drawn in Mississippi between the Democratic and Whig
parties on all public questions with the exception of slavery, the two
parties being practically together on that subject. On the policy of
Southern independence there was a well-defined line of cleavage; the
majority of the Democrats favored secession in 1861, the majority of the
Whigs opposed it. During the four years of war the men of both parties
went to the armies of the Confederacy in defense of its cause; political
differences were in abeyance, and that condition of affairs continued
after the return of peace.
When Judge Sharkey, as
provisional governor, ordered an election for delegates to the convention
of 1865, neither the Democratic nor the Whig party had an organization
looking to its control. While the election resulted in the selection of a
large majority of Whigs, their success can be attributed to the fact that
there was a sentiment among the Democrats that the men who opposed
secession would be most apt to secure the best terms from the Federal
administration. This idea also prevailed in the selection of General
Humphreys for governor at the election held under the Presidential plan of
reconstruction.
The reconstruction act of
1867 marked the beginning of the Republican party in Mississippi. In the
Presidential elections of 1856 and 1860 not a vote had been cast for
Fremont or Lincoln. Under the franchise clause of the constitution of 1868
the negroes were clothed with the suffrage. This caused the organization
of the Republican party in Mississippi under the leadership of two small
elements of white men, the - majority of whom were from the North; these
were supplemented by a small number of white citizens of Mississippi, some
of whom had ability and character. A few Whigs under the guidance of James
L. Alcorn joined the Republican party, but the great majority allied
themselves with the Democrats. Alcorn was nominated for governor by the
first Republican convention held in Mississippi, his selection being
brought about by the radical negro element. The more conservative
Republicans nominated Judge Louis Dent on a platform which might appeal to
white Democrats. That movement failed and Alcorn was elected. The triumph
of the negroes had a very depressing effect on the native whites, the
prevailing sentiment being expressed by L. Q. C. Lamar, who said in an
address "that nothing remained for the South but the moral and
intellectual culture of her people."
In 1872 the Democrats of
the first congressional district decided to reorganize the party, and a
convention was held for the purpose of nominating a candidate for
Congress. The nomination was given to Col. L. Q. C. Lamar; he made a
brilliant canvass of the district and was elected, in November, by a
majority of nearly 5,000 votes. This election made him the leader of his
party in Mississippi, and caused its systematic reorganization throughout
the state. In 1873 political conditions had reached an interesting
situation. Alcorn and Ames, the two Republican United States senators, had
quarreled, and both were striving for control as candidates for the
nomination of their party for governor. This factional fight seemed to
afford an opportunity for the white people, who were now acting together
regardless of party, to secure a measure of good government. Ames secured
the support of the negroes and was nominated; the friends of Alcorn bolted
the convention and placed him in the field as an opposition candidate,
with the hope of securing the support of the whites. No nomination was
made by the Democrats, but the party refused to support Alcorn and Ames
was elected.
From 1873 to 1875 the
Democrats were strengthened by the corrupt methods of the party in power,
and its complete Africanization caused an overwhelming majority of the
white people to unite in one party as the only means of defense. For two
years prior to the political campaign of 1875 a thorough organization of
Democratic voters was perfected in every county for the purpose of
electing a majority of the members of the legislature; the campaign having
that end in view was opened by a convention held in Jackson Aug. 3, 1875.
This convention adopted a platform of principles, nominated a candidate
for state treasurer and took the name of the Democratic-Conservative
party; this was the reorganization of the Democratic party in Mississippi.
The leaders of the movement were L. Q. C. Lamar, J. Z. George, E. C.
Walthall, J. M. Stone, Ethelbert Barksdale and C. E. Hooker. General
George was placed in active management of the campaign, and Colonel Lamar
led the forces in the field. Great public meetings were held in every
county and were marked by an intense enthusiasm, which indicated that the
state was thoroughly aroused. The public feeling may be shown by the
following resolutions, which were adopted at a great gathering in Yazoo
county:
"Resolved, That we are in
favor of a vigorous and aggressive canvass in the contest now approaching
in Mississippi, and we appeal to our fellow-citizens throughout the State
to unite with us in our endeavors by legitimate means to regain control of
our public affairs, and thus to secure to all classes, white and black,
the blessings of a just and honest government.
"Resolved, That we favor
low taxes and an immediate reduction of all public expenditures,
"Resolved, That honesty and
capacity are the only proper tests of official fitness,
"Resolved, That all men are
equal before the law, and are endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights, amongst which is not the right to hold office unless
the aspirant possesses the integrity and other qualifications necessary to
its execution."
The defeat of the
Republicans in the election practically eliminated the party from state
politics. In 1878 the Greenback party began to have some success in county
elections through a union of a few white Republicans, disaffected
Democrats and negroes. The party had an electoral ticket in the
presidential campaign of 1880 and cast 5,797 votes for Weaver. In 1881 the
opposition to the Democratic party nominated a full ticket for state
officers and polled 52,009 votes. In 1892 the Populists in Mississippi
cast 10,256 ballots for their candidate for President, and in 1895 the
party increased its vote in the gubernatorial election to 17,466.
It was generally believed
that the disfranchisement of the negroes through the constitution of 1890
would result in a political division of the whites, and there was a
decided tendency in that direction, as is shown by the vote cast by the
Populist party in 1892 and 1895, but that party disintegrated in 1896, and
its members in Mississippi returned to the Democratic fold. The Republican
party had been so thoroughly discredited in the state that it was
impossible for it to gain recruits, and since 1876 it has retained only a
nominal existence for the distribution of Federal patronage. In 1899 the
Populists had a candidate in the field against the Democratic nominee for
governor, but the ticket made little impression. In the gubernatorial
campaigns of 1903 and 1907 there was no opposition to the Democratic
party.
In the political life of
the state since 1870 conditions of an extraordinary nature have called
forward men of the best talent and character; and this was especially true
of the leaders developed by the revolution of 1875. The one man who,
possibly, stands apart as the head and front of that great movement was L.
Q. C. Lamar. He had, by his great Sumner speech of 1874, attracted
national attention as a gifted expounder of the best principles of a new
Union. While believing that the Southern people had held the position
which was historically correct in their interpretation of the national
constitution, he was willing to abide by the settlement made by the gage
of battle, and his statesmanship looked to the building of a firmly united
nation. As long as he remained in public life he represented the best
sentiment of the people of Mississippi. The political campaign of 1875
brought into public life two other leaders of influence and power—J. Z.
George and E. C. Walthall. They were colleagues in the United States
Senate for twelve years ; George was regarded as the great constitutional
lawyer of the Senate; Walthall as the ideal American senator. These three
men—Lamar, Walthall and George—were the leaders held in highest esteem
among the postbellum statesmen of Mississippi. The man who has left the
greatest and best impression in the field of state politics is J. M. Stone
; so strongly intrenched was he in the public confidence that no other
citizen has been honored with a like term of office as the state's chief
executive. In the national House of Representatives John Allen, Charles E.
Hooker, 0. R. Singleton and Ethelbert Barksdale had distinguished careers.
The senatorial seats of
Walthall and George are now ably filled by H. D. Money and A. J. McLaurin.
In the national House of Representatives John Sharp Williams has attained
great distinction as the leader of the Democratic party, and has been
elected as the successor to Senator Money.
In state politics the race
question has appeared, and it was the successful issue in the campaign of
1903; J. K. Vardaman, the winning candidate, advocated depriving the
negroes of the benefit of all school funds except those coming from taxes
paid by the race. In the gubernatorial election of 1907 the race question
was not an issue; E. F. Noel was elected governor.
In national elections there
is only one party in Mississippi. The state has maintained its traditions,
and since 1872 has cast its vote in the electoral college for the
Democratic candidate.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.—Manuscript
Sources.—The original sources of Mississippi history for the period
1865-1908 are preserved in the Department of Archives and History down to
1895; the records after that date are in the custody of the departments in
which they originated. These archives are similar in character to those
described under the head of manuscript sources, in article Mississippi,
1817-1861.
Printed Sources.—Davis,
Varina Howell: Jefferson Davis (1890); Why the Solid South (1890); Dodd:
Jefferson Davis (1908); Dunning: Reconstruction, Political and Economic
(Vol. XXII. The American Nation, 1907); Garner: Reconstruction in
Mississippi (1901); Lowry and McCardle: History of Mississippi (1891);
Lynch: Bench and Bar of Mississippi (1881); Mayes: L. Q. C. Lamar, His
Life, Times and Speeches (1896); Riley: Publications, Mississippi
Historical Society (1897-1906); Rhodes: History of the United States,
1850-1877, Vol. VII (1906); Rowland: Encyclopedia of Mississippi History
(1907), Mississippi Official and Statistical Registers (2 vols., 1904-8);
Smedes: A Southern Planter (1900).
For lists of newspapers,
files and pamphlets see Annual Report of the Department of Archives and
History (1908).
DUNBAR ROWLAND
Director Mississippi Department of Archives and History. |
