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Reconstruction.
On April 13, 1865, the
Union army under General Sherman entered Raleigh, and the keys of the
capitol were surrendered by ex-Gov. David L. Swain, president of the
University of North Carolina, acting under the directions of Governor
Vance, who had retreated westward with Gen. Robert F. Hoke's command. When
General Schofield reached Greensboro, Governor Vance wished to surrender
to him, but was advised by the general to go home and remain there
quietly. This he did, but on May 14 he was arrested and, after being
carried to Washington, confined in Old Capitol Prison. The state by this
time was entirely under the control of the military forces of the United
States, and the civil government of the commonwealth had ceased to exist.
In its place was military government with General Schofield in command.
His administration, which lasted until the end of June, was as acceptable
to the people as was possible under the circumstances, and was so
successful that peace and good order was rapidly restored and, according
to General Schofield, the presence of troops rendered unnecessary. He was
very anxious to be provisional governor of the state, and under him
restoration would have been very rapid, but President Johnson had other
plans in mind. After consultation with a number of people from North
Carolina, he had appointed William W. Holden, the editor of the Standard
and the leader of the peace movement during the war. Until 1858 he had
been the most influential man in the Democratic party, and was probably
the most extreme secessionist in the state. In that year he was defeated
for the gubernatorial nomination, and from that time was gradually
estranged from the party and began to take the position of a strong
Unionist. As the war approached he was very bitter in his opposition, but
changed in time to sign the secession ordinance and become a strong
advocate of the prosecution of the war. By 1862 he was lukewarm to the
cause and in 1863 was heading a movement for peace. Defeated by Vance for
governor in 1864, he was discredited in the eyes of most of the people.
The old Whigs hated him as bitterly as the Democrats, for he had deserted
them in 1843 and had been largely responsible for their downfall in 1850.
In view of his past record, a more unsuitable person could scarcely have
been selected for the responsible post he was now called on to fill.
Johnson's Plan of
Reorganization; Governor Holden.
Acting in accordance with
the President's proclamations, Governor Holden organized the provisional
government of the state and called a convention of the people which met on
October 2. Edwin G. Reade was chosen president and the temper of the
convention was clearly conciliatory. Ordinances were at once passed
declaring the secession ordinance null and void, abolishing slavery and
declaring all state offices vacant as a preparation for reorganization. No
action would have been taken in regard to the state debt if Governor
Holden had not got from the President what was practically a command for
the passage of an ordinance of repudiation. This was passed, and after
providing for the election of state and county officers, members of
Congress and members of the General Assembly, the convention adjourned
until the following spring.
Governor Worth.
Governor Holden's part in
securing repudiation and his attempt to build up a machine in his own
interest through his influence in securing pardons had increased the
number of those opposed to him, and, in consequence, when the election for
governor approached, Jonathan Worth, an old Whig with a clearer Union
record than Holden's, who had seen long service in the General Assembly
and as state treasurer during the war, and who was then provisional
treasurer, was brought out against him and elected by a majority of over
6,000. Holden attempted to stamp his opponent as a "rebel" and as the
representative of the secessionists, and so far succeeded that he was not
allowed to take up the reins of government until January, 1866. In the
meantime the General Assembly met and elected William A. Graham and John
Pool to the United States Senate. Like the members of Congress who had
been chosen at the preceding election, they were denied their seats, and
the first definite check was thus given the President's plan of
restoration.
Owing to this condition of
affairs nothing could be accomplished in the way of economic improvement.
Labor conditions were particularly chaotic, not only because of the
unsettled condition of political affairs and the natural tendency on the
part of the negroes to take advantage of their freedom to refuse to work,
but also because of the interference of the Freedmen's Bureau. This
institution accomplished much for the relief of the destitute and
suffering, but it was productive of much harm through the attempts of its
officers to array the negroes against the whites and to arouse them to
political activity. These officers, so far as was the case in North
Carolina, were, in the main, tactless, prejudiced, dishonest and
incompetent, and their influence was of the worst kind. The courts were
subject to constant interference by the Bureau officials, and it became a
matter of impossibility to punish a negro criminal. White men were
arrested on the most trivial charges, which were more than often false,
and were subjected to severe and humiliating punishments. A contempt for
courts was thus bred and was followed by a contempt for law and order
among the negroes and among many of the whites. This was not the least of
the evils of Reconstruction. The Bureau officers defended their action by
many accounts of the injustice which the negroes received from their
former owners, but these were distortions of fact. The legislature of
1865-66 adopted the report of a special committee which recognized the
citizenship of the negro and gave him practical equality with the white
race before the law. At the beginning of the period there was a
disposition on the part of the white people to live peaceably with the
negroes and to protect them from injustice. But there was a firm belief
that the negro was not prepared for political privileges and that he still
needed restraint, and this opinion has not been substantially altered in
the years that have elapsed.
New Constitution.
In 1866 Governor Worth was
reelected over Alfred Dockery by a majority of over 23,000. The
convention, in the meantime, had held a second session and submitted to
the people a new constitution differing but little from the old one. The
most important alteration was the change from federal to white population
as the basis of representation. On account of the doubt in the minds of
many as to the validity of the convention, and largely through the
influence of former Chief Justice Ruffin, the constitution was rejected by
the people. The main issue of the campaign was the question of the
ratification of the Fourteenth amendment, which had shortly before been
submitted to the states. When the legislature met, it was rejected by a
large majority, only eleven votes being cast in both houses in its favor.
This, however, was a larger vote than it received in any Southern state
except Tennessee, where it was ratified.
In the meantime Mr. Holden
and others were active in the organization of an opposition which was to
be the nucleus of the Republican Party in the state. The economic and
financial prostration of the state materially assisted in this, and in the
West, always jealous of the East and since the war possessed of an
additional cause of hostility, additional strength was found.
Reconstruction Acts.
The result of the election
of 1866 gave Congress a new impulse and a new confidence, and the result
was the passage of the reconstruction acts of 1867. Under these North
Carolina became a part of the second military district under the command
of Gen. Daniel E. Sickles. General Sickles desired to interfere as little
as possible with the state government, and relied upon Governor Worth for
advice in the settlement of many of the questions which soon arose. In
pursuance of the reconstruction policy now adopted, the state was divided
into eleven military sub-districts, and preparations were made for the
registration of voters under the conditions of the reconstruction acts. On
account of the test oath being required for all officers, this work was
largely in the hands of Northern men and negroes. By military order
negroes were also placed on the jury lists. In August General Sickles, who
had become involved in a quarrel with the President on account of his
famous "General Order No. 10," was removed from command and was succeeded
by Gen. E. R. S. Canby.
Under General Canby
registration was completed, the lists showing 106,721 whites and 72,932
negroes registered. Fraud in the registration was common, but nothing else
was to be expected when the agency and plan are considered. The election
was held for two days in November, and out of a total of 125,967 votes,
93,006 were cast for the call of a convention, only two counties, Orange
and Currituck, giving majorities against it.
Constitutional
Convention.
The convention met in
Raleigh on Jan. 1.4, 1868. The Republicans had a majority of ninety-four,
of whom sixteen were carpet-baggers and thirteen negroes. Calvin J.
Cowles, who was disfranchised under the reconstruction acts, was elected
president. The body was completely under the control of the
"carpet-baggers," led by Gen. Joseph C. Abbott, David Heaton and Albion W.
Tourgee. They were vigorously but ineffectually opposed by the thirteen
Conservatives led by Plato Durham and John W. Graham. The convention was
the most extravagant lawmaking body in the history of the state to that
time, and prepared the way for the reign of corruption and anarchy which
followed. It remained in session until March 14, when it adjourned,
submitting to the people a constitution which was a complete change from
the former one. Universal manhood suffrage was, of course, the most
revolutionary change. Among others was the abolition of the distinction
between suits at law and suits in equity, the election of judges by the
people for a short term; the abolition of any property qualification for
holding any office, the creation of a number of new offices, the abolition
of the county courts and the substitution of a new form of county
government, and the extension of the terms of the state officers from two
to four years. When submitted to the people, the constitution was ratified
by a majority of over 19,000. At the same time the entire Republican state
ticket, headed by William W. Holden, defeated the Conservative ticket,
headed by Thomas S. Ashe. Holden's majority was 18,641. The Republicans
also elected six of the seven members of Congress. Fraud was again common,
and it is worthy of mention that General Canby set the example by
excluding from participation in the election, in plain defiance of the
constitution, all who had been temporarily disfranchised by the
reconstruction acts.
Governor Worth was removed
from office on June 30 and Governor Holden took the oath of office on July
4. He entered upon his duties full of hatred for his opponents and
intensely ambitious for himself. In consequence of this he was, from the
beginning, the tool of the carpet-baggers, and while everything points to
the fact that he was personally innocent of any connection with the
wholesale plundering that was going on, he was well aware of it and did
nothing to check it, but lent the weight of his influence to the spoilers.
Legislature of 1868.
The legislature met July 1
with its membership politically distributed as follows: Senate, 38
Republicans, 12 Democrats; House, 80 Republicans, 40 Democrats. There were
twelve carpet-baggers and nineteen negroes among the Republican members.
John Pool and Joseph C. Abbot were elected to the United States Senate,
and the Fourteenth amendment was immediately ratified. The body then
turned to an occupation more immediately profitable to certain of the
members. Guided and instructed by a ring dominated by Gen. Milton S.
Littlefield and George W. Swepson, the latter a native, a reign of plunder
and extravagance was entered upon. Within four months the issue of bonds
was authorized to the extent of $25,350,000. About $12,000,000 were
actually issued. The bonds were gambled away and otherwise fraudulently
disposed of, and this, coupled with the fact that no interest was paid,
soon rendered them worthless. Most of this amount was issued to aid in
railroad construction, and not a mile of railroad was built in this way.
The old debt of the state, principal and interest, already amounted to
$16,000,000. The whole property of the state, as assessed, only amounted
to $130,000,000. Taxes became confiscatory and, by 1870, land had fallen
in value at least 50 per cent. from the value set in 1860. Economic ruin
seemed imminent. Corruption was rampant, violence was increasing at a
terrible rate, and the courts were so debased that the judges, even of the
supreme court, took an active part in politics.
Ku Klux Klan in North
Carolina.
For the purpose of
protection, and also for political purposes, the Ku Klux Klan was soon
organized in the state, and for a time was very active. Its influence upon
the minds of the negroes was particularly effective, and it was not
without a salutary effect upon the whites against whom it was directed. In
time, however, it degenerated as the membership increased, and many of its
most influential members left it. It was particularly active in 1869, and
apparently was dying out in 1870 when Governor Holden, realizing that the
record of the Republican legislature was such as to make it extremely
doubtful if the party could win success at the summer elections, conceived
the idea of making political capital out of the Ku Klux and making use of
means for the suppression of the Klan which, at the same time, would
intimidate voters. Accordingly, under authority of the Shoffner act, he
began to raise a force of state troops. In defiance of the law this was
mainly composed of men from other states, chiefly from Tennessee, and was
commanded by George W. Kirk, a Tennessee bushwhacker of the late war. The
troops were then sent to Alamance and Caswell counties, which were
declared in a state of insurrection on the strength of Ku Klux outrages
that had occurred months before. A reign of terror followed, for the
troops terrorized every community to which they were sent. Innocent men
were arrested by the score and crowded into jail, and some even put to
torture.
Among Holden's most bitter
personal and political enemies was Josiah Turner, editor of the Raleigh
Sentinel, the Democratic organ. By Holden's orders he was arrested at his
home in Orange county, which county was not accused of being in
insurrection. A writ of habeas corpus was sued out before Chief Justice
Pearson, but both Holden and Kirk refused to obey the writ, and Judge
Pearson declared that the power of the judiciary was exhausted. The matter
looked hopeless, but Judge Brooks, of the United States district court,
upon application, issued the writ and prepared to use the force of the
United States to support it. Governor Holden, after appealing, without
success, to President Grant, gave up his attempt to overawe the people and
released the prisoners. It became evident later that it had been his
intention to turn them over for trial to a military commission dominated
by Kirk, and what their fate would have been is not a matter for doubt.
Kirk and his men fled the state to avoid the punishment that threatened
them.
End of Reconstruction
Period.
The election resulted in an
overwhelming victory for the Democrats, and when the General Assembly met
in December, Governor Holden was impeached and after conviction removed
from office. Lieut.Gov. Tod R. Caldwell succeeded him and, in 1872, was
reelected over Augustus S. Merrimon. The General Assembly remained
Democratic. Governor Caldwell was a man of bitter prejudices, but was
sternly honest. He died in office and was succeeded by Curtis H. Brogden.
The carpet-baggers left the state in 1870, and from that time the affairs
of the state were administered honestly and with great economy. Several
attempts were made by the Democrats to secure the call of a constitutional
convention, but they were unable to secure the necessary majority in the
legislature, and when the question was submitted to the people it was
defeated. Finally, in 1875, a convention was called which made several
important changes in the constitution. The most important act was the
repudiation of the fraudulent bonded debt of the state. Any payment of
this debt must be approved by the people before taking place, and there is
little likelihood that such approval will ever be secured. Other important
changes were mainly directed to the securing of total separation of the
races.
In 187G the Democrats
determined to carry the state, and nominated Zebulon B. Vance for
governor. He had finally had his political disabilities removed and was in
the prime of his powers. He was opposed by Thomas Settle, who resigned
from the supreme court to accept the Republican nomination. After the most
exciting campaign in the history of the state, Vance was elected and the
state carried for Tilden. It had given its electoral vote to Grant in 1868
and in 1872, but it now entered the ranks of the solid South, where it has
remained ever since.
State Politics since
1876.
In 1878 Governor Vance was
elected to the United States Senate and, upon his acceptance, Lieut.-Gov.
Thomas J. Jarvis became governor. He was elected governor in 1880 after a
bitter contest for the nomination with Daniel G. Fowle. In 1884 Alfred M.
Scales was elected, and in 1888 Daniel G. Fowle. Governor Fowle died in
office and was succeeded by Thomas M. Holt. Elias Carr was elected in
1892. All of these were Democrats, and it seemed as if that party were
firmly entrenched in power. But in 1894 the Republicans and Populists had
a majority in both houses of the General Assembly, and in 1896 fused and
elected Daniel L. Russell governor. By the fusion the Republicans were put
in complete control of the state government, and there was a general fear
in the state that the conditions of Reconstruction would return. The
negroes became increasingly powerful in the party, and in the East there
was an increasing danger of negro domination. In some counties the
situation became unbearable, and in towns like Wilmington, New Bern and
Greenville life and property were no longer safe. The municipal
governments were controlled by negroes, and magistrates and policemen were
frequently colored. Taxation increased without any corresponding benefit,
and the outlook was very dark.
When the campaign of 1898
came the Democrats took the issue which had been made for them and
appealed to the state on the platform of "White Supremacy." An
overwhelming victory was the result. Immediately after the election the
people of Wilmington cast off the burden they were carrying by forcing the
leading negroes and white Republicans to leave the city, and by electing a
mayor and board of aldermen who were pledged to restore order.
When the General Assembly
met, it prepared and submitted to the people a constitutional amendment
imposing an educational qualification for voting, with a "grandfather
clause" to protect the white illiterate voters. This exception expired in
1908. This amendment was the issue of the campaign of 1900, and the
Democratic platform pledged the party to create a system of public schools
which would give to every man the opportunity of an education. The
amendment was adopted by a large majority, and Charles B. Aycock, the
Democratic candidate, was elected governor. He was succeeded, in 1904, by
Robert B. Glenn.
The effect of the amendment
has been, thus far, to give the Democratic party the sure control of the
state, but the removal of the negro from politics has had a distinctly
liberalizing effect upon state polities, and is destined to cause great
changes in the future. Political issues are slowly changing, and the
leading questions between the parties in the future will be more of an
economic nature than they have been since the War of Secession. There are
many reasons to believe that there will be, in the near future, an
increasingly powerful body of independent voters that will, in time, make
the state a doubtful one. In the period that has elapsed since the
adoption of the amendment the negro has profited greatly by his removal
from politics, and this fact is generally acknowledged even by the negroes
themselves.
Prohibition.-One of the
most interesting political movements since the war is prohibition. In 1881
the question of prohibition was submitted to the people and defeated by a
vote of 48,370 to 166,325. Since that time there has been a steady growth
of prohibition sentiment, and a development of "local option" by means of
special legislation. In 1903, by the "Watts Law," the principle of local
option was greatly extended, and the manufacture and sale of liquor was
confined to incorporated towns. In 1905 a still greater advance was made
by a law, later held valid by the supreme court, making the place of
delivery the place of sale. Under this legislation 90 per cent. of the
state became "dry." At the special session of the legislature, in 1908,
the question of state prohibition was submitted to the people, and it was
adopted by a majority of 43,000. The law went into effect in January,
1909.
Control of
Railroads.-Another political question which has recently been greatly
discussed is that of state control of the railroads. In 1891 the
legislature established the railroad commission, later changed to the
corporation commission, charged with the supervision of the railroads, the
steamboat and canal companies, and the express, telegraph and telephone
companies doing business in the state. It was made the duty of the
commission to prevent extortionate rates, discrimination, the giving of
rebates, and other similar abuses. In 1907 the legislature undertook the
reduction of passenger rates and provided a heavy fine as a penalty for
refusal to obey the law. This was intended to discourage resistance. The
railroads refused to obey the law, appealing to United States Circuit
Judge Pritchard for an injunction against its enforcement on the ground
that the legislation was confiscatory. Judge Pritchard granted a temporary
injunction and appointed a commission to take testimony as to whether the
rates were confiscatory before making the injunction permanent. Cases
against the Southern Railway were brought in the state courts, and
Governor Glenn declared his intention of supporting the state courts
against Judge Pritchard. A serious crisis seemed imminent, when the
railroads agreed to put the new rates into effect until a special session
of the legislature could be called to consider a compromise which the
railroads offered. The compromise was passed at the special session, and
the question was settled, temporarily at least.
Chief Political
Question.-The chief political issue since the war, apart from the race
question, has been the efficiency and economy of administration. Both
parties are now committed to education, the care of the insane and the
proper care of Confederate soldiers.
Development of
Governmental Activity.
Charities.-A noticeable
fact in the story of the state since the war is the great increase in the
activity of the state government in regard to things that tend to the
building up of state prosperity. Some of these are worthy of discussion.
Under the constitution of 1868 provision was made for a board of public
charities. This still exists and is of increasing value and importance.
The state now supports three hospitals for the insane-at Raleigh and
Morganton for white patients, and at Goldboro for colored. The two latter
have been built since 1875. The state prison also has a department for the
criminal insane. The four institutions combined accommodate nearly 2,000
patients. In Raleigh there is a school for the deaf and blind, and at
Morganton one for the deaf and dumb. The state also makes annual
appropriations for the soldiers' home and the Masonic and colored
orphanages at Oxford. The total number of persons thus aided is about
4,000. The amount thus expended annually by the state is $436,000, and, in
addition, special appropriations for improvement are made at every
session, amounting, in 1907, to $51,200. All the institutions are
admirably but economically managed and are among the chief glories of the
state.
Agriculture.-From its
beginnings the chief economic interest of the state has been agriculture,
and, in consequence, the government, at a very early date, began a system
of reports designed to assist the farmers in improving agricultural
conditions. The constitution of 1868 first provided for an agricultural
bureau under the secretary of state. The convention of 1875 amended this,
and in 1877 the legislature organized the department of agriculture in its
present form under the direction of a commissioner. An idea of its
activity may be gained from the various divisions of the department. Among
them are chemistry, bacteriology, veterinary, entomology, immigration and
exhibits, and museum. Farmers' institutes are held under the auspices of
the department in various parts of the state, and the subject of good
roads is being presented to the people in a convincing way. The department
has charge of the inspection of fertilizers, cotton-seed meal and
commercial feeds. There is also pure food inspection. Bulletins are
published monthly which disseminate the results of the department's
scientific activity.
Other Departments.-Other
state departments which have been created in recent years are those of
labor and statistics and insurance. The department of public instruction
has been greatly enlarged. and strengthened, and will be discussed under
the head of Educational Development.
Before the war the state
had a geologist, but as organized at present the North Carolina geological
survey dates from 1891, and a most effective work has been done along this
line.
The activity of the state
has not been entirely concentrated upon material things. Largely through
the labors of Col. William L. Saunders, for many years secretary of state,
the publication of the valuable Colonial Records was made possible. This
series was succeeded by one of State Records, edited by Chief Justice
Walter Clark. These records have opened a mine of historical material
which has greatly stimulated historical study and writing in the state.
Recently the legislature has created an his torical commission which has a
paid secretary devoting his whole time to the collection and publication
of historical material.
Educational Development.
Before the war the state of
North Carolina was the foremost of the Southern states in public
education. But by 1865 most of the endowment of the school system was
swept away, and what remained was lost during Reconstruction. The
Republicans, in 1868, elected Rev. S. S. Ashley, a carpet-bagger from
Massachusetts, superintendent of public instruction. His administration of
the office was costly and without any good results as far as public
education was concerned, Mr. Ashley being the chief beneficiary. He was
succeeded by Alexander McIver, an honest man who was greatly handicapped
by the prostration of the state and a lack of interest in the question.
Stephen D. Pool was elected in 1875, but was forced out by his own party
the next year. The following have filled the office since : John Pool,
1876-77; John C. Scarborough, 1877-85; S. M. Vinger, 1885-93; John C.
Scarborough, 1893-97; C. H. Mebane, 1897-1901; James Y. Joyner, 1902--.
There was little improvement in the system during the years preceding
1897. Up to that time the office of superintendent was a political one,
and the various incumbents knew little of the practical question of public
education, and it was not until Mr. Mebane came into office that a trained
teacher assumed control and educational revival began. The campaigns of
1898 and 1900 forced upon the Democratic party a definite educational
policy, and for the first time the schools began to receive anything that
approached adequate support. An enthusiastic and persistent educational
campaign has been carried on ever since with most gratifying results. The
system, as a whole, is better organized, the schools better equipped and
managed, and the teachers better paid and better trained. Public interest
has been aroused and the state is definitely committed to public education
of a sort hitherto unknown in North Carolina. The appropriations from the
state are increasing and the amount raised by local taxation is growing
rapidly. The following figures are interesting as an illustration of what
is being done in the state in an educational way:
Teachers Enrollment
Houses Value Houses
1901
6,050 331,358
7,314 $1,146,000
1907 10,146
483,927 7,513
3,637,680
Prior to 1904 about $50,000
per annum was raised by local taxation. Since that time the amount has
increased as follows:
Period
Amount
1904-1905 $338,414.33
1905-1906 448,774.35
1906-1907 546,131.53
Total $1,333,320.21
In the period from 1894 to
1901 the total disbursements amounted to $6,120,263.28. From 1901 to 1908
they amounted to $12,387,578.33. Over $5,000,000 of this was spent in the
two years from 1906 to 1908.
The state also assists the
University of North Carolina, the North Carolina Agricultural and
Mechanical College, the Normal and Industrial College, the Agricultural
and Mechanical College for the Colored, and a large number of smaller
institutions. The annual appropriations for these amount to about
$200,000. In addition special appropriations are made almost every year,
amounting, in 1907, to $220,000. The value of the plants of these
institutions is about $2,500,000; the combined teaching force numbers more
than 300, and about 4,000 students are in attendance.
The various denominational
schools and colleges have been keeping abreast of the new educational
movement. Prominent among these are Wake Forest (Baptist), Trinity
(Methodist), Davidson (Presbyterian), Guilford (Friends), and Elon
(Christian), with 104 teachers and 1,500 students.
Economic Development.
Industrial Development.-At
the outbreak of the war between the states, manufacturing had scarcely
made a beginning in North Carolina. There were many establishments it is
true, 3,689 in all, but they were small and unimportant. Employment was
thus given to 14,217 persons. The capital invested was $9,693,703 and the
total value of the products was $16,678,698. Of the factories, 39 were
devoted to the manufacture of cotton with a capital of $1,272,750 and a
product valued at $1,046,047. The total number of spindles was 41,884 and
of looms 761. The state was distinctly agricultural, and manufacturing may
be said to have been untried. There was no conception of the possibilities
of the state either as regards water power or products.
The four years of war swept
away all that had been done, and the financial prostration resulting from
Reconstruction prevented any general development for a number of years.
But with returning prosperity the needs of the state, coupled with the
success of the pioneers who had dared the experiment, led to a period of
industrial development which, although much has already been accomplished,
has scarcely begun. As it is North Carolina has rapidly forged to the
front among the Southern states in industrial development without losing
her stride in agricultural development. The growth has not been marked in
the number of factories but in their size and efficiency. The so-called
manufacturing establishments of 1860 have been replaced by several hundred
less, but the contrast is to be seen in the matter of capital, number of
employees, and the value of product. In 1900 there were 3,465
establishments with a capital of $68,"83,000, employing 72,322
wage-earners. In 1905 there were 3,272 establishments, a decrease of 193,
with a capital of $141,000,639, an increase in five years of 106.5 per
cent., employing 85,339 persons. The amount paid for labor increased 52.1
per cent. and the value of the products rose from $85,210,830 to
$142,520,776, an increase of 67 per cent.
The leading industries of
the state in the order of their importance are cotton, tobacco, lumber,
flour and mill products, furniture, cotton-seed oil and cake, lumber mill
products, fertilizer, leather, hosiery and knit goods, foundry and
machine-shop products, and railroad shop construction. These combined have
2,299 establishments with a capital of $128,359,043, and produce 89.9 per
cent. of the total for the state.
The following figures in
regard to cotton, the most important of these industries, gives an idea of
what is being done at the present time as well as the growth of the
industry in the state:
Cost of
Year Capital
Wages and Material
Value
1870 $1,030,900
$1,146,760
$1,345,052
1880 2,855,800
1,903,304
2,554,482
1890 10,775,134
7,715,834
9,563,443
1900 33,011,516
22,513,711
28,372,798
1905 57,413,418
40,528,852
47,254,054
The number of active
spindles increased from 1,113,432, in 1900, to 2,604,444, in 190, and the
number of looms from 25,469, in 1900, to 43,219, in 1905. The state now
stands third in cotton manufacture and second in the manufacture of
tobacco. In the latter industry the value of the product, in 1905, was
$28,087,969. Relatively the industrial development of the state is
interesting. In 1890 it stood as the twenty-eighth in the United States,
and in 1900 it had risen to the sixteenth place, which it also held in
1905.
Agricultural Development. -
The mainstay of the state up to the period of industrial development was
agriculture, and it cannot be said with any truth that agriculture has
suffered with the increased industrial activity which has come to the
state; rather has it benefited. The years of greatest industrial growth
have been these in which agriculture was most profitable. In 1900 there
were in the state 224,637 farms valued at $194,655,920, and the value of
agricultural products was $69,082,556. Since that time values have greatly
increased both as to farms and products. While the gross value of
manufactures greatly exceeds that of agricultural products, the net value
of the latter is far larger, and it will be many years before North
Carolina can be called anything but an agricultural state.
Of the staple products corn
is the most valuable, with cotton second and tobacco third. Truck farming
is estimated to bring in many millions annually and is increasing very
rapidly. Improved methods are revolutionizing farming in the state and the
diversity of products renders the future very bright. North Carolina now
stands fourteenth in rank in the United States and third in the South.
One of the most hopeful
things about the situation in the state is the increase in the number of
farms. This is assisting in the settlement of the problem of labor, which,
however, is still acute. To remedy this persistent efforts are being made
by the state and by individuals and corporations to encourage immigration,
and this is beginning to meet with some success. This is particularly so
in the East near `'Wilmington, and the example set there will probably
soon be followed in other portions of the state.
Other Factors in Economic
Development. - The state is very rich in minerals, but so far they have
not been fully developed. But the value of mineral products is increasing
and in 1906 amounted to $3,062,847. Another source of wealth is the
fisheries on the coast, which produced $1,739,661.
Wealth, Debt and Taxation.
- The estimated true wealth of the state is over $1,000,000,000. The
assessed valuation is $488,662,568. In 1860 the assessed valuation of all
property was $358,739,795. The population of the state is 2,086,912,
compared to 992,667 in 1860, and the per capita wealth is thus $420,
compared to $361 in 1860. The state debt is $6,873,450, and the town and
county debt $8,593,180. The rate of taxation is very low, being only $0.52
per $100 of real valuation and $115 per $100 of assessed valuation. This
is lower than in any other Southern state.
In this connection mention
must be made of certain factors in production. The railroads of the state
have been, in the main, in a prosperous condition. The state has abandoned
any part in the management of the railroads in which it owns stock and has
leased them out to corporations. The mileage in the state has increased
from about 940, in 1860, to 4,196 at the present time. Active construction
is still going on, and the steady development of the state leads to the
belief that the era of construction is not nearing an end.
The banking business of the
state is on a firm foundation, as was evidenced by their bearing the panic
of 1907 with apparently little difficulty. There are now 297 state banks
with a capital of $7,421,373, and sixty-seven National banks with a
capital of $6,535,000.
Other corporations such as
insurance companies, both life and fire, and building and loan
associations are very numerous and apparently very prosperous.
In the foregoing pages
much- has been said of the material development of the state within a
certain period. It is a wonderful story of success against great odds, the
story of a grim determination to succeed in the rehabilitation of the
state. It has been the custom in the South in the past to speak much of
the glories of the ante-bellum South, and to compare the present to it in
a most unfavorable way. The time for that has passed. Viewed from a
material or from an intellectual standpoint, North Carolina of to-day has
surpassed the North Carolina of 1860. And the struggle for survival has
produced a new type of citizenship superior to the old, if less productive
of men who stood head and shoulders above their fellows. To-day is the era
of the business man, calm, conservative and clear-headed, who carries into
all the relations of life the same activity and determination which have
rescued the state from the degradation of Reconstruction and the despair
of economic prostration. The door of opportunity stands open to-day to
every man as never before, and never did merit and personal worth so count
in the struggle for success. For many years North Carolina was likened to
Rip Van Winkle, and with good cause. But with awakening has come a giant's
strength, which is being employed in the creation of a new life and a new
civilization.
BIBLIOGRAPHY: Appleton:
Annual Cyclopcedia (1861-1902); Hamilton: Reconstruction in North Carolina
(Raleigh, 1906); Laws of North Carolina (1865-1907); Legislative Documents
of North Carolina (18651907); United States Census Reports (1860-1905).
JOSEPH GREGOIRE DE ROULHAC
HAMILTON,
Alumni Professor of History, University of North Carolina. |
